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This article argues that the most severe crisis of masculinity among British and Dominion soldiers in the First World War did not take place on the Western Front. Instead, British and Dominion soldiers serving on the war's sideshows in Macedonia, Mesopotamia and Palestine believed most acutely that their manliness was in question. Unlike soldiers on the Western Front, they were not battling the main German Army, they were not fighting to liberate occupied France and Belgium, and their war was not to preserve the rights of small nations and the inviolability of international law. This article explores how military masculinity played out much differently on the war's peripheral fronts in two ways. First, it suggests that where a soldier fought mattered more to military masculinity than a soldier's method of enlistment or any other variable. British and Dominion soldiers were fully aware that the home front only considered France and Flanders as the real war, and they actively argued against this misconception to loved ones and in their memoirs. Second, this article demonstrates an additional crisis of masculinity on the war's peripheral fronts: the lack, or more often effacement, of non‐white colonial (Eastern Mediterranean and Arab) women. Not only was British and Dominion military masculinity under assault on the war's peripheral fronts, heteronormative sexual relations were also being transformed in a world where few, if any, racially acceptable women were available.

AbstractMuch of the recent debate in early modern European labor and economic history has centered on Jan de Vries's concept of the industrious revolution. Briefly, he claimed that workers during the period 1650-1800 chose to labor longer hours, often at greater intensity, in order to consume novel manufactured goods and imported commodities. Moreover, plebeian families increasingly pursued new employments beyond the household to pay for these objects. As a result, men, women, and children spent ever more hours in waged labor, and their growing purchasing power proved decisive in stimulating large-scale European industrialization. My work on the history of French and English papermaking raises fundamental challenges to this model. First, paperworkers already labored exhausting hours at the outset of de Vries's period of newfound industriousness. Second, masters and workers alike knew that they had to both "speed up" and "take their time" to turn out quality paper at the expected rate. Third, women and adolescent workers toiled for wages in paper mills long before the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. On the eve of large-scale mechanization, enduring shopfloor realities, skills, and quotas prevented a surge of productivity beyond papermaking's familiar standards. With the demand for paper rising rapidly, it was the absence of an industrious revolution in papermaking that turned the manufacturers' attention first to enlarged mills and small technological shifts, and finally, to the development of a papermaking machine.

Professor Dr. Jan Ilhan Kizilhan is a Yezidi transcultural psychologist. He is the Head of the Department of Mental Health and Addiction at the State University Baden-Württemberg, Germany. In that capacity he has made frequent visits to the Kurdistan Region in Iraq, as part of a project aiming to provide psychological aid to Yezidi women who escaped after being captured and enslaved by ISIS. Under ISIS, Yezidis suffered mass killings, forced conversion to Islam, torture, sexual slavery, and the abuse of their children as ISIS soldiers. In an interview with Khanna Omarkhali, Professor Kizilhan discusses his recent experiences.Keywords: Transformation of tradition; traumatized Yezidis; Yezidi women; ISIS; slavery.Abstract in KurmanjiVeguherînên di nerîtên êzdiyatiyê de piştî êrîşên DAIŞêHevpeyvînek ligel Ilhan KizilhanProfesor Dr. Jan Ilhan Kizilhan derûnnasekî transkulturî yê êzdî ye. Li Almanyayê, li Zanîngeha Dewletî ya Baden-Württembergê, serokê beşa Tendurustiya Derûnî û Muptelayiyê ye. Bi vî sifetî wî gelek caran serdana Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê kiriye di çarçoveya projeyekê de ya bi armanca dabînkirina piştgiriya psîkolojîk bo jinên Êzidî yên ji destê DAIŞê xelas bûne piştî ku hatine revandin û bûne kole. Di bin hukmê DAIŞê de, cemaeta êzdî rastî qirkirinên girseyî, koletiya cinsî û îşkenceyê hatin, û bi darê zorê dînê wan hate guhertin bo Îslamê û zarokên wan bi zorê bûne leşkerên DAIŞê. Di hevpeyvînekê de bi Khanna Omarkhali re Profesor Kizilhan behsa tecrubeyên xwe yên vê dawiyê dike.Abstract in Sorani

In the context of the rise of feminist scholarship exploring links between caste, class and gender, the particular concern of this article is with developing a sociological framework that would help locate gendered power relations and women's oppression within the structures of caste and class domination, inequality and social stratification. While a politics of difference is indispensable to highlight the differential axes and experiences of oppression, a critical sociological understanding of social relations that make for structural differences and commonalities needs to be built up in order to grapple with a complex and rapidly changing social reality. Drawing from multiple critical perspectives to create a conceptual synthesis and taking a structural approach to 'difference', the article develops the contours of a critical feminist sociological framework grounded in theories of production relations and cultural subordination that may be useful to explore the complex and dynamic interconnections between caste, class and patriarchy. It also attempts to understand aspects of caste–class-specific gender relations and patriarchal forms as well as account for key differences and divisions between women. The article argues that by providing a contextualised, interactional understanding of differential social relations and differential social locations of both women and men, feminist sociology can make a new and distinct contribution to the systematic and systemic study of, as well as illuminate more fully, the workings of societal systems of domination–subordination.

Wazobia, the name of the female king in Tess Onwueme's play The Reign of Wazobia, is a neologism derived from Yorùbá, Igbó, and Hausa respectively, the three dominant languages in Nigeria. Motivated by the relevance of Onwueme's lexical selection and the socio-political contexts in which the play is set, the essay relies on pragmatic contexts of language usage to analyse the coinage of the name to ascertain whether it dramatizes a political attempt to advocate unity between the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria. The essay also interrogates Wazobia's dual gender status, and the feminist implications of the fact that she does not rule as a woman but as either a man or an androgynous figure. Wazobia's dual gender and the illegal extension of her three-year regency raise a number of questions, some of which appear to contradict Onwueme's well-articulated feminist stance. The essay shows that the neologism of Wazobia is largely restricted to a feminist stance, canvassing intra-gender unity among all Nigerian women as a prerequisite for attaining power and emergence into politics and spaces of leadership. Wazobia's gender duality is interpreted as Onwueme's rejection of gender-associated restrictions. This dual status also embodies socio-political implications for unity in the male/female divide, and the Igbóo/Hausa/Yorùbá division. The work interprets the favourable treatment of Wazobia's tyranny as Onwueme's feminist bias and political aspirations for women.

SummaryGender inequality is often cited as a barrier to improving women's sexual and reproductive health outcomes, including contraceptive use, in low- and middle-income countries such as those in sub-Saharan Africa. To date there is limited, recent, evidence available regarding women's empowerment, household status and contraceptive use in Ghana. The objective of this study was to investigate whether women's empowerment and status in the household were associated with contraceptive use and unmet need for contraception using the 2014 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey. The study sample consisted of 1828 women aged 15–49. Women's empowerment was measured based on two composite indexes created by the DHS: attitudes towards intimate partner violence and decision-making. Women's status in the home was measured using indicators of work status, relationship to household head, control over monetary earnings and land ownership. Decision-making was found to be positively associated with contraceptive use and not having unmet need for contraception. Women who justified wife beating in one or more instances were less likely to use contraception, and more likely to have unmet need for contraception. Current or past employment and higher levels of male partner education were associated with contraceptive use. This study indicates that women's empowerment and household status are influential for contraceptive indicators. Future interventions aimed at improving contraceptive uptake and use should promote women's empowerment, i.e. decision-making, self-worth and education.

Most studies of media focus on production, representation, or audience. Using rhetorical analysis and ethnographic field methods, my article offers one way to study media production contexts, representations, and audience interactions in relation to one another. For this project, I conducted a narrative rhetorical analysis of the reality docu-series Cathouse that takes place in a legal brothel in Nevada, the Moonlite Bunny Ranch. In addition, I visited the brothel and used ethnographic field methods of participant observation and interviewing to investigate the lived experiences of the women working at the Ranch. My analysis revealed a web of intertextual discourses of prostitution that I could not have accessed had I not used these methods in conjunction with one another. By bringing perspectives from rhetorical inquiry, cultural and media studies, and ethnography into conversation with one another, I provide a framework for analyzing production, representation, and audience for the Cathouse series, while attending to both the content of the women's stories and how these participants rhetorically constructed and performed their identities. Finally, my analysis offers insights into ethnographic and textual "crises of representation" in relation to the concept of "rhetorical authenticity" in media representations, the relationships between audience members, production, and representation in reality television, and material impacts for the women who work at the Moonlite Bunny Ranch that I could not have accessed without using these methods together.

Why has 'agency' been such a tenacious concept in historical scholarship on women and gender, and what have been the consequences on this tenacity? This essay tackles these questions and proposes, through a brief examination of the history of skin lighteners in South Africa and beyond, how agency might be pushed in more surprising, more analytically productive directions. Too often agency slips from being a conceptual tool or starting point to a concluding argument. For example, in my subfield of African women's and gender history, statements like 'African women had agency' can stand as the impoverished punch lines of empirically rich studies. Consideration of Walter Johnson's 2003 essay 'On Agency' highlights the intellectual and political imperatives of 1970s Marxist and feminist social history that placed agency at centre stage. This essay examines why, more than a decade after Johnson's critique, agency endures as a 'safety' argument for reasons related to representational politics, research methodologies and the circumscribed imagination of intellectual gatekeepers. It argues that we should move beyond agency as argument by attending to the multiple concerns and desires – some intentional, others not – that animate human actions, including contentious gendered practices, and by examining how different historical actors have themselves understood agency. Agency has a history. By acknowledging and tracing that history, we will be better able to discern the usefulness and limits of agency for our own analyses.

Purpose: To (1) compare the effects of two worksite-based walking interventions on employee participation rates; (2) compare average daily step counts between conditions, and; (3) examine the effects of increases in average daily step counts on biometric and psychologic outcomes. Design: We conducted a cluster-randomized trial in which six employer groups were randomly selected and randomly assigned to condition. Setting: Four manufacturing worksites and two office-based worksite served as the setting. Subjects: A total of 474 employees from six employer groups were included. Intervention: A standard walking program was compared to an enhanced program that included incentives, feedback, competitive challenges, and monthly wellness workshops. Measures: Walking was measured by self-reported daily step counts. Survey measures and biometric screenings were administered at baseline and 3, 6, and 9 months after baseline. Analysis: Analysis used linear mixed models with repeated measures. Results: During 9 months, participants in the enhanced condition averaged 726 more steps per day compared with those in the standard condition (p < .001). A 1000-step increase in average daily steps was associated with significant weight loss for both men (−3.8 lbs.) and women (−2.1 lbs.), and reductions in body mass index (−0.41 men, −0.31 women). Higher step counts were also associated with improvements in mood, having more energy, and higher ratings of overall health. Conclusions: An enhanced walking program significantly increases participation rates and daily step counts, which were associated with weight loss and reductions in body mass index.

SummaryChanging socioeconomic conditions over the last century have left their mark on neonatal size and final body size of individuals born in those days. The main aim of this study was to investigate how the historical, political and economic changes occurring from the late 19th century to the 2000s have affected the birth weight of newborns. Additionally, changes in weight and body height in the case of young women (potential mothers) were analysed. Data were from two cities in Poland (Kraków and Poznań) covering 15,884 newborns and 3612 women aged 18 years, derived from 1900 to 2010. Despite short-term fluctuations, the results showed significant increasing trends in all studied features. Changes in birth weight were similar in both cities: in Kraków it increased by 184 g (males) and 206 g (females), and in Poznań by 216 g (males) and 120 g (females). Changes in women's body size were also significant, but the level was different depending on place of residence. In the last century, women's body height increased by 8.2 cm in Kraków and by 10.2 cm in Poznań, and their body weight increased by 1 kg and 5 kg respectively. The considered period covered the years of socioeconomic change that occurred as a result of the political system transformation. Crises, periods of prosperity and other factors that determine standard of living and health care have influenced the development of the Polish population's physical features.

This special issue presents a series of papers by scholars who participated in a workshop entitled 'Men's Groups: Challenging Feminism', which was held at the University of British Columbia (UBC), Canada, 26-27 May 2014. The workshop was organised by Susan B Boyd, Professor of Law and Chair in Feminist Legal Studies at the UBC Faculty of Law, and was sponsored by the Peter Wall Institute for Advanced Studies at UBC, the Peter A Allard School of Law, the Centre for Feminist Legal Studies at UBC, and the Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. The aim of the workshop was to bring together feminist scholars from multiple disciplines and multiple national contexts to explore a source of resistance to feminism that has been largely overlooked in scholarly research: the growing number of nationally situated and globally linked organisations acting in the name of men's rights and interests which contend that men are discriminated against in law, education and government funding, and that feminism is to blame for this. This special edition presents eight papers inspired by the workshop, authored by scholars from Canada, New Zealand, Poland, Sweden and the United States. A second special issue comprised of eight other papers inspired by the workshop was published in the Canadian Journal of Women and the Law as volume 28(1) in 2016.To find out more about this special edition, download the PDF file from this page.

Resumen: Este artículo, que parte de las teorías liberalesde la justicia distributiva, muestra cómo la luchapor los derechos de las mujeres es una lucha por su reconocimientoy por la justicia. A partir de ahí, se haceun recorrido por el concepto de reconocimiento y empoderamiento.En este sentido, se plantea cómo hablardel empoderamiento de las mujeres requiere una miradacompleja que visibilice la opresión a la que se ven sometidasen muchos de los ámbitos de su vida pública y privada.Así mismo, puesto que los modelos de desarrolloeconómico pueden ser también una forma de exclusión yopresión de las mujeres pobres, se hace importante detenerseen el análisis del tema del desarrollo y la pobreza.Palabras clave: androcentrismo, mujeres, reconocimiento,empoderamiento, justicia, pobreza.Women's Empowerment: A Struggle for Justice,Autonomy and RecognitionAbstract: This article shows how the struggle forwomen's rights can be understood as a struggle for recognitionand justice. It starts reviewing the liberal theoriesof distributive justice and from there it considers the conceptsof recognition and empowerment, to demonstratehow to talk of women's empowerment it is necessary tohave a complex vision of the problem that recognizes thedifferent shades, result of the imbrication of oppressionsthat they are subjected to. Also, since economic models ofdevelopment can be a source of exclusion and oppressionfor poor women, it is important to analyze the topics ofdevelopment and poverty.Key words: androcentrism, women, recognition, , empowerment,justice, poverty.

Resumen: Este trabajo presenta un análisis de laausencia de capital social de las mujeres cabeza dehogar del barrio Arabia, de la localidad 19 de CiudadBolívar en Bogotá. La descripción está basada en datostomados por medio de encuestas, entrevistas y visitas ala comunidad, que permitieron evidenciar muchos delos problemas por los cuales pasan cada una de estasmadres cabeza de hogar, como la pobreza, la falta deacceso a la educación, tanto para ellas como para sushijos e hijas, el alto índice de desempleo. Como factoradicional que aumenta su vulnerabilidad, encontramosuna situación de desconfi anza en el entorno y debilidaddel tejido social que les hace imposible emprenderacciones para solucionar problemas comunitarios.Palabras claves: Feminización de la pobreza, capitalsocial, mujeres cabeza de hogar.Absence of Social Capital and Vulnerability forWomen Heads of the HouseholdAbstract: This work offers an analysis of the absenceof social capital of women heads of household in theArabia neighborhood, locality 19 Ciudad Bolivar inBogotá. The description is based on data collected insurveys, interviews and visits to the community, showingmany problems faced by each of these women heads ofhouseholds, such as poverty, lack of access to educationboth for themselves and for their children, the high rateof unemployment. As an additional factor increasing theirvulnerability, we fi nd their mistrust of their environmentand weakness of the social tissue that prevents them fromundertaking actions to solve their community's problems.Keywords: Feminization of poverty, social capital,female – headed households.

Resumen: Se examinan algunos aspectos de la vida yobra de una gran escritora peruana del siglo XIX, MercedesCabello de Carbonera, en el contexto social e ideológicoen que vivió y escribió. Se resumen las polémicasde la época entre romanticismo, positivismo y realismo onaturalismo, como corrientes literarias y de pensamiento,y se analizan las posiciones de esta novelista y ensayista,quien aprobaba del positivismo científico de Comte, perodeploraba sus ideas retrógradas sobre la mujer. Se exploranlos aciertos y las limitaciones de su novela social,Blanca Sol, así como el rechazo que produjeron las ideasprogresistas de su autora. Finalmente, se narran las vicisitudesde su ocaso.Palabras clave: Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera,novela peruana, mujeres, positivismo, naturalismoMercedes Cabello de Carbonera and Her Times: AWoman Writing against the TrendAbstract: This paper examines aspects of the life andworks of a great Peruvian writer of the end of the XIXthcentury, Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera, in the socialand ideological context in which she lived and wrote. Thecontroversies of her time among romanticism, positivismand realism or naturalism are summarized as literarymovements, and her positions about them are analyzed.She approved of Comte's scientific positivism, but deploredhis retrograde ideas about women. The qualities andshortcomings of her social novel, Blanca Sol are explored,as well as the rejection it provoked due to her progressiveideas. Finally, the conditions of her decline are narrated.Key words: Mercedes Cabello de Carbonera, Peruviannovel, women, positivism, naturalism