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Women's experiences of conflict and their roles in its prevention have become an increasingly large focus for feminist scholars, particularly since the adoption of the Women, Peace and Security agenda in 2000. Iraq has been at the forefront of engagement with the Women, Peace and Security agenda, being the first Middle East state to adopt a national action plan. This article analyses Iraq's Women, Peace and Security action plans, largely drafted by women's civil society organisations, using the concept of the 'continuum of violence'. In doing so, the article shows how a fuller breadth of violence is used by Iraqi women writing and working on Women, Peace and Security inside Iraq than what appears in Women, Peace and Security resolutions. The article therefore contributes to critical engagements with the Women, Peace and Security agenda by addressing two themes: the agenda's limited capture of gendered violence in conflict; and the agenda's top-down nature when it comes to reconceptualising the agenda, its limits and its opportunities.

"Drawing on a wide range of British and Argentine sources, this book highlights the importance of the neglected 1960s as the decade in which the dormant Falklands (Malvinas) dispute became reactivated, developing into a dynamic set of bilateral negotiations on the question of sovereignty. Contrary to the conventional emphases on Argentine nationalism, British geopolitical interests and the islanders' self-determination, this book presents decolonisation itself as the process which both re-ignited the dispute and made its resolution more difficult. On the one hand, Argentina's reaction to the impact of British decolonisation on its claim to the islands and London's gradual acknowledgement of the unviability of its South Atlantic colony eroded the status quo. On the other hand, Argentine fears about the connotations of any bilateral agreement and Britain's concerns over the repercussions of the Falklands question on its remaining colonial agenda inhibited territorial change. The dispute was thus left in a limbo between a broken status quo and a frustrated sovereignty transfer - a situation that paved the road to the 1982 confrontation and to the current bilateral stalemate"--

This book examines the political development and transformation of Hamas from a resistance movement into a political authority in the Gaza Strip, as a result of the group's victory in the Palestinian national elections of 2006. From a political science and conflict transformation perspective, it focuses on the political opportunities, challenges and process of environmental and structural change which led the resistance movement to evolve from an underground militant group to a force in conventional politics. This study offers an analysis of Hamas' formation, development, political and strateg

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Chapter 1: The Rhetoric of Coalition Bargaining -- Dialogue, Rhetoric and Identification -- Ideological Identification and Division -- Instrumental Identification and Division -- Interpersonal Identification and Division -- The Structure of the Book -- References -- Chapter 2: The Formation of the Coalition -- Higher Education -- Constitutional Reform -- Europe -- Foreign Policy -- The Coalition's Narrative of Unity -- Ideological Identification and Shared Values -- Instrumental Identification and the 'National Interest' -- Identification Through Antithesis: The Storyline of the Deficit -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: Higher Education Policy -- The Browne Report and the Coalition's Response -- The Parliamentary Debate on Higher Education Funding, 2010 -- Cable and Willetts Address the University Sector -- Clegg's Public Apology, September 2012 -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Constitutional Reform -- The Debate on the PVSC Bill, 2010 -- Inter-Party Division and the 2011 AV Referendum Campaign -- The Conflict Over House of Lords Reform, Summer 2012 -- The Commons Debate on the Amendment to the Electoral Registration and Administration Bill, 2013 -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: The European Union -- Rhetoric, Narratives and Identification -- Inter-Party Identification: The Leaders -- Coalition MPs and the EU -- The European Union Bill 2010-11 -- The European Union (Referendum) Bill 2013-14 -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6: Foreign Policy -- The Arab Spring and the Coalition Leadership's Case for Intervention in Libya -- The Commons Debate on UNSC Resolution 1973, 2011 -- Cameron and Clegg's Case for Action Against Syria in 2013 -- The Commons Debate on Syria and the Use of Chemical Weapons, 2013 -- Conclusion -- References

This paper develops an overview of the crisis that is facing the collective bargaining model in Colombia, which is increasing the arbitration per year, and hence, the time required for solving the labor disputes. In the second part of the document, there is an analysis of two important facts that influence locally the employment relationships: Trade unions fragmentation and the unions' membership growth. Then, the third part analyzes the internalization process of the labor disputes in Colombia in the last decade, especially, addressing the evolution of complaints issued in the ILO's Committee on Freedom of Association (CFA) and the recommendations published by the Committee of Experts on the Application of Conventions and Recommendations (CEACR) of this Entity. Finally, the last part shows the legislative dynamic shown by the Colombian Congress at 2010-2016 periods regarding labor issues, as well as the jurisprudence issued by the Constitutional Court between 1991 and 2016 in Colombia. ; El presente artículo hace un recorrido por la crisis que afronta el modelo de negociación colectiva en Colombia y que ha traído como consecuencia el aumento del número de tribunales de arbitramento convocados por año y el incremento en los tiempos para la resolución de conflictos de origen laboral. En la segunda parte del documento se hace una aproximación a dos fenómenos que impactan directamente las relaciones laborales en el país: la fragmentación sindical y el crecimiento de la membresía de afiliación a organizaciones sindicales. En la tercera sección se realiza un análisis del proceso de internacionalización de los conflictos colectivos laborales en Colombia en la última década, especialmente, abordando la evolución de las quejas ante el Comité de Libertad Sindical (CLS) y las recomendaciones de la Comisión de Expertos en Aplicación de Convenios y Recomendaciones (CEACR) de la OIT. En la última, parte del artículo se muestra la dinámica de la agenda legislativa frente a temas laborales en el Congreso de la República en el período 2010-2016, así como las tendencias en materia de fallos por parte de la Corte Constitucional entre los años 1991 a 2016. A algunos de los elementos mencionados se intenta hacer un acercamiento en el presente documento. De manera específica, en la primera sección se analiza brevemente la crisis en el modelo de resolución de conflictos en Colombia, centrado en la incidencia de los tribunales de arbitramento y en lo complejo y tortuoso que es emitir un laudo arbitral en nuestro país. En la segunda parte se analiza de manera pormenorizada el impacto que tiene en las relaciones laborales la debilidad del sindicalismo criollo, se realiza un acercamiento a un fenómeno que vive el movimiento de trabajadores en Colombia y es que crece en materia de afiliación, pero pierde capacidad de negociación y poder en general. En la tercera parte se muestra un diagnóstico en torno al incremento de la conflicitividad laboral a nivel internacional, especialmente en dos esceanrios de la OIT el Comité de Libertad Sindical (CLS) y en la Comisión de Expertos en Aplicación de Convenios y Recomendaciones (CEACR). Finalmente, en la cuarta sección se presenta un informe de las tendencias de los fallos en materia laboral de la Corte Constitucional entre 1991 y 2015, asi como de las tendencias y el dinamismo legislativo en el ultimo quinqenio.

Einleitung Zum Forschungsstand Fragestellung Methode Aufbau Zur Verwendung der Quellen Zur Verwendung der Resolutionen der UN-Generalversammlung Zur Verwendung bestimmter Bezeichnungen Erläuterungen zur Theorie Teil I – Forschung, Theorie und Thesen 1\. Wasser als natürliche Ressource 1.1. Prognosen 1.2. Wassermangel und seine Folgen 2\. Natürliche Wasserressourcen der Region des Jordanbeckens 2.1. Oberflächenwasser 2.2. Grundwasser 2.2.1. Speisung der Aquifere 3\. Wasserpolitik im Kontext des Klimawandels 3.1. Aussichten laut IPCC 3.2. Stern Review 3.3. Relevanz für den Nahen Osten 4\. Spieltheorien 4.1. Hydrologie und Kritik an den rechtlichen Vereinbarungen 4.1.2. Mapping the World's Aquifers 4.2. Gefahr des Race to the Pumps 4.3. Domains 5\. Konflikttheorien 5.1. Wasser als politische Ressource 5.1.1. Wasserreserven und Geopolitik 5.1.2. Kriege um Wasser? 5.1.3. Wasserkonflikt – ein Politikum der Gegenwart? 5.1.4. Wasserkonflikte im Nahen Osten 5.2. Konfliktkategorisierung und Messmethoden 5.2.1. Messmethoden und Indikatoren für Wasserknappheit 5.2.1.1. Korrelation Wasserdargebot – Bevölkerung (demographischer Indikator) 5.2.1.2. Ohlsson-Indikator 5.2.1.3. UNO-Indikator: tatsächliches Wasserdargebot – tatsächlich verbrauchtes Wasser (technischer Indikator) 5.2.2.1. Konfliktkategorien nach Spillmann 5.2.2.2. Konfliktkategorien nach Gleick 5.3. Veränderte Konfliktkategorien 5.3.1. Veränderte Konfliktkategorien und Klimawandel Teil II – Die Wasserfrage im Kontext internationalen Rechts 6\. Menschenrecht Wasser und internationale Kodizés 6.1. Absolute Gebietshoheit vs. absolute territoriale Unversehrtheit 6.1.1. Equitable Utilization und eingeschränkte Gebietshoheit 6.1.2. Etablierung der Equitable Utilization im internationalen Recht 6.1.3. Verhaltenskodizés und Governing Principles 6.2. Definition internationaler Gewässer 7\. Historischer Hintergrund 7.1. Bis zum Sechs-Tage-Krieg 7.2. 1967 bis zu den Friedensverhandlungen 7.2.1. Military Orders 7.3. Zur Zeit der Friedensverhandlungen 7.3.1. Declaration of ...

Preface -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Attitudes and Ideology -- Introduction -- Toward a Definition of Attitude -- Toward a Definition of Ideology -- Attitudes: The Beginnings -- Attitudinal Ambivalence -- Attitude Change and Higher Order Needs -- The Move from Attitude to Behavior: Is Prediction Possible? Attitude-Behavior Relation Research: A Half-Century of Development -- The Inquiry Continues -- Attitude-Behavior (in)Consistency in Prosocial Domains -- Attitude-Behavior (in)Consistency in Health Domains -- State of the Science -- Improving Attitude-Behavior Correspondence -- Attitude Measurement -- Putting the Pieces Together: Organization of Political Attitudes -- Ideology as 'Hot Cognition' -- Ideology and Cognitive Processes in Attitude Formation -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 Conflict Studies -- Introduction -- Intergroup Conflict: Toward a Definition -- Major Types of Intergroup Conflict -- Intractable Conflict -- Ideological Roots of Violent Conflicts -- Scope of Justice -- Somebody Is Going to Pay: Retribution and Revenge -- Far from Fun and Games: Game Theory and Conflict -- Group Identification -- Perceptual Approaches -- Ethos of Conflict -- Historical Memory -- Collective Victimization -- Collective Emotions And Intergroup Conflict -- Salient Intergroup Context: Making Peace Hard -- Social Categorization -- Conflict Resolution Theories Multiplicity -- Multiple Victims -- Dismantle the Conflict-Producing Attractor -- 'Re-legitimization' -- Engage with Collective Memory -- From Identities of Conflict to Identities of Peace -- Preventing Violent Conflict, Forestalling Re-eruption -- Conclusion: A Step-Wise Approach -- References -- 4 People-to-People (P2P) Interventions -- Introduction -- State of the Research -- Intergroup Contact: The Theory -- Intergroup Contact: The Practice -- Contact Hypothesis: Critiques

This study is a literature based study on women's participation in conflict management and peace processes, with a focus on the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. It is a qualitative study, looking at the implementation of UN SCR 1325 in Afghanistan. A series of international events led to the adoption of the UN SCR 1325. Looking at national plans in Afghanistan, the UN SCR 1325 is integrated to the National Action Plan on Women of Afghanistan and the Gender Equality Project. Women's groups in Afghanistan, such as Afghan Women's Network, Women for Afghan Women and Shuhada Organisation all contributes to women, peace and security, through education, women's programmes and the protection of women's rights. There are several strong women in Afghanistan, working for women's empowerment and participation in society. Among these women we find dr. Sima Samar who works with women's rights in Afghanistan, Malalai Joya who was a member of the Parliament and spoke out against warlords, Manizha Naderi who is the executive director of Women for Afghan Women and Rula Ghani, the wife of the newly elected President Ashraf Ghani. Looking at these different levels of dealing with the SCR 1325, it seems difficult to see the connection between them, and the implementation seems to start separately at the different levels, rather than going down from the government to the women's groups and women, connection the processes together. ; M-DS

The stagnating EU accession process needs political will and procedural changes allowing eastern candidates to advance. In the meantime, they should be more supported to use the full potential of existing opportunities for gradual economic and sectoral integration with the EU. An upgraded Eastern Partnership needs a comprehensive security dimension linking resilience, connectivity, and defense policy, as well as cooperation in the area of the Common Security and Defence Policy. The protracted regional conflicts (in Moldova and the South Caucasus) require a more active EU engagement as existing OSCE formats continue to be blocked, and Russia's role and military presence weaken. New openings for conflict resolution mean higher demand for the EU's diplomatic, monitoring, and peacekeeping capacities. A new eastern Neighborhood Policy should be designed for the wider region, connecting the Black Sea and the South Caucasus with Central Asia and thus creating viable alternatives to the competing geoeconomic and governance "offers" of China, Russia, and Turkey.

The nationalist ambitions of individual leaders during the independence struggle, and the subsequent ethnic violence during partition, did not deter India from making itself a constitutionally safe haven for religious minorities. However, the system or its political parties are not without electoral entrenchment in religion, bolstering its agenda of communal divide through the institutionalisation of ethno-religious conflict. More than often, this communal divide is a projection of animosity between two major religions – Hinduism and Islam. The vice of this othering and vilification has led to countless pockets of violence throughout India, sometimes re-branding the entire socio-political context of the nation. Academics have explained this othering as a post-modern phenomenon, exacerbated by the socio-political or economic 'divide et impera' of the colonial rule in India. Nevertheless, answers were not provided for the resolution of this protracted, cold conflict, which has majorly been backed by religious symbolism, 'mythomoteurs', instances of cosmic war, and invocation of historical storytelling to widen the gap between us vs them. Moreover, the ontological defect of neglecting interfaith friction in western peacebuilding theories has ignored the rationale of these religious narratives in keeping the skirmish between Hindus and Muslims alive, even today, playing effectively into the hand of certain political parties to peddle their agenda of never-ending religious hatred in India. It is this religious and historical hatred that percolates and upholds every other sector of friction between Hindus and Muslims in India.

This article illustrates how the introduction of modern geospatial surveying technology in Tanzania has failed to resolve a boundary conflict between the state and nature conservation authorities on one side and a rural community of pastoralists on the other. Far from fixing a contested geography by resurveying its boundaries and facilitating stakeholder participation for conflict resolution, digital cartography has made visible and reanimated the buried history of mismatched and conflicting logics between state-led territorial administration and conservation, and pastoral land use practices. The article shows how state and conservation officials have relied on the insights from fact-finding exercises to dismiss rural land use practices that are not represented in official maps. Pastoralists resist these state- and conservation-centred cartographic practices of fixed boundaries to maintain a historical, vital geography of seasonal access to pastures and water. By way of conclusion, this article highlights the pitfalls of geospatial land surveys and fact-finding exercises that unearth and lay bare a boundary conflict previously hidden from the state's view. Through enhanced legibility, rural communities may become visible to the state, risking dispossession and evictions.