Suchergebnisse

This chapter provides a detailed description of what was arguably the most sophisticated international tribunal of the interwar period, namely the Arbitral Tribunal for Upper Silesia (1922-1937). Based on bibliographical, archival, and photographic records, this paper also reflects on the procedural and personal continuities between the Arbitral Tribunal for Upper Silesia and the European Court of Justice (ECJ).

Auffanglager dürfen nur eine Übergangslösung darstellen. Mittelfristig ist ein rascher Übergang zu "Cash for Rent"-Modellen unter dem Dach einer internationalen Organisation, wie zum Beispiel den Vereinten Nationen, nötig. Um langfristig integrative wirtschaftliche Anreize zu schaffen, sollten Mietzuschüsse von Anfang an gewährt und mit beruflicher Bildung, Hochschulbildung und "Cash for Work"-Modellen kombiniert werden. Die Bewertung der regionalen oder lokalen Daseinsvorsorge muss mit profunden Konflikt- und Marktanalysen verknüpft werden. Darauf basierend sollten Erwerbsgrundlagen und Märkte (neu) aufgebaut werden. Statt zu einem ineffizientem Wirtschaftssystem zurückzukehren, gilt es kleine und mittlere Unternehmen besonders zu fördern. Maßnahmen der Regionalregierungen zu Förderung von lokaler Integration und Reintegration sollten gefördert werden. Dafür muss in den Aufnahmegemeinschaften die erforderliche zusätzliche Infrastruktur (Wohnungsbau / Bildung / Gesundheit) geschaffen werden. Dadurch würde die Solidarität mit den Geflüchteten honoriert werden, anstatt soziale Spannungen durch Beschränkung von Hilfe auf besonders schutzbedürftige Gruppen zu erhöhen. Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsgarantien, (Wieder-)Eingliederungsprojekte und gute Regierungsführung sollten zur Voraussetzung für Hilfeleistungen gemacht werden. Um die Aussöhnung voranzutreiben, sollten alle Aktivitäten mit vertrauensbildenden Maßnahmen verknüpft werden. Im Rahmen von Infrastrukturprojekten sollten Räume der Begegnung zwischen Aufnahmegemeinschaften und Vertriebenen ausgebaut werden. Dabei sind allerdings traditionelle Strukturen ethnisch- religiöser Koexistenz zu berücksichtigen. Traumata sind weit verbreitet und müssen bei allen Projekten in entsprechenden psychosozialen Maßnahmen Berücksichtigung finden.

This paper is mainly to study implementation of organizational culture in enhancing business competitiveness. Culture is seen as a soft system tool that reflects beliefs that are able to drive business performance in an international environment. Today, culture is a part of instrument to measure organizational readiness in managing business in an international environment. The research is focused on evaluatiny organizational culture in international-scale hotel in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. International-scale hotels are faced with differences in the nature of employees and customers, so management needs to develop a culture type as a strategy to encourage business competitiveness. The research applies Denison's organizational culture model with four dimensions: involvement, consistency, adaptability, and mission. Sample includes 248 working people at four star hotels with various positions, that is managers, supervisors and employees. The results of the study found that international hotel chains have the power to carry out internal alignment as a strategy to increase competitiveness through employee empowerment programs, team orientation, skills development, and alignment of work values. The results of the study illustrate the importance of internal and external dimension consistency for international business competitiveness.

In this article, I explore the ontological and epistemological assumptions of the ethical universalism that constitutes the basis for international intervention. I argue grounding ethical decisions upon abstract normativity diverts attention from what is at stake in specific situations and may lead to self-appeasement and de-responsabilization. In order to re-imagine political agency in an interconnected world, we must engage in a reflection about International Relations ontological and epistemological categories. I explore how pragmatism (especially in Friedrich Kratochwil's understanding), as well as the work of philosophers of science and feminist metaethical philosophers, delineates pathways for a non-foundationalist conceptualization of how we know the world, how we relate to it, and how we may endeavor to change it as ethical and political actors. I conclude by advocating the cultivation of an ethics of responsibility based upon contextualized judgments and reflexivity rather than abstract universal claims.

Agriculture remains one of the main sectors that play an important role in both the country's economic development and strategic security. Therefore, conducting an ongoing study of this component in the country is relevant. The purpose of the study was to determine the competitive opportunities of agricultural holdings in Ukraine. The methods of scientific cognition that were used in the work were abstract and logical, dialectical, general scientific and statistical methods, methods of historical and logical observation, analysis and synthesis. This study analyses the competitiveness of Ukrainian agricultural production, in particular by such indicators as: dynamics of gross harvest, yield and acreage of the main agricultural crops, balance of agricultural production, export of agricultural products and their processed products during 2000-2023. The methods that need to be implemented to make the agro-industrial complex competitive in the global market are also proposed. The results of this research on the competitiveness of Ukrainian agricultural holdings in international markets, and the conclusions drawn on their basis, are of significant importance, as they prove that powerful agricultural holdings operate in Ukraine, characterised by dynamic capabilities, increase their capacities, attract unused arable land, and effectively use the potential of resources and crops. In addition, the development of world markets for agricultural products is promising for agricultural holdings, because Ukraine is geographically located almost in the centre of international trade networks, and exports in some strategic areas will help agricultural enterprises avoid uncertainty and possible large losses. The assessment of agricultural holdings, namely Kernel and Myronivsky Hlibprodukt, showed that even in war conditions, agricultural companies have opportunities to develop and enter international markets. The findings obtained in the framework of the study can be used both by representatives of the public sector to form policies in this area, and by enterprises to create long-term development strategies.

While the state has never been a set of instituted monopolies, many authors highlighted the contemporary transformation of sovereignty in the direction of a disarticulation of the national space, particularly from the point of view of violence, law and economics. In civil war contexts, two converging dynamics fuel each other: the fragmentation of sovereignty under the influence of international forces and the emergence of a competing sovereignty that militarily challenges the existing order. The purpose of this text – written to express our solidarity with Fariba Adelkhah and to pay tribute to her work on Afghanistan – is to depict this process of fragmentation in the phase of Western intervention between 2001 and 2014. This period is marked by the multiplication of derogatory rights for internationals, a deconstruction of the economy of violence and law and, finally, the formation of transnational regional markets. This process of fragmentation triggered by international forces is a decisive factor in the rise of the Taliban insurgency,which promotes a state conception of sovereignty ; Si l'État n'a jamais été un ensemble de monopoles institués, nombre d'auteurs ont montré que les formes actuelles de souveraineté vivaient une désarticulation de l'espace national, notamment du point de vue de la violence, du droit et de l'économie. Dans les guerres civiles, ces transformations alimentent deux dynamiques convergentes : la fragmentation de la souveraineté sous l'influence de l'international et l'émergence d'une souveraineté concurrente qui conteste militairement l'ordre en place. L'objet de ce texte – écrit pour exprimer notre solidarité avec Fariba Adelkhah et rendre hommage à son travail sur l'Afghanistan – est de montrer ce processus de fragmentation dans la phase d'intervention des Occidentaux de 2001 à 2014. Cette période est marquée par la multiplication des droits dérogatoires pour les internationaux, une déconstruction de l'économie de la violence et du droit et, enfin, la formation de marchés régionaux ...

While the state has never been a set of instituted monopolies, many authors highlighted the contemporary transformation of sovereignty in the direction of a disarticulation of the national space, particularly from the point of view of violence, law and economics. In civil war contexts, two converging dynamics fuel each other: the fragmentation of sovereignty under the influence of international forces and the emergence of a competing sovereignty that militarily challenges the existing order. The purpose of this text – written to express our solidarity with Fariba Adelkhah and to pay tribute to her work on Afghanistan – is to depict this process of fragmentation in the phase of Western intervention between 2001 and 2014. This period is marked by the multiplication of derogatory rights for internationals, a deconstruction of the economy of violence and law and, finally, the formation of transnational regional markets. This process of fragmentation triggered by international forces is a decisive factor in the rise of the Taliban insurgency,which promotes a state conception of sovereignty ; Si l'État n'a jamais été un ensemble de monopoles institués, nombre d'auteurs ont montré que les formes actuelles de souveraineté vivaient une désarticulation de l'espace national, notamment du point de vue de la violence, du droit et de l'économie. Dans les guerres civiles, ces transformations alimentent deux dynamiques convergentes : la fragmentation de la souveraineté sous l'influence de l'international et l'émergence d'une souveraineté concurrente qui conteste militairement l'ordre en place. L'objet de ce texte – écrit pour exprimer notre solidarité avec Fariba Adelkhah et rendre hommage à son travail sur l'Afghanistan – est de montrer ce processus de fragmentation dans la phase d'intervention des Occidentaux de 2001 à 2014. Cette période est marquée par la multiplication des droits dérogatoires pour les internationaux, une déconstruction de l'économie de la violence et du droit et, enfin, la formation de marchés régionaux ...

While the state has never been a set of instituted monopolies, many authors highlighted the contemporary transformation of sovereignty in the direction of a disarticulation of the national space, particularly from the point of view of violence, law and economics. In civil war contexts, two converging dynamics fuel each other: the fragmentation of sovereignty under the influence of international forces and the emergence of a competing sovereignty that militarily challenges the existing order. The purpose of this text – written to express our solidarity with Fariba Adelkhah and to pay tribute to her work on Afghanistan – is to depict this process of fragmentation in the phase of Western intervention between 2001 and 2014. This period is marked by the multiplication of derogatory rights for internationals, a deconstruction of the economy of violence and law and, finally, the formation of transnational regional markets. This process of fragmentation triggered by international forces is a decisive factor in the rise of the Taliban insurgency,which promotes a state conception of sovereignty ; Si l'État n'a jamais été un ensemble de monopoles institués, nombre d'auteurs ont montré que les formes actuelles de souveraineté vivaient une désarticulation de l'espace national, notamment du point de vue de la violence, du droit et de l'économie. Dans les guerres civiles, ces transformations alimentent deux dynamiques convergentes : la fragmentation de la souveraineté sous l'influence de l'international et l'émergence d'une souveraineté concurrente qui conteste militairement l'ordre en place. L'objet de ce texte – écrit pour exprimer notre solidarité avec Fariba Adelkhah et rendre hommage à son travail sur l'Afghanistan – est de montrer ce processus de fragmentation dans la phase d'intervention des Occidentaux de 2001 à 2014. Cette période est marquée par la multiplication des droits dérogatoires pour les internationaux, une déconstruction de l'économie de la violence et du droit et, enfin, la formation de marchés régionaux ...

While the state has never been a set of instituted monopolies, many authors highlighted the contemporary transformation of sovereignty in the direction of a disarticulation of the national space, particularly from the point of view of violence, law and economics. In civil war contexts, two converging dynamics fuel each other: the fragmentation of sovereignty under the influence of international forces and the emergence of a competing sovereignty that militarily challenges the existing order. The purpose of this text – written to express our solidarity with Fariba Adelkhah and to pay tribute to her work on Afghanistan – is to depict this process of fragmentation in the phase of Western intervention between 2001 and 2014. This period is marked by the multiplication of derogatory rights for internationals, a deconstruction of the economy of violence and law and, finally, the formation of transnational regional markets. This process of fragmentation triggered by international forces is a decisive factor in the rise of the Taliban insurgency,which promotes a state conception of sovereignty ; Si l'État n'a jamais été un ensemble de monopoles institués, nombre d'auteurs ont montré que les formes actuelles de souveraineté vivaient une désarticulation de l'espace national, notamment du point de vue de la violence, du droit et de l'économie. Dans les guerres civiles, ces transformations alimentent deux dynamiques convergentes : la fragmentation de la souveraineté sous l'influence de l'international et l'émergence d'une souveraineté concurrente qui conteste militairement l'ordre en place. L'objet de ce texte – écrit pour exprimer notre solidarité avec Fariba Adelkhah et rendre hommage à son travail sur l'Afghanistan – est de montrer ce processus de fragmentation dans la phase d'intervention des Occidentaux de 2001 à 2014. Cette période est marquée par la multiplication des droits dérogatoires pour les internationaux, une déconstruction de l'économie de la violence et du droit et, enfin, la formation de marchés régionaux ...

This article focuses on personalities, or individual differences, of world political leaders. After arguing that international relations theory has experienced a turn toward decision makers, I briefly overview one of the dominant approaches to the study of leader personality in foreign policy: Leadership Trait Analysis. While this research includes a number of important studies that directly challenge traditional understandings of international relations and engage with international relations theory, I argue that the subfield of personality studies in foreign policy is ripe for new theoretical and methodological developments. In the final section of this article, I outline several specific areas for future research, including a connection between foreign policy-personality approaches and the growing body of work on political leadership.

The introduction of the euro and closer coordination of economic policies in the European Union are fuelling a debate on Europe's representation in the international financial institutions. A single EU representation at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) would affect the balance of power in the institution through a fundamental reallocation of quotas and executive directors among its membership. A reduction in the number of European executive directors, and in the total voting power of Europe and in its contribution to the Fund's general resources, could go hand in hand with an increase in the Union's impact on IMF decision-making. Such a change would also weaken the cooperative nature of the Fund through a reduction in the number and impact of mixed constituencies.