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Populist radical right-wing parties across Europe garner support for welfare chauvinistic promises to limit government spending on immigrants and focus on natives' welfare instead. However, most research on the so-called immigration-welfare nexus does not study welfare chauvinism but instead focuses on generalized support for the welfare state. Using Swedish register-linked survey data from 2013, we study three hypothetical pathways into welfare chauvinism: via ethnic prejudice, operationalized as a desire for social distance; via the direct experience of immigrant unemployment and putative welfare receipt in the neighborhood context; and via immigrant competition at the workplace. Based on our sample of native-born Swedes, we find that both negative prejudice and the share of unemployed immigrants among the neighborhood population provide two distinct and independent routes into chauvinism, while workplace competition does not.

Population aging is threatening the financial long-term sustainability of pension systems. The UK government has reacted by bringing the state pension age for women in line with that of men, raising it from 60 to 65, over the 2010–2020 period. This will have differential implications for women's health and wellbeing depending on their awareness of the change and their level of pension literacy more generally. In this study we analyze questions from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA) dataset asking women whether they were aware of these changes and at what age they expect to receive their state pension. Preliminary results show socioeconomic differences in pension literacy according to education, income and occupation. Policy makers need to be aware of the effect on social and health inequalities the reforms might cause.

Populist radical right-wing parties across Europe garner support for welfare chauvinistic promises to limit government spending on immigrants and focus on natives' welfare instead. However, most research on the so-called immigration-welfare nexus does not study welfare chauvinism but instead focuses on generalized support for the welfare state. Using Swedish register-linked survey data from 2013, we study three hypothetical pathways into welfare chauvinism: via ethnic prejudice, operationalized as a desire for social distance; via the direct experience of immigrant unemployment and putative welfare receipt in the neighborhood context; and via immigrant competition at the workplace. Based on our sample of native-born Swedes, we find that both negative prejudice and the share of unemployed immigrants among the neighborhood population provide two distinct and independent routes into chauvinism, while workplace competition does not.

This article examines the level of participation of the Paraguayan population in associations and civil society organizations, according to their social stratification. The analysis is raised from the approach of the social dimension of exclusion that includes the indicator of "associationism". The types of organizations that register the highest level of participation of the population are also identified. The methodology used was predominantly quantitative. Information on the living conditions of the Paraguayan population was collected through surveys in 4,000 homes in Asunción and the departments of Central, Alto Paraná, Itapúa, Caaguazú and San Pedro. The results showed that the highest level of participation of the population is registered in the middle socioeconomic stratum, specifically in political parties, religious associations and neighborhood commissions. In general terms, the percentage of participants in the various associations in the country does not exceed 10% of the population surveyed, including the three strata (low, medium and high).

Explica seis pontos fundamentais do debate entre Hart e Dworkin e relaciona este debate com dois problemas relevantes para uma teoria social crítica. Os pontos do debate são distribuídos em três círculos. O círculo externo diz respeito à existência de um (regras) ou de dois (regras e princípios) padrões jurídicos, bem como à existência e abrangência de uma regra de reconhecimento. O círculo intermediário toca nos temas do sentido, amplitude e inevitabilidade da discricionariedade judicial e da relação entre Direito e moral. O círculo interno, por fim, envolve o problema dos desacordos teóricos e da diferenciação entre dois tipos (descritivo e interpretativo) de teoria do Direito. Já os problemas relevantes para uma teoria social crítica são, primeiro, suas relações com os estádios do capitalismo em geral e do liberalismo em especial; e, segundo, suas respectivas posições acerca das conquistas das lutas jurídicas subalternas do Séc. XX.