Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the research. The purpose of the article consists in determination of the current international legal regime of the territory of Crimea for further proper argumentation of Ukraine's position in interstate disputes with the Russian Federation. Main content. Various forms of foreign military presence on the territory of a state have been studied, such as: occupation, conquest, deployment of foreign military bases, annexation, etc. Determined are signs that characterize the legal regimes of occupation and annexation and their international regulation. Methodology: Review of materials and methods based on analysis of documentary materials of the annexation of Crimea on the part of Russia. Conclusions. Characteristic features of annexation being currently a kind of aggression crime include unilateral declaration of state sovereignty over a territory which have not been a part of this state, as well as the legitimation of annexation through de facto ownership of a territory and international recognition of this fact. According to the international law, there is currently no legal mechanism for the transfer of sovereignty over territory to an aggressor through annexation.

Through legal hermeneutics, the article analyzes the international legal regulation of the protection of a foreign diplomatic representative, therefore, special attention is paid to the regulation of diplomatic privileges and immunities. The need to use the positive experience of states on the introduction of internal security in diplomatic representations is based, this is the purpose of the article. It is important that, despite several existing international legal acts on the protection of diplomatic representations and their personnel, there is an urgent need to increase their efficiency and effectiveness, in particular for the filling of existing gaps in international diplomatic law through further codification and development of international law and, also, to take measures in accordance with this branch of law against the offending state, strengthening sanctions for violations by states of the provisions on the privileges and immunities of foreign diplomatic representations and their personnel. As a result, we consider it appropriate to take the measures provided for by legislation to effectively implement the rules of criminal law on the punishment of persons who have committed crimes against representatives of a foreign State who enjoy diplomatic immunity.

This paper links geographies of in-flow international students to the higher education system in Latvia and destination country choice rationales. Latvia welcomes international students from diverse geographies. Besides specific sourcing countries like Germany and India, there are also considerably constant and stable flows from former Soviet countries. International students are both an essential source of revenue for higher education institutions and to some extent, replacement of decrease of local students. This study adopts a mixed-method approach and based on the analysis of official statistical data and survey data. The survey reveals views on decision-making process and motives of current full-time international students in Latvia. The results indicate that to an extent, geography sets the main motives for study choice in Latvia. Seldom Latvia is set as the only priority destination country. On the one hand, among others balanced costs and accessibility of quality education in English attract foreign students, thus providing 'second chance' to be successful. On the other hand, Latvia gives the prerogative to have education in the European Union which for long-distance travelled students is a life-time opportunity.

"Neben dem Ost-West-Konflikt war der Nord-Süd-Konflikt die wichtigste globale Auseinandersetzung der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts. Der Beitrag beschreibt am Beispiel der United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) wie sich dieser Konflikt im Zuge der Dekolonisierung in internationale Organisationen verlagerte. Er zeigt auf, dass er sich in den 1960er- und 1970er Jahren zunehmend um die Frage drehte, ob und wie Globalisierung reguliert werden sollte und untersucht, wie sich Institutionen wie die UNCTAD und die Vereinten Nationen im Nord-Süd-Konflikt behaupteten. Der Nord-Süd-Konflikt und die UNCTAD waren dabei zugleich Abbild und Katalysator eines grundlegenden Wandels des internationalen Systems hin zu einem komplexen Mehrebenensystem, in dem Akteure wie internationale Organisationen, Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen und Expertengruppen seit den frühen 1960er Jahren eine immer wichtigere Rolle zu spielen begannen." (Autorenreferat)

In recent years several countries have augmented their national tax laws by transfer pricing legislations which intend to limit the leeway of multinational firms to exploit international corporate tax rate differences and relocate profit to low-tax affiliates by distorting intra-firm transfer prices. The aim of this paper is to empirically investigate whether these laws are instrumental in restricting shifting behaviour. To do so, we exploit unique information on the scope and evolution of national transfer pricing laws and link it with panel data on European multinationals. In line with previous studies, we find evidence for tax-motivated profit shifting. The analysis further suggests that transfer pricing rules significantly reduce shifting activities. The effect is economically relevant, suggesting that the legislations may be socially desirable despite the high administrative burden they impose on firms and tax authorities.

Patrick Baudouin propose une synthèse des principaux points discutés par les intervenants du colloque organisé par l'iReMMO au Sénat en février 2023, en rappelant les différentes formes de justice pénale internationale comme la CPI, les tribunaux ad hoc et les procédures relevant de la compétence universelle. Il insiste tout particulièrement sur les contradictions de la France qui se refuse à faire sauter les « verrous » de la loi du 9 août 2010 qui limitent considérablement les possibilités, pour les tribunaux français, de poursuivre les auteurs de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l'humanité et de génocide. Il termine en affirmant sa détermination à se battre pour que la prise en compte immédiate de la justice dans la guerre en Ukraine le soit également dans d'autres conflits « partout où prévaut l'impunité, et ce sans aucune sélectivité ».

This article compares the rules governing legal standing before selected regional international judicial and quasi-judicial bodies in Africa and Latin America from a perspective of environmental litigation. The focus is on active legal standing of private entities in contentious proceedings against states. The article sytematizes the rules governing legal standing into two broad categories: rights based and public interest litigation. Subsequently, the approach of each court will be analyzed on the basis of its procedural rules and jurisprudence. Several trends can be identified, including a tendency of human rights courts to move towards public interest litigation, a trend to grant non-governmental organizations a privileged position to initiate environmental litigation, and the development of Community rights based approached by courts for regional economic integration that could become relevant in the future.

The paper describes the cooperation between the International Labour Organisation and the new post- WWII European institutions – mainly Council of Europe and European Economic Community – in the fi eld of social security. At the centre of interest are ILO Convention 102 (1952) and the ILO's "Ohlin report" (1956) and how they have co-shaped the evolution of the "European Social Model" in the long run. In its second part, the paper nests these developments into the paradigm change, that took place in the 1970s, from Keynesian to neo-liberal policies. While taking due account of ILO–EU divergence in social policy, which began in the 1960s, it describes in broad strokes the later impacts of the paradigm change on social policy formulation in the (new) "competition state", in which welfare ("the ESM") was no longer the goal but became a means to strengthen economic performance.

The article argues that more thorough scholarly engagement with the United Nations' international days has the potential for expanding the scope of diplomatic histories. It first provides a taxonomy of UN years by illuminating their repertoire, dynamics and peculiarities. Next, it discusses instances of how UN days are communicated to the public, emphasizing the role of media and celebrity diplomacy. Subsequently, the article demonstrates the crucial contribution of ngos, policy makers, and professionals who, as "outside-insiders" form the "Third UN." Lastly, the article advances the argument that in order to obtain a more comprehensive account of UN days, another group of actors should be identified. These are comprised of organizations and individuals who are complete outsiders, but nevertheless contribute to the UN's "marketplace of ideas" – a group that may be designated the "Fourth UN."

This essay examines the influence of the French concept of the "cultural exception" on European media policy and international agreements. After briefly reviewing the historical background of the cultural exception in France, the essay describes how demands for the cultural exception and those for diversity affect inter-/transnational agreements within the European Union and around the world. Special focus is placed on the current secret EU/US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement (TTIP) negotiations that nearly failed because of France's insistence that media and culture be exempted. The author argues that the concept of the "cultural exception" has been revived in recent years. However, due to the dual character of media (which is both a cultural and economic good), and the lack of a global media policy, the culture and trade debate will continue.