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In Senegal, as in many developing countries, the agricultural sector plays a key role in the economy. As well as supplying food, agriculture is the most important source of employment, especially for women. Through the Plan for an Emerging Senegal (PES) the Senegalese government is implementing an ambitious financing plan to improve the productivity of the agricultural sector and to improve women's employment opportunities. Our study assesses the impact of two PES measures (investing in the agricultural sector and an increase in production subsidies for the agricultural sectors) on economic growth, women's employment, poverty and inequality using a dynamic computable general equilibrium model linked to a micro-simulation model. While on the one hand, we find that investing in the agricultural sectors has positive impacts on growth, improves women's work opportunities, decreases poverty and inequality both in the short and long term, however increasing production subsidies in the agricultural sectors has positive effects only in the short term and does not reduce inequality or poverty in the long term.

The post-2008 recession and the countercyclical responses by European governments that followed triggered an extensive wave of fiscal adjustments. Although underpinned by widespread consensus, the implementation of such measures has also been severely criticised. While their effect on output and employment has been extensively investigated, their impact on wage inequality has received less attention. In this paper, we focus on the consequences of fiscal consolidation measures for gender inequality. After describing the literature-based conceptual framework of our analysis, we provide empirical evidence of the effect of fiscal consolidation on: (i) the adjusted gender wage gap, and (ii) the patterns of gender horizontal segregation. The analysis covers EU-28 countries in the years 2010–13. Results show that austerity measures (both tax-based and expenditure-based) impacted significantly on various aspects of gender wage inequality, putting at risk the relatively little progress achieved in Europe so far.

There is considerable attention to increasing judicial diversity along a range of dimensions, in particular, gender. Women remain underrepresented in many courts, especially at the higher levels of the judiciary. A comprehensive socio‐legal study of the Australian judiciary compares experiences and attitudes of women who have become judicial officers at different levels of the court hierarchy. Understanding their personal and professional backgrounds and the features that attracted them to the judiciary has important implications for addressing gender disparity. Effective recruitment and selection must focus on the expectations and experiences of women in relation to particular judicial contexts.

Gender, Genre, and Race in Post-Neo-Slave Narratives provides a new, innovative conceptual framework for describing representations of slavery in twenty-first century American cultural productions. Horton draws on broad range of examples including novels like The Known World, films like 12 Years a Slave, and the music of Missy Elliott.

Introduction -- Human rights and gender rights -- UN framework for HR & GE responsive evaluation -- Institutional framework and planning for HR & GE responsive evaluations -- Integrating HR & GE in evaluation : overview, design and scope -- Planning and preparing an HR & GE responsive evaluation -- Conduct/implementation of an HR & GE responsive evaluation -- Applying HR & GE principles in evaluation use and dissemination

Microfinance programmes are increasingly popular in Bangladesh, and are especially renowned for the excellent repayment performance of women borrowers. This article examines the loan-use pattern of women involved in wage employment and the benefits they gain from such loans. It also explores the effects of wage employment on gender relations. (DSE/DÜI)

Gender equality is not fully realised when it is restricted to ethnic majority men and women. This article examines how gender quotas as a form of equality policy affect ethnic minority groups, in particular, the gender balance among ethnic minority candidates for political office. Our analysis focuses on the selection of ethnic minority candidates in Belgium, where legally binding quotas exist, and in the Netherlands, where they do not. Drawing on 23 interviews with central actors in four main parties in each country, we find that the process of ethnic minority candidate selection is highly gendered: in both countries, ethnic minority women are represented in larger numbers than ethnic minority men. But gender quotas play a lesser role in this than the more general concern for diversity on electoral lists, the institutionalisation of gender/ethnicity within political parties and the strategic choices of party leaders.

Nach wie vor ist die Frage nach Gleichstellung der Geschlechter auch in Bildung und Wissenschaft ein ungelöstes Problem: 2014 waren 22% der Professuren in Deutschland mit Frauen besetzt. Mit welchen langfristigen Strategien und Herangehensweisen kann dieses Problem bewältigt werden? Die Autorinnen greifen die akademische Lehre als einen wichtigen Bereich heraus. Anhand theoretischer und empirischer Analysen wird aufgezeigt, wie Doing-Gender-Prozesse in der Lehre maßgeblich durch die Fachkulturen mitbestimmt werden.

In diesem Buch werden die Komponenten und treibenden Kräfte hinter dem geschlechtsspezifischen Lohngefälle untersucht, wobei der Schwerpunkt auf Deutschland liegt. Es befasst sich mit der historischen Bedeutung und Messung des Lohngefälles und liefert relevante theoretische und empirische Belege. Außerdem werden drei Schlüsselbereiche untersucht, die mit der Zusammensetzung und den Kräften zusammenhängen, die das geschlechtsspezifische Lohngefälle auf den heutigen Arbeitsmärkten aufrechterhalten: die Auswirkungen radikaler Veränderungen in den politischen und wirtschaftlichen Institutionen; die Bedeutung von Berufen und als letztes die Auswirkungen von Diskriminierung auf dem Arbeitsmarkt und von Soft Skills. Das Buch schließt mit einer Zusammenfassung der wichtigsten Ergebnisse, des Forschungsbedarfs und der Implikationen für die wissenschaftliche Debatte.

Of the measures for resolving work—family conflict proposed by Janet Gornick and Marcia Meyers, government programs that provide or pay for nonparental child care would advance gender equality. However, paid parental leaves of six months for both parents, and the encouragement of part-time work, would retard it, and possibly reverse some of the advances toward gender equality that have been made in the home and the workplace. Female jobholders would increase their time at home to a much greater extent than would male jobholders, increasing the share women do of child care, cleaning, cooking, and laundry. In the workplace, employers would become more reluctant to place women in nonroutine jobs, where substitution of one worker for another is difficult. Finally, recent studies of the effect on young children of nonparental care are reviewed. They can be interpreted in more than one way, and the lessons drawn from them depend crucially on the opinions of those doing the analysis.

ABSTRACT* * *The extent of preferential treatment toward female offenders during arrest has been a neglected topic in research on female criminality. This article uses data collected in 1977 during police‐suspect encounters with 785 males and females to explore the existence of chivalrous treatment of female offenders in the initial stages of criminal processing. These data indicate that chivalry exists at the stage of arrest for those women who display appropriate gender behaviors and characteristics. In general, the findings suggest that female suspects who deviate from stereotypic gender expectations lose the advantage that may be extended to female offenders. Specifically, older, white, female suspects are less likely to be arrested than their younger, black or hostile sisters. In addition, in the initial stage of criminal processing, female property offenders receive no leniency, and some evidence suggests that offenses against property weigh more heavily in arrest decisions for females than for males. Differences in the factors influencing police arrest decisions for male and female suspects are also examined.

This text interrogates normative conceptions of indigenous self-determination and the structures of indigenous self-government institutions, arguing that indigenous self-determination is not achievable without restructuring all relations of domination beyond that with the state; nor can it be secured in the absence of gender justice. It demonstrates that the current rights discourse and focus on indigenous-state relations is limited in scope and fails to convey the full meaning of self-determination for indigenous peoples.