Suchergebnisse

Tradition in a modern age : Bruckner and Mahler at the fin de siècle -- Symphonic idealism in crisis -- Symphonic conventions of a world past -- Sensuality and redemption -- The politics of tradition : Mahler and Bruckner, 1914-1933 -- Mahler's progressive legacy and the aestheticization of violence -- Bruckner's nationalist legacy and the aestheticization of space -- Symphonic traditions under National socialism -- Symphonic ambitions and Hindemith's Mathis der Mahler symphony -- Symphonic defeat

"The New Politics of Sinn Féin" is an assessment of the ideological and organizational development of Provisional republicanism since 1985. The book explores how the Republican movement has changed from an anti-state insurgency to a potential partner in governing the state it was pledged to destroy. In particular, the book attempts to consider the origins of what has become known as 'New Sinn Féin'.

Cape Verde, Let's Go addresses the postcolonial politics of citizenship in Portugal through the lens of Creole rap. It examines how Creole challenges what it means to be Portuguese and shapes notions of identity and belonging. The unique historical interactions between Portugal and Cape Verdeans, as well as the subsequent creation of Creole identities, provides the central empirical framework for this book.

The author reviews the books "The competitive advantage of nations", by M. Porter, and "Perestroika for America: restructuring business government relations for world competitiveness", by G. Lodge. Berman thinks that Latin American countries would benefit from forming a regional free trading zone. The issues of economic competitiveness, the role of governments in promoting efficiency, and the politics that surround government roles are discussed

AbstractCompassionate conservatism is usually dismissed on the American political left as an empty slogan intended to mystify the real roots and aspirations of conservative politics. However, conservative Christian organizations and churches now conduct well-coordinated compassion campaigns on contested social issues such as sexual and reproductive rights. Through compassion campaigns, the Christian right also disseminates particular forms of political pedagogy regarding sexuality and compassion for followers who are subject to the movement's influence. Here, I turn to Hannah Arendt to analyze the politics of compassion at work in the ex-gay movement and in antiabortion projects such as Silent No More. This article presents evidence for a turn to compassionate pedagogies on the Christian right, analyzes these projects, and suggests ways that Arendt's political thought can inform our readings of conservative Christian compassionate discourse and political practices.

This text argues that governments' choices in favour or against strong intergovernmental institutions are not primarily driven by considerations of efficiency but by internal political dynamics within their own boundaries. It applies the argument to Canada, Switzerland, the United States, and finally to the European Union

Since the Islamic resurgence of the 1970s, many Muslim postcolonial countries have established and empowered constitutional courts to declare laws conflicting with shariʿa as unconstitutional. The central question explored in this dissertation is whether and to what extent constitutional doctrine developed in shariʿa review is contingent on the ruling regime or represents lasting trends in interpretations of shariʿa. Using the case of Pakistan, this dissertation contends that the long-term discursive trends in shariʿa are determined in the religio-political space and only reflected in state law through the interaction of shariʿa politics, regime politics, and judicial politics. The research is based on materials gathered during fieldwork in Pakistan and datasets of Federal Shariat Court and Supreme Court cases and judges. In particular, the dissertation offers a political-institutional framework to study shariʿa review in a British postcolonial court system through exploring the role of professional and scholar judges, the discretion of the chief justice, the system of judicial appointments and tenure, and the political structure of appeal that combine to make courts agents of the political regime. Using this framework, the dissertation undertakes historical-interpretive case studies involving two puzzles. First, why the Federal Shariat Court declared the (largely symbolic) punishment of stoning for unlawful sex as un-Islamic in 1981, and why the Court reversed its ruling upon review in 1982. Second, why the Federal Shariat Court declared interest in banking, finance, and fiscal laws as un-Islamic in 1991, and why the Supreme Court upheld the ruling in 1999 but then overturned its ruling and remanded the case back to the Federal Shariat Court in 2002. The project shows how competing approaches to shariʿa interact with the evolving judicial politics and regime politics in authoritarian and democratic periods. While the institutional structure of constitutional courts gives the ruling regime considerable control over the direction of shariʿa review, ruling regimes often depend on religio-political forces for legitimacy. When the regime draws upon conservative religio-political movements, representatives of such movements are appointed to courts and allowed to assert traditional doctrines of shariʿa. But when the regime draws its legitimacy from a broader group of religio-political and intellectual forces, a more diverse set of judges is appointed and enabled to rethink the tradition. The study questions approaches that consider shariʿa review in post-colonial states either as a liberal or as a conservative phenomenon. In contrast, the project shows how courts are agents of the political regime and judicial outcomes are products of authoritarian and democratic political processes. The dissertation also invites scholars of shariʿa review in Arab constitutional courts to study courts as political institutions and judges as political actors.

Titel und Inhalt Einleitung 1\. Entscheidungsanalysen im Mehrebenensystem 2\. Der Entscheidungsprozeß innerhalb der bundesdeutschen Rahmenbedingungen bis 1989 3\. Der europäische Entscheidungsprozeß und seine Rahmenbedingungen 4\. Die Akteure und ihre Handlungsspielräume bis 1989 5\. Die Verhandlungen von 1989 bis 1993 6\. Schlußbetrachtung Literaturverzeichnis und Quellenverzeichnis Anhang Grafik I. Der politische Einfluss der Akteure innerhalb der verschiedenen Verhandlungsarenen Tabelle I . Asylbewerber/ Ausländer/ Arbeitslose/ Sozialabgaben in der BRD von 1950 bis 1998 Tabelle II. Asylbewerberzugang in der BRD von 1953 bis 1998 Grafik II. Asylbewerberzugang in der BRD von 1953 bis 1998 Grafik und Tabelle III. Ausländerzahlen in der BRD von 1951 bis 1998 Tabelle IV. Arbeitslosenzahlen in der BRD von 1960 bis 1998 Grafik IV. Arbeitslosenzahlen in der BRD von 1960 bis 1998 Tabelle V. Bereinigte Einnahmen und Sozialausgaben der Gemeinden in der BRD von 1974 bis 1998 Grafik V. Bereinigte Sozialausgaben der Gemeinden in der BRD von 1974 bis 1998 Grafik und Tabelle VI. Die Summe der jährlichen Gewalttaten mit erwiesenem oder zu vermutendem rechtsextremistischem Hintergrund Tabelle VII. Bundesratsmehrheiten in der BRD von 1949 bis 1996 Tabelle und Grafik VIII. Zuwanderung von "Volksdeutschen" Tabelle IX. Asylbewerberzahlen in der EU von 1990 bis 1998 Tabelle X. Inlandsprodukt/Sozialprodukt/Volkseinkommen von 1960 bis 1998 Tabelle XI. Wanderungen zwischen der BRD und dem Ausland zwischen 1955 und 1997 ; Welche Argumentationsmuster beeinflussen die Zuwanderungs- und Asylpolitik in Deutschland und wie verläuft die Entscheidungsfindung auf europäischer Ebene? Und unter welchen Bedingungen kann die führende Regierungspartei ihre Verhandlungsführung auf europäischer Ebene nutzen, um ihren nationalen Handlungsspielraum zu vergrößern? Zur Beantwortung dieser Fragen rekonstruiert und analysiert die vorliegende Dissertation die Entscheidungsprozesse, die zu einer restriktiveren Handhabung des deutschen Asylgrundrechtes und ...

The Alliance for European Integration and the Transnistrian Conflict SettlementThis article examines the policy of the Alliance for European Integration – the coalition in power in Moldova since mid-2009 – with regard to the Transnistrian conflict settlement. This paper presents the principles of AEI's policy, the motivations behind it and its implementation, including results to date. The core of the Moldovan authorities' approach is identified as the gradual creation of positive on-the-ground conditions, which aim to facilitate Moldova and Transnistria reaching a final conflict settlement. In general, the AEI's policy is evaluated in a positive light, since it has potential to bring better results than the confrontational activities of the previous Communist government. However, the article also reveals some of the policy's shortcomings. Sojusz na rzecz Integracji Europejskiej wobec konfliktu naddniestrzańskiegoW artykule poddano analizie politykę Sojuszu na rzecz Integracji Europejskiej – koalicji rządzącej Republiką Mołdowy od połowy 2009 roku – mającą na celu uregulowanie konfliktu naddniestrzańskiego. Przedstawiono jej założenia, determinanty, realizację i dotychczasowe rezultaty. Za najważniejsze zadanie władz mołdawskich autor uznaje stopniowe stwarzanie warunków, które mają ułatwić Mołdowie i Naddniestrzu ostateczne rozwiązanie konfliktu pomiędzy nimi. Polityka Sojuszu została oceniona zasadniczo pozytywnie. Może bowiem przynieść lepsze rezultaty niż konfrontacyjne działania poprzedniego rządu komunistycznego. W artykule wskazano również główne wady polityki prowadzonej przez władze mołdawskie.

This study simulates three income tax scenarios in a Mirrleesian setting for 24 EU countries using data from the 2014 Structure of Earnings Survey. In scenario 1, each country individually maximizes its own welfare (benchmark). In scenarios 2 and 3, total welfare in the EU is maximized over a common budget constraint. Unlike scenario 2, the social planner of scenario 3 differentiates taxes by country of residence. If a common tax and transfer system were implemented in the EU, countries with a relatively higher mean wage rate—particularly those in Western and some of the Northern European countries—would transfer resources to the others. Scenario 2 implies increased labor distortions for almost all countries and, hence, leads to a contraction in total output. Scenario 3 produces higher (lower) marginal taxes for high- (low-) mean countries compared to the benchmark. The change in total output depends on the income effects on labor supply. Overall, total welfare is higher for the scenarios involving a European tax and transfer system despite more than two thirds of all the agents becoming worse off relative to the benchmark. A politically more feasible integrated tax system improves the well-being of almost half of all the EU but considerably reduces the aggregate welfare benefits.

Criticism of 'the West' and of 'Western civilization' in Germany in the early 20th century is generally most familiar today as a conservative force of the age. It is well-known that at the outbreak of war in August 1914 a longstanding German complex of resentment of the Western European powers exploded in a call to arms. Yet it needs to be stressed that not all prominent German bourgeois writers endorsed a wholly militant reading of the motif of German national-cultural 'protest at the West'. By 1918 an array of voices could come to discern another kind of salient work of contention that refused apology for any kind of violent Kulturkrieg. The thesis defended in this article is that in sophisticated humanistic writing of the era, a German mood of antagonism with the West represents not a regressive ideology but the productive and intelligent outcome of a longstanding preeminence of philosophical questioning in German academic life since the later 19th century about European world pictures and their claims to universal validity on the stage of world history. A range of statements are shown here to anticipate debates of the present day about 'late', 'reflexive' or 'post-Eurocentric' conditions of Western modernity.