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The article of record as published may be found at http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0892679418000096 ; While Russian leaders are clearly dissatisfied with the United States and the European Union, they are not inherently opposed to a liberal world order. The question of Russia's desire to change a liberal international order hangs on the type of liberalism embedded in that order. Despite some calls from within for it to create a new, post-liberal order premised on conservative nationalism and geopolitics, Russia is unlikely to fare well in such a world.

In a recent speech, the British Foreign Secretary and leading campaigner for Brexit Boris Johnson, made extensive reference to the work of John Stuart Mill. Johnson's evocation of Mill is problematic on several levels, as is his apparently tenuous grasp of the workings of European and supra-national institutions. On the face of it, Johnson's stated desire for "self-government of the people, by the people, for the people"[1] appears eminently reasonable. Upon closer inspection, however, the contradictions inherent in Johnson's notion of liberalism readily become apparent.

Mark Pennington's Robust Political Economy is a systematic exposition of a framework for analyzing institutional performance. The Robust Political Economy framework evaluates institutions according to their ability to solve knowledge and incentive problems. On grounds of robustness, Pennington combines insights from Austrian market-process theory and public-choice theory to defend classical liberalism from several compelling critiques. These include theories of market failure in economics; communitarian, deliberative-democratic, and liberal-egalitarian theories of justice; and concerns with social capital, domestic and international poverty, and ecology

Mark Pennington's Robust Political Economy is a systematic exposition of a framework for analyzing institutional performance. The Robust Political Economy framework evaluates institutions according to their ability to solve knowledge and incentive problems. On grounds of robustness, Pennington combines insights from Austrian market-process theory and public-choice theory to defend classical liberalism from several compelling critiques. These include theories of market failure in economics; communitarian, deliberative-democratic, and liberal-egalitarian theories of justice; and concerns with social capital, domestic and international poverty, and ecology.

AbstractHayek's well‐known dismissal of the concept of 'social justice' is examined and questioned. While basically agreeing with Hayek's critique, the author argues that we should not entirely reject this concept, although it is often used in a vague and emotional way – 'social justice talk'. Drawing on the tradition of classical liberalism and Catholic social teaching, he makes the case for the true meaning of social justice, which applies to the basic legal and institutional framework of a society rather than the distributional outcomes of market processes.

The paper was inspired by a debate between entrepreneurs and social scientists on the problem of promotion of local SMEs. In this context, the aim of the paper is to demonstrate why such a promotion is not successful. Moreover, in the paper I attempt to form a critique of the ideologies that disregard SMEs (Darwinism, Marxism and neoliberalism) and to present two liberal ideologies alternative to neoliberalism: ordoliberalism and social liberalism, which may constitute a good starting point for bringing back the importance of SMEs into public life

Eric Arnesen's review (Fall 2013) of Henry Wallace's 1948 Presidential Campaign and the Future of Postwar Liberalism , Thomas Devine's book on Henry Wallace, troubled me, less because of what it said than because of what it didn't. I have no quarrel with the facts presented, and I assume that Arnesen accurately represented Devine's history. But by accepting the limits of Devine's book, Arnesen presents so partial a view of Wallace that it distorts Wallace's overall contributions and makes it harder for readers to understand his career.

National policy-makers vary enormously in their repudiation of liberalism, with a resurgence of government controls and coordination in the Nordic countries. This article questions how new organising principles are adopted in response to fundamental economic transformations, and explores institutional structures underpinning the social relations of production. Institutions defining the social relations of production regulate class coordination within the political, and class conflict within the economic spheres. Variations in capacities for coordination have a critical impact on the ability of nations to adjust their regulatory regimes in response to major economic transformations.

Most feminist theorists over the last forty years have held that a basic tenet of feminism is that women as a group are oppressed. The concept of oppression has never had a very broad meaning in liberal discourse, however, and with the rise of neo-liberalism since 1980 it has even less currency in public debate. This article argues that, while we may still believe women are oppressed, for pragmatic purposes Michel Foucault's concept of practices of freedom is a more effective way to characterize feminist theory and politics.

In relatively stable and homogeneous societies (mostly European) the principle of republican laicism was maintained without major problems as a solution to the issue of what role religion should play in the public sphere and its institutions. The phenomenon of immigration has sufficiently altered this social stability as to make us confront the new realities with a finer conceptual framework. The republican and plural-liberalism models offers different perspectives to address the problem, because a pure model of laicism is absent in complex societies. Adapted from the source document.

Most feminist theorists over the last forty years have held that a basic tenet of feminism is that women as a group are oppressed. The concept of oppression has never had a very broad meaning in liberal discourse, however, and with the rise of neo-liberalism since 1980 it has even less currency in public debate. This article argues that, while we may still believe women are oppressed, for pragmatic purposes Michel Foucault's concept of practices of freedom is a more effective way to characterize feminist theory and politics.

Президентский дискурс, являясь разновидностью политического дискурса, определяется идеологиями, формирующими позиции в определенном обществе: консерватизм, демократия, либерализм и т. д. В данной статье рассматриваются структура идеологии и стратегии, посредством которых идеологические убеждения выражают себя в президентском дискурсе. ; Presidential discourse as one of the types of a political discourse is characterized by the ideologies which form the positions in a certain society: conservatism, democracy, liberalism etc. The paper studies the structure of ideology and strategies by means of which the ideological persuasions are expressed in a presidential discourse.

В представленной статье автор показывает, что представители различных направлений политической мысли, таких как марксизм, анархизм и либерализм, в целом едины в том, что совершенное общество, к которому придет социум в результате исторического развития, будет основано на институциональных началах, отличных от государства. ; In the given article the author states that the representatives of various directions of political thought, such as Marxism, anarchism and liberalism are in whole united in perception that the perfect society as the result of historical development will be based on the institutional foundations distinct from the State.

Republicanism is an ancient tradition of political thought that has enjoyed a remarkable revival in recent years. As with liberalism, conservatism, and other enduring political traditions, there is considerable disagreement as to exactly what republicanism is and who counts as a republican, whether in the ancient world or contemporary times. Scholars agree, however, that republicanism rests on the conviction that government is not the domain of some ruler or small set of rulers, but is instead a public matter - the res publica - to be directed by self-governing citizens.

Despite a few lapses into over-the-top liberal bashing, conservative pundit Jonah Goldberg mostly attempts a sober identification of key intellectual connections between contemporary American liberalism and early twentieth-century European fascism in Liberal Fascism: The Secret History of the American Left, from Mussolini to the Politics of Meaning (2008). His chapter on Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal is particularly effective because it documents leftist intellectuals approval of aspects of the New Deal they considered similar to Italian fascism. Adapted from the source document