Suchergebnisse

Erste gründliche Aufarbeitungen zum Thema Völkermord wurden fast ausschließlich im Zusammenhang mit den Verbrechen an der jüdischen Bevölkerung, begangen durch das Dritte Reich, vorgenommen. Angesichts dieser schwerwiegenden Menschenrechtsverletzungen wird oft vergessen, dass auch Teile der deutschen Bevölkerung zu Opfern bestialischer Verbrechen wurden. Zu Beginn des Zweiten Weltkrieges lebten etwa 540 000 Menschen deutscher Muttersprache in der Föderativen Volksrepublik Jugoslawien. Es fielen etwa 200 000 Volksdeutsche zwischen Oktober 1944 und April 1945 der Herrschaft von Titos Partisanenbewegung zum Opfer.Die klar erkennbare Absicht des Tito-Regimes, die in Jugoslawien ansässige deutschsprachige Minderheit als Gruppe zu vernichten, lässt nur den einen Schluss zu: Es handelte sich um Völkermord. Im Fall der Föderativen Volksrepublik Jugoslawien und den von den Partisanen verfolgten und vertriebenen Volksdeutschen und Altösterreichern, wurde nie ein Urteil eines Internationalen Gerichts gefällt. Der Großteil der Überlebenden Volksdeutschen und Altösterreicher wurde bis heute weder für die erlittenen physischen und psychischen Schäden, noch für den Verlust des Eigentums entschädigt.Der Kern dieser Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit den Menschen- und Völkerrechtsverletzungen an der deutschsprachigen Minderheit Jugoslawiens von 1944 bis 1948 durch das Tito-Regime unter Einbeziehung des damals geltenden Völkerrechtes. Die Frage, ob und warum es sich in diesem Fall um Völkermord handelte soll dadurch abschließend geklärt werden. In diesem Zusammenhang wird auch auf die völkerrechtliche Entschädigungspflicht, Österreichs, resultierend aus Art 27 des Staatsvertrages von Wien von 1955, und Jugoslawiens, resultierend aus den vom Tito-Regime vorgenommenen Enteignungen, eingegangen. Ebenso wird der Umgang der Nachfolgestaaten Jugoslawiens mit dieser Vergangenheit am Beispiel Slowenien und Kroatien dargestellt. ; Nearly all papers to the topic genocide examine the crimes of the Third Reich against the Jew-ish people. Because of this crimes against human rights, there will be often forgotten, that parts of the German people also became victims of cruel crimes. At the beginning of the Second World War, nearly 54 000 people with German mother tongue were living in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Between October 1944 and April 1945 approximately 200 000 people of German descent became victims of Tito`s Partisans. The obvious intention of the Tito regime to eradicate the entirety of people of German descent prompt that the matter at hand has been genocide. People of German and Austrian descent, which were persecuted and exiled by the Partisans, were never the topic of any judgment of an international court upon this day most of them are not reimbursed for their physical and psychological damage nor their property. This work investigates the crimes against humanity on the German minority committed by the Tito regime between 1944 and 1948, applying the International Law of this period. The ques-tion if and why this case has been genocide was tried to resolve once and for all. Furthermore, Austrias statutory duty for war reparations, based on Art 27 of the Austrian independence treaty of 1955, and also Yugoslavias were analyzed respective their war reparations for the expropriation done by Tito`s regime. Finally also how the succession states of Yugoslavia, in case of Slovenia and Croatia, are handling this past. ; vorgelegt von Kristina Eleonora Lackner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2015 ; (VLID)779825

After the end of the "cold war", most of the academic discussion has been concentrated on the United States hegemony and its limits as well as the role of the rest of the world in the so-called "new international order". This discussion has reappeared after the September 11 attacks, that allowed the resurgence of an interventionist and unilateral policy developed by Washington. In this context, the question that remains is about the capacity of Latin America to influence international politics and U.S. policies. This paper analyzes the role of Latin America in the world scenario after the September 11 attacks. In the first part, it makes a revision of the discussion about the role of the Third World in the international order at the end of the "cold war" and the growing irrelevance of this group of countries. In the second part, it studies the war against terrorism developed by the US after year 2001 and the limits of this strategy. In the third part, the paper discusses the possibilities of Latin America to influence U.S. foreign policy. Finally, the paper suggests in the conclusions that the region has a limited capacity to affect U.S. hegemony but it can, eventually, limit the Washington's margin for maneuver. That is, it can occasionally, "tie the giant". ; Después del fin de la "guerra fría", buena parte de la discusión académica ha girado en torno a la hegemonía de Estados Unidos y sus límites, así como el papel del resto del mundo en el llamado "nuevo orden internacional". Esta discusión ha revivido a raíz de los atentados del 11 de septiembre que han permitido el resurgimiento de una política de corte intervencionista y unilateral por parte de Washington. En este contexto, la gran interrogante que persiste es acerca de la capacidad de América Latina para influir en la política internacional y en las políticas estadounidenses. Este documento analiza el papel de América Latina en el escenario internacional después de los atentados del 11 de septiembre. En la primera parte revisa la discusión sobre el papel del Tercer Mundo en el orden internacional al final de la "guerra fría" y la creciente irrelevancia de este grupo de países. En la segunda parte se estudia la guerra contra el terrorismo desarrollada por Estados Unidos después de 2001 y las limitaciones de esta estrategia. En la tercera parte se discuten las posibilidades de América Latina de influir en la política exterior estadunidense. Finalmente, en las conclusiones se sugiere que la región tiene una capacidad limitada de afectar la hegemonía estadounidense aunque puede, eventualmente, limitar el margen de maniobra de Washington. Esto es, puede ocasionalmente "atar al gigante".

It is a great honor for me to introduce to you this year's Women in International Law Interest Group (WILIG) Prominent Woman in International Law honoree, Judge Gabriel Kirk McDonald.

Recently businesses need to find the new ways to ensure business growth and competitiveness in the international market. Cultural diversity of international business brings new challenges in the development and implementation of negotiation strategies of businesses, in cooperation with foreign partners. At present business solutions are used for development and implementation of negotiating strategies for international business, which are not universally suitable for business development in all situations in context of globalization, with current challenges, which are characterized by increasing risk, uncertainty and cultural differences. New challenges in international business negotiations are caused by formation of common cultural and information space in a global scale, the new demands for information technology progress in development of international competition and accelerating innovation processes. International business negotiation strategy development and implementation are setting the essential features and causal relations and is relevant in practice by creating in each negotiation case the unique negotiation strategy, focused on maximizing the effectiveness of the international business with the aim of more efficient use of business negotiation potential - the negotiating power. In scientific problem solving it is necessary to offer such instruments, which would take into account bargaining power of participants in negotiations, and would allow real implementation of business strategies and constitute an appropriate contribution to their development. The article aims - to design a theoretical model for preparing and implementing strategies of international business negotiations, based on evaluations of bargaining powers and to verify experimentally its relevance and applicability.

This paper analyses the important of regional investment agreements for promoting international trade in ASEAN countries. To visualize the above idea, this work will explain the roles of regional investment agreements to serve investment, trade facilitation and to protect regional investment interests. It is argued that regional investment agreements can serve as a vehicle for dialogue, coordination on and to response regional issues including regulatory harmonization, infrastructure development, and collaboration among members to facilitate investment. The paper shows how regional agreements will commit to eliminate barriers on substantially trade and investment, create positive welfare gains, the productivity and stimulus to growth in the region. This paper also analyses the effect of the establishment of an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2015 to the regional investment policies. AEC aiming at transforming ASEAN into a single market and production base with a highly competitive economic region, equitable economic development, free movement of goods, services, investment, skilled labor, and freer flow of capital, will likely accelerate regional integration and cooperation in the investment sectors fully integrated into the international trade. Then, this work demonstrates the implementation of regional investment cooperation into the formal instruments/agreements of investment policy architecture promoting and protecting cross border investment among nationals of ASEAN member states, such as ASEAN Investment Guarantee Agreement (IGA), the ASEAN Investment Area (AIA) and ASEAN Comprehensive Investment Agreement (ACIA). However, it is realized that the ASEAN members may resist and protest against the regional investment agreements because of conflicting their national interest. The paper proposed that the regional inv stment agreements need to be strengthened by harmonization and structural adjustment due to the member's resistance and protest. This idea may spark challenge because each member has fundamental differences on the nature and character of legal and economic systems reflecting different political systems, economic and social cultures in accordance with the philosophy of life values and national interests of each country. To overcome the challenge, this paper argues that ASEAN member countries need to unilaterally and collectively come up with structuring trade and investment policy harmonization to move ahead and reap the benefits from regional investment agreement as a common tool for contesting their interest in international trade. In addition, pre agreed flexibilities to accommodate the interests of all ASEAN countries may eliminate the problem.

Selon certaines théories, la mondialisation aurait des effets négatifs sur le marché du travail, notamment sur l'accroissement des inégalités salariales. D'autre part, on fait souvent valoir que les inégalités sont largement déterminées par les choix politiques et, par exemple, que les gouvernements sociaux-démocrates travaillent à réduire les inégalités salariales. Dans ce texte, nous mettons à l'épreuve ces affirmations et étudions l'inégalité salariale au Québec et en Ontario, ainsi que la mobilité des personnes entre les divers niveaux de salaire. Les données indiquent que la croissance du commerce international, une des composantes de la mondialisation, n'a pas augmenté l'inégalité salariale dans ces deux provinces, pas plus qu'elle n'a détérioré les conditions du marché du travail pour les employés des industries les plus exposées au commerce international. Par ailleurs, aucun effet politique particulier n'apparaît à l'analyse.

"Neben dem Ost-West-Konflikt war der Nord-Süd-Konflikt die wichtigste globale Auseinandersetzung der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Der Beitrag beschreibt am Beispiel der United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) wie sich dieser Konflikt im Zuge der Dekolonisierung in internationale Organisationen verlagerte. Er zeigt auf, dass er sich in den 1960er- und 1970er Jahren zunehmend um die Frage drehte, ob und wie Globalisierung reguliert werden sollte und untersucht, wie sich Institutionen wie die UNCTAD und die Vereinten Nationen im Nord-Süd-Konflikt behaupteten. Der Nord-Süd-Konflikt und die UNCTAD waren dabei zugleich Abbild und Katalysator eines grundlegenden Wandels des internationalen Systems hin zu einem komplexen Mehrebenensystem, in dem Akteure wie internationale Organisationen, Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen und Expertengruppen seit den frühen 1960er Jahren eine immer wichtigere Rolle zu spielen begannen." (Autorenreferat)

Introduction -- Realism, balance-of-power theory, and the counterbalancing constraint -- Realism, balance-of-threat theory, and the "soft balancing" constraint -- Liberalism, globalization, and constraints derived from economic interdependence -- Institutionalism and the constraint of reputation -- Constructivism and the constraint of legitimacy -- A new agenda