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It has not been easy for those in the relatively new field of international relations to find an intellectual niche, and a great deal of ink has been spilled in debates about the nature, sources and role of the discipline. The most basic area of the debate is between the largely British-based historical traditions and the North American behaviourist and 'scientific' schools. No doubt many international historians have winced at the vague phrase 'history shows us that...', which still appears in some textbooks. And no doubt international relations theorists have despaired of international history monographs in which the author appears to fail to draw any general conclusions after years of painstaking study in the archives. In institutions of higher education the professionals continually struggle to get the balance right between the different elements of an international relations degree, and the paucity of departments devoted solely to international relations is witness to the still ambiguous place of the discipline in the academic world. despite unrelenting student demand—but it also shows that the discipline is very much alive, vigorous, developing and innovative. It is also fairly obvious that intellectual disciplines do not have to be mutually exclusive, and perhaps one of the closest, even symbiotic, relationships is the key one between the study of international history and international relations, particularly foreign policy analysis.

This paper explores the unique features of the process of the appropriation of technology by French‐speaking Quebeckers as typified by the case of Forano in Plessisville. The sociographic analysis of the evolution of technology at Forano proceeds in three stages, plotting the genesis of the new political economy of Quebec, characterized by a reversal of the historical pattern of economic domination and the emergence of a competitive economy. The author studies the reversal as a process of the appropriation of technology and technical expertise closely related to the declining significance of kinship relations and the growing role of government intervention.Cet article vise à porter au jour la nature spécifique de l'appropriation de la technique chez les Québécois francophones par l'analyse du cas de la Forano de Plessisville, particulièrernent propice à cette fin. L'étude sociographique de la technique en son sein est opérée à trois époques distinctes, constitutives de la genèse de la nouvelleeAconomie politique francophone aujourd'hui en vedette, caractérisée par un renversement d'une économie dominée en une économie désormais concurrentielle. Ce renversement est ici observé du point de vue de l'appropriation de la technique et de la connaissance technique dont les transformations sont relatives à la dissolution des rapports de parenté et de l'intervention de 1'État.

[ES] En este artículo, el autor analiza las relaciones entre EEUU. y Cuba en la actualidad y sus perspectivas. Para ésto, pasa revista a algunas de las facturas que son presentadas para explicar la política de bloqueo de EEUU. a Cuba, concretamente la alianza de Cuba con la Unión Soviética y la ayuda de aquélla a regímenes antiamericanos. El autor sostiene que esas facturas no son las causas principales de la política americana ya que ésta tiene una lógica propia en función de controlar una Cuba que, desde siempre, ha sido un objetivo geopolítico de EE.UU. Por último, el autor analiza las perpectivas de transformaciones internas del régimen cubano como respuesta a la crisis actual. ; [EN] The current relations between United States and Cuba are analyzed in this work. It shows some factors that explain the USA blockade to Cuba; specifically the Soviet Union - Cuba alliance and the help of the Soviets to the anti- American political regimes. The author believes that such factors are not the main causes of the American foreing policy because this policy has its own logic: to control Cuba which has always been a USA geopolitics objective. Finally, he analizes the perspectives of the international transformations of Cuban political system. as response to the present crisis.

This analysis has been caused by a scientific need that the meaning of coup d'etat as the military-political phenomenon should be precisely clarified and established, and thus made its distinction in comparison with the putch or a political revolution. This distinction contributes to the reduction of possibilities for the identification and substitution of these concepts both in the scientific military-political and in the general vocabulary. A particular scientific challenge for the author was the fact that this phenomenon has not been sufficiently researched, i.e. that it has been underestimated as a subject of our scientific interest. This work is therefore one of the rare ones, and also the first one having a scientific-study character, published on this topic in our periodicals. ; Nastanak ovog rada uslovila je potreba da se državni udar, kao vojno-politički fenomen, u nauci precizno pojmovno odredi i pojasni, i time distancira od srodnih violentnih fenomena kao što su puč i politička revolucija, čime se smanjuju mogućnosti za poistovećivanje i zamenjivanje tih pojmova, kako u naučnom vojno-političkom, tako i u kolokvijalnom vokabularu. Poseban naučni izazov za autora bila je činjenica o nedovoljnoj istraženosti tog fenomena, odnosno njegovom zapostavljanju kao predmeta naučnog interesa u nas. Ovaj rad ima naučno- studijski karakter i jedan je od prvih koji se na tu temu objavljuje u našim časopisima.

Laurence Bénichou, From the French Revolution to Education under the Third Republic : the Misuse of a Legacy ?
This study tries to define the attitude of schoolteachers, members of trade unions between the two World Wars, towards the heritage of the French Revolution. The sources used are mainly trade union publications : La Revue de l'enseignement primaire supérieur and L'École émancipée which reflect the two major currents in the trade union movement, the reformist current and the radical one.
The author analyses the legacy of 1789 as it was understood by these publications. France as the patrie of the Revolution which brought in a new era was one element ; moreover, the values of the Revolution were transferred to the struggles of the unions and to the discussions about education. "Liberty" was emphasized in discussions concerning the freedom of education or the rights of trade unions; "Equality" was the banner of the struggle for equal educational opportunities for all children.
As for the pedagogical contents of teaching the Revolution, there was obviously a strong contrast between the reformist discourse and that of the radicals ; nevertheless, the concern for objectivity led to a certain amount of agreement ; the education of the Republic took on the legacy of the Revolution in order to establish its own legitimacy.

The collapse of the Soviet system. From the attempt to reform the unreformable to « shock therapy ».
The author shows how the dynamics of perestroïka were fatal for the Soviet system. The compatibility of a « return to Lenin », of a regenerated communism, with democracy and respect for humanist principles, just as the transition from a bureaucratic socialism, operating more or less on party directives, to « market socialism », were never seriously envisaged by Gorbachev's reformers. But could they have been ? However that may have been, the reformers performed a useful task : they helped to speed up the breakdown of the Soviet regime.
Since the beginning of 1992, president Yeltsin's team have manfully set about dismantling the Soviet system. It is a colossal undertaking, and socially painful. The means used, including «shock therapy» are such as the circumstances dictate. The process of « commercialization » could not be set in motion other then by the abrupt cutting of subsidies and opening the way to inflation. It will certainly take a long time to achieve a « normal » economy (as the Russians speak of a market economy) : attitudes and social structures cannot be changed in a few months. The first results obtained by Gaidar's government, relating to money and the budget, are encouraging.

In February, 1984, the government of Manitoba was virtually paralyzed, by an issue involving a proposed constitutional amendment to the Manitoba Act regarding the status of French as an official language in Manitoba. Using primary and secondary sources, particularly personal and public archives, the author identifies relevant historical elements and attempts a detailed reconstruction of the events which occurred during the first four months of the crisis (May to August, 1983). Chapters I and II describe in some detail the "prehistory" of the language crisis, from the circumstances of Manitoba's entry into Confederation in 1870 to the end of the Lyon regime in 1981. Chapters III to V describe the evolution of the new Pawley government's thinking on the language issue, in the context of an impending hearing of a major language case (Bilodeau) before the Supreme Court of Canada and the negotiations eventually undertaken by the government with the province's French-speaking community. Chapters VI and VII describe the first public reactions as details of the final tripartite agreement became public, including the first reactions of the opposition in the Legislature. Chapters VIII to X summarize the early debates on the issue in the Manitoba Legislature. A concluding chapter presents a number of explanatory hypotheses based upon writings by various sociologists and political theorists, particularty R. Hofstadter, R.A. Schermerhorn, and R. Breton. ; September 1991

The presented thesis will examine Japanese retailing distribution of the past, present and future. This will be accomplished by examining Japanese culture, historical events, and interelated events and policies between Japan and the United States of America. Chapter one will deal with Japanese retailing and distribution since World War II. Discussed will be the retail distribution system between 1945 - 1970. The Author will show how tradition, culture and attitudes greatly affect the Japanese distribution system, and why Japan had such an agreeable trade policy for that time period. The transition between 1970 and 1980 will discuss the changing markets in Japan as well as the attitude of the government of Japan with relation to retail distribution and the citizens of Japan.The second chapter will discuss Japan in 1980 becoming a world financial leader, technological leader, and a potentially dangerous adversary, and how cultural and government attitudes of Japan were changing. This leads into Chapter three with « the presentation of evolving problems in Japan, and changes in their distribution system. Chapter four discusses how Japan's prescribed new order, as well as the current developments and potential changes in Japan that may affect Japans future as well as other nations. I would like to propose that this thesis will present a discussion of the various topics relevant to retail distribution in Japan. This will be accomplished through a thorough review of Retail Distribution in Japan.

Para nadie es una novedad el comportamiento errático de la economía peruana. Independientemente de otras causas que expliquen tal conducta, la hipótesis que aquí se quiere verificar es que la ocurrencia de fenómenos externos a una economía produce efectos significativos sobre esta última y sobre el desempeño del sector público. Para mostrar tal planteamiento se utiliza un modelo macroeconómico de corto plazo que enfatiza el rol del sector público y de la política fiscal. De esta manera se pretende aportar evidencia para la discusión: por un lado, a través de la cuantificación de tales efectos ante determinadas situaciones y, por otro lado, mediante la medición de la capacidad de respuesta del gobierno para aminorar los resultados perjudiciales iniciales. ; It is too much obvious that the Peruvian economy has suffered an erratic evolution. This article stresses the hypothesis that when external shocks occur, they have important effects on the economy and on its public sector. In order to test that hypothesis, the author uses a short term macroeconomic model that takes into account the public sector role and its fiscal policy. Then, the goal of this paper is to provide empirical evidence through the estimation of the external shocks effects and through the estimation of the government alternative responses to alleviate the perverse effects.

In einem umfassenden Überblick werden empirische Forschungsergebnisse zur Integration von schwachen, bisher meist in Sonderklassen separierten Schülern bildungspolitisch relevanten Forschungsthemen und Problemstellungen zugeordnet. Die Forschungslage in den deutsch- und englischsprachigen Ländern zu den folgenden Merkmalen wird umfassend dargestellt: Soziale und emotionale Integration von schwachen Schülern in die Schulklasse, Begabungskonzept und subjektives Befinden sowie Leistungsfortschritte von schwachen Schülern in Regelklassen, Integrationsklassen und Sonderklassen. Die empirische Forschungslage wird schließlich mit der wertorientierten Vision einer integrationsfähigen Schule konfrontiert, wodurch schulpolitische Schlußfolgerungen möglich werden. Der Forschungsbericht endet mit der Warnung vor einem Mißbrauch der Integralionsutopie durch Schulpolitiker für die Erhaltung des leistungsideologisch fundierten Schulsystems. (DIPF/Orig.) ; In an extensive survey, the author relates the results of empirical research on the integration of low-achieving students who have usually been taught separately, i.e. in special classes, to research topics relevant to educational policy. He gives a detailed outline of the State of research in both the German- and the English-speaking countries on the following factors: the social and emotional integration of low-achieving students, the self-concept of ability, self-esteem, as well as the development of attainment of low-achieving students in regular, integrative, and special classes. Finally, results of empirical research are confronted with a normative vision of a school suitable for integration; this, in turn, leads to educational-policy conclusions. The article ends on a warning against possible abuse of the ideal of integration by educational-policy makers who want to maintain an achievement-oriented school system. (DIPF/Orig.)

It is too much obvious that the Peruvian economy has suffered an erratic evolution. This article stresses the hypothesis that when external shocks occur, they have important effects on the economy and on its public sector. In order to test that hypothesis, the author uses a short term macroeconomic model that takes into account the public sector role and its fiscal policy. Then, the goal of this paper is to provide empirical evidence through the estimation of the external shocks effects and through the estimation of the government alternative responses to alleviate the perverse effects. ; Para nadie es una novedad el comportamiento errático de la economía peruana. Independientemente de otras causas que expliquen tal conducta, la hipótesis que aquí se quiere verificar es que la ocurrencia de fenómenos externos a una economía produce efectos significativos sobre esta última y sobre el desempeño del sector público. Para mostrar tal planteamiento se utiliza un modelo macroeconómico de corto plazo que enfatiza el rol del sector público y de la política fiscal. De esta manera se pretende aportar evidencia para la discusión: por un lado, a través de la cuantificación de tales efectos ante determinadas situaciones y, por otro lado, mediante la medición de la capacidad de respuesta del gobierno para aminorar los resultados perjudiciales iniciales.

Traditional, positivist approaches to map design usually yield a single map. These one-map solutions foster a highly selective, authored view reflecting consciously manipulative or ill-conceived design decisions about many factors, such as map scale, geographic scope, feature content, map title, classification of data, and the crispness or fuzziness of symbols representing uncertain features. As a result, the rightfully skeptical map viewer ought to question whether (a) an ulterior motive led to a biased view of reality favoring the author's philosophical or political biases or economic goals, or (b) a lazy map author failed to explore designs offering a more coherent or complete picture of reality. Technology has aggravated the problem of one-map solutions by placing powerful mapping software at the disposal of amateur cartographers who can generate convincing-looking graphics with little or no understanding of their data or the principles of mapping. And technology also allows devious map makers to perfect designs that support their points. But technology can also foster greater openness and more complete understanding of maps and their meaning, and thereby provide a more ethical approach to cartographic analysis and communication. After discussing the problem of single cartographic views, I present six strategies for a more open and overtly critical cartography in which one-map solutions are both rare and suspect.

In this paper the following questions concerning Libanius' speeches addressed to Emperor Theodosius are dealt with: Firstly, the mentioned speeches are reviewed in order to point out in them the social and political background of the age in which they were written, a vvy interesting age fir understanding the process leading from Late Antiquity to Middle Age. Secondly, the aim of these speeches is compared with that of some let- ters of Libanius and shown to be the same: he is proud of his profession as a sophist and claims for himself as such the duty of leading public opinion and protecting the lifi of the community against evo), kind of injustice or abuse exerted by governors or members of the upper class upon thecommons and the poorest citizens. Thirdly, the question of the origin of Libanius' attitude is envisaged; why does he feel obliged to intervene on behalf of his fellow countrymen deploying his eloquence in fighting against power's misuse, illegality and brutalior exerted by the governors upon the lowest class of the population. According to the author, the origin of this attitude is to be found in the new conception of a Rhetoric pervaded by ethi cal principies that can be shown in the Isocratean program of rhetorical paideia.

In July 1983 communal violence in the southern towns of Sri Lanka left between 300 and 3,000 people dead, nearly all of them members of the minority Tamil population. While such a disturbing manifestation of social pathology would seem to demand a response from concerned social scientists, there are special difficulties in confronting such events. Dominant trends in the historical study of popular disturbance, for example the concern to recover the rationality and dignity of participants in food riots (Thompson 1971), or the current interest in manifestations of 'resistance', may look altogether inappropriate in this context. Explanation can all too often look like apologetic, and this may explain why much of the existing writing on communal violence in South Asia deals with virtually everything except the violence itself. One recent study in Sri Lanka, Bruce Kapferer'sLegends of People, Myths of State(Kapferer 1988), has recently tackled this question head on, arguing that there is a clear link between collective violence in Sri Lanka and what the author describes as a 'logic of being in the world', or 'ontology' to be found in everyday Sinhala life. While Kapferer has earned our gratitude for even raising the issue of the connection between collective violence and everyday life, his specific argument, as I shall show below, is based on a limited reading of the available evidence.

U.S. English is a nonprofit organization that promotes English as the common language of the United States. This position has been attacked by bilingual advocates as racist and antiminority. The author examines U.S. English's position toward bilingual education as an educational technique, an educational theory, a social theory, and a political movement. U.S. English has no objection to the use of non-English-speaking students' native languages in classrooms as an educational technique. Research evidence, however, supports neither claims that bilingual education is superior to alternative methods nor the educational theory behind bilingual education. Therefore, U.S. English advocates broadening federal funding for educational programs designed for limited-English-proficient children to include the full range of such programs rather than limiting funding to bilingual programs. Bilingual education is rooted in a social theory of cultural pluralism and a belief in the institutional racism of American schools. U.S. English advocates an emphasis on the commonalities between Americans rather than on the divisions between ethnic and cultural subgroups. It advocates English-language training leading to rapid classroom integration rather than to long-term language-based segregation within schools. Politically, advocacy of bilingual education comes primarily from Hispanic organizations whose continued power depends upon maintaining strong ethnic solidarity and separatism and from defining Hispanic Americans as a minority rather than an immigrant group.