Suchergebnisse

Wendell Bell et ses associés ont démontré que, dans un contexte de colonialisme classique, les philosophies àéchelle ascendante de l'carâge des lumières et du romantisme exercent une influence sur le statut politique désiré. Réplique des méthodes de recherche de Bell, l'carétude que voice rérifie sa thèse dans le contexte du colonialisme interne, particulière‐ment parmi les chefs amérindiens du Canada. En accord avec la thèse de Bell, mes constatations indiquent que les valeurs inhérentes á l'carâge des lumières et au romantisme s'associent de façon positive au désir d'carun plus grand degré d'carautodétermination. Les données révèlent aussi que, pour plusieurs chefs indiens, la perception des 'possibilités' constitue en événement décisif dans le choix du statut politique.The scale‐increasing philosophies of the Enlightenment and of Romanticism have been shown by Wendell Bell and his associates, in the context of classical colonialism, to influence desired political status. Replicating Bell's research methods this study tests his thesis in the context of internal colonialism, specifically among native Indian leaders in Canada. Consistent with Bell's thesis my findings indicate that Enlightenment and Romanticist values are positively associated with the desire for increased self‐determination. The data also reveal that for many Indian leaders perception of 'feasibility' constitutes a decisive input in the choice of political status.

La classification standard de la position de classe des partis politiques canadiens a étéétabli par Robert Alford dans son très important ouvrage, Party and Society. La classification d'Alford est reexaminée en utilisant six mesures distinctes. Cinq des six sont en désaccord avec Alford. Les Libéraux sont souvent vus comme relativement conservateurs alors que quatre mesures placent le Crédit Social comme plus libéral que les deux partis principaux. Cette analyse est suivie d'une discussion de la mensuration de la position de classe d'un parti et d'un essai d'explication du cas du Canada. On suggère qu'un modèle à deux dimensions soit utilisé pour la classification des partis politiques.The standard classification of the class positions of Canadian political parties was established by Robert Alford in his very important book, Party and Society. Alford's classification is re‐examined using six separate measures. Five out of six disagree with Alford. The Liberals are often seen as relatively conservative while four measures place Social Credit as more liberal than both the major parties. Discussion of measurement of party class positions and an attempt at explanation of the Canadian case follows. It is suggested that a bidimensional framework be used to classify political parties.

This paper asks whether political competition has played a role in moderating the governance issues that arise in relation to Canada's fiscal structure. By fiscal structure we mean three distinct but interrelated fiscal dimensions of the state: financial stability, long run size and short run interventions into the private economy, particularly with respect to the business cycle. The distinctiveness of this paper is that it focuses on four different measures of the degree of political competition: the size of the seat majority of the governing party in the House; the distribution of the volatility adjusted winning margins of the governing party; the proportion of electorally marginal constituencies adjusted for asymmetry; and the Przeworski-Sprague measure of electoral competitiveness at the constituency level. The analysis accounts for the differing time series properties of the political and economic variables and the comingling of long and short term fiscal policies in the time series data while finding support for the hypotheses that greater political competition will enhance fiscal stability (maintain a non-accelerating debt to GDP ratio), that government size will converge from above on economic and structural fundamentals and that period deficits/surpluses will align better with the business cycle. The potential impact of greater political competition is analyzed by applying the deficit model to the period of fiscal instability that arose in the 198

AFTER A BRIEF REVIEW OF DOUGLASS ADAIR'S DISCUSSION OF THE INTELLECTUAL ORIGINS OF FEDERALIST NO.10, THE AUTHOR EXAMINES SOME OF THE WAYS ENLIGHTENMENT IDEAS REACHED JAMES MADISON AND HOW AMERICAN EXPERIENCES SHAPED THEIR USE. HE CONCLUDES MADISON'S NEW THEORY DEPENDED ON A SYNTHESIS OF REPUBLICAN THEORY, ELEMENTS OF MONARCHICAL THOUGHT, RELIGIOUS TOLERATION, AND NEW PSYCHOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL THEORIES.

Introduction. The presented paper is a study of political symbols in the Russian Far East. We are going to discuss not only memorials, but also state symbols, works of art, texts – all the things that shape a world view. The aim of the study is to find political symbols that are universal for the entire Far East region, and to assess their political mobilization capacity. Methods and materials. The article is based upon field study materials conducted in regional centers of the Far Eastern Federal District of the Russian Federation in the spring of 2019. In theoretical terms, the work is based on symbolic politics studies of O.Yu. Malinova, S.P. Potseluev, M. Edelman. Analysis. In the course of the study, we identified several groups of political symbols with mobilization capacity. The first corpus of political symbols is related to the Soviet symbols of victory over Japan. Struggle for the use of these symbols is between the regional branches of the Communist Party and regional authorities. To put things into perspective it is important to assess the impact of Japanophobia on the further development of regional partnership with Japan. The second corpus is the symbols of Russian expansion to the Far East (worship crosses, monuments to pioneers). These symbols are a focal point of struggle between representatives of indigenous peoples, on the one hand, and Cossacks and military-patriotic organizations, on the other hand. Results. In the course of the study of the Russian Far East, we found out that, despite the complicated transformations of the past thirty years, the region is still represented as a unified symbolic space. At the same time, a number of symbolic conflicts and the devaluation of meanings have been observed.

This article deals with the problem of frivolities («nugae») in social and political life of England in the twelfth century. According to John of Salisbury's «Policraticus of the frivolities of courtiers and the footprints of philosophers» («Policraticus sive de nugis curialium et vestigiis philosophorum», 1159) frivolities are the most significant part of «vita tyranni». Not only courtiers, but also kings, live without understanding of their great role in the state. Immoderate love of hunting, games of chance, magic, music and theatre transforms «reasonable human» into «unbalanced animal». These frivolities influence on the courtiers and their king, who substitutes ideals of «common life» and «common safety» for the «love of himself» and self interests. John of Salisbury fights against «epicurean» apology of pleasures in common and individual life of all parts of society, especially in life of courtiers, and defends Christian ideals of moderation. Thinker creates an image of king and his court in the mirror of frivolities. Study of such kind of everyday life helps to understand nature and peculiarities of perceptions of the unjust power (tyranny) in the middle ages.

This textbook offers a comprehensive guide to the systematic structure of capitalism, while at the same time introducing readers to all three volumes of Marx's Capital. Based on his extensive expertise on Marx's critique of political economy, the author reveals the specific structure of production in capitalist societies and explicates what sets this system apart from other modes of production. Marx's political economy is explained in a systematic and easy-to-understand manner, using numerous illustrative diagrams to complement the text.

The immediate effects of the Euro crisis have been tamed but the crisis has soured the relations between Southern and Northern Member states for many years to come. Comparative political economy explains the frictions between North and South as a result of different institutional configurations of national economies (Varieties of Capitalism), different interests of capital and labor coalitions (growth model perspective) or ideational traditions (ordoliberal vs dirigisme). We argue that the exclusive focus of these approaches on either, rational institutionalism, interest coalitions or economic ideas obscures that these three factors come together in a long-term evolutionary trajectory that has formed national economic cultures within the Eurozone since the 1950s. We examplify our cultural political economy approach showing empircally how the German and Italian political economies developed in different ways since the end of WWII. In the second part of our contribution we develop a conflicts law perspective offering it as a third way that can mediate between the two extreme positions of Wolfgang Streeck (back to the nation state) and Juergen Habermas (federation) in the debate on the future of the European Union. We show how the culturally grounded diversities of European capitalisms can be accommodated through a conflicts law.

This article bridges the divide between comparative politics and international relations by examining the interaction between domestic instability and policy choices made at the domestic and international level. It is theorized that leaders select from a basket of options that include diversion, repression, and political concessions. It is argued that governmental institutions affect political leaders choices, with more domestically constrained democratic governments eschewing the use of repression, instead opting for diversion and concessions. Whereas autocratic governments will use repression as it is the most effective and least costly option. Using a panel vector autoregression model, the study tests whether political leaders use one or a mixture of responses when confronted with widespread dissatisfaction. The analysis models feedback loops enabling it to simultaneously evaluate the effectiveness of those strategies at reducing instability within the different institutional contexts. The study found little evidence of diversion, but it did find that the international environment affects both policy choices and affected the level of instability in the state. The use of concessions for all states is generally counterproductive when that state is involved in a strategic rivalry whereas they tend to reduce instability when both democracies and autocracies are in a more peaceful international environment.