How do winners of processes of meritocracy make sense of those processes, especially in the face of forceful public critiques of their unequal outcomes? In this paper I analyze the meaning-making with respect to merit in university admissions of White, native-born undergraduates attending elite American and British universities. I find that United States students support the "calibration" of evaluations of merit, and emphasize evaluations of applicants' contributions to the "collective merit" of their university cohorts. British students espouse a universalist, individualist understanding of merit. While conceptions of merit differed across national contexts, students in both reproduced the notions of merit espoused by their universities. I conclude that in spite of a long history of student protest on college campuses, rather than engagement with symbolic politics on liberal-identified campuses, self-interest in status legitimation dominates student perspectives, ultimately reproducing understandings of merit that will reproduce inequality. The paper draws upon 98 one-on-one in-depth interviews with White, native-born undergraduates attending Harvard University, Brown University, and University of Oxford.
The focus on inclusive approaches to higher education and increasing availability of educational technologies designed to enhance student communication and collaboration has led to new opportunities for widening participation and improving the learning outcomes of students from diverse backgrounds. However, despite the potential, the principles of inclusive education are often applied in ways that serve to further disenfranchise the very students the approach seeks to support. This paper draws on research undertaken through funding support provided by the Australian Government, Office for Learning and Teaching in presenting the case for teachers to adapt their learning and teaching strategies to address an increasingly diverse student population and to adopt more transformative pedagogical approaches to engaging all students with "difference". This paper explores issues of particular relevance to the design of technology enhanced learning that is inclusive of the diverse needs of higher education students with disabilities, however, the term "diverse students" is preferred, acknowledging the transient nature of some disabilities, the varying ways in which individuals choose to identify, the multiple layers of equity overlap, and the benefits of inclusive design of technology enhanced learning for all students. The inclusive education approach presented in the paper incorporates accessibility, usability, personalization and transformative pedagogy within a holistic model, as well as strategies for implementation at the institutional, program and individual student level. This paper concludes by arguing for more transformative approaches to understanding diversity and strategies for implementing inclusive design of technology enhanced learning in the higher education context.
The Secretary of State &, by delegated authority, the Admin'or of the Bur of Security & Consular Affairs in the Dept of State are responsible. for the administration & enforcement of the immigration laws as they relate to the issuance or denial of visas to applicants overseas. That responsibility is established in the 1952 Immigration Law (McCarran-Walters Act) & remains unchanged in the 1965 Immigration Law. The major changes in the 1965 Law require the issuance of visas to persons in newly defined preference categories, each within specified ceilings applied on a hemispheric basis, & within a limitation of 20,000 to all applicants, preference & nonpreference, from any one foreign state. These & other changes required the State Dept to establish new controls to comply with the new law. The controls are enforced through the State Dept's Visa Office in Washington which is the backstop & link with the consuls abroad who actually issue the visas. While the major accomplishment of the new law is the removal of the discriminatory nat'l-origins quota system, unrelated provisions have caused unanticipated difficulties which the Congress will be required to examine if injustices are to be avoided, esp to applicants in the nonpreference category. HA.
Abstract Many concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party's stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi's Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government's mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as "killing a constitution by a thousand cuts." The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.
Bidal Aguero was born on July 23, 1949, and attended Texas Technological College (later Texas Tech University) in the fall of 1967. While there, he became active a Mexican American student organization called Los Tertullianos, becoming vice-president in 1970 and president in 1971. Los Tertullianos organized gatherings and seminars to encourage Mexican American students to be more politically active. Aguero graduated from Texas Tech in December 1972 with a B.A. in music education and after working for Learn-Education Talent Search for seven months, he helped found COMA (Commerciantes Organizacion Mexicano Americano), the Mexican-American Chamber of Commerce, in 1972. ; He joined La Raza Unida Party, ran for local offices such as county commissioner, and participated in organizing protests for injustices done against Mexican Americans. Aguero was one of those who filed a lawsuit against the Lubbock Independent School District to change its method of electing school trustees. Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Full biography can be found at http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00042/tsw-00042.html ; The collection consists of personal, financial and business records, civil rights and social service organizational materials, and government papers. ; Bidal Aguero Papers, 1949-1988 and undated, Southwest ...
Bidal Aguero was born on July 23, 1949, and attended Texas Technological College (later Texas Tech University) in the fall of 1967. While there, he became active a Mexican American student organization called Los Tertullianos, becoming vice-president in 1970 and president in 1971. Los Tertullianos organized gatherings and seminars to encourage Mexican American students to be more politically active. Aguero graduated from Texas Tech in December 1972 with a B.A. in music education and after working for Learn-Education Talent Search for seven months, he helped found COMA (Commerciantes Organizacion Mexicano Americano), the Mexican-American Chamber of Commerce, in 1972. ; He joined La Raza Unida Party, ran for local offices such as county commissioner, and participated in organizing protests for injustices done against Mexican Americans. Aguero was one of those who filed a lawsuit against the Lubbock Independent School District to change its method of electing school trustees. Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Full biography can be found at http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00042/tsw-00042.html ; The collection consists of personal, financial and business records, civil rights and social service organizational materials, and government papers. ; Bidal Aguero Papers, 1949-1988 and undated, Southwest ...
Testimony issued by the Government Accountability Office with an abstract that begins "Rail transit generally has been one of the safest forms of public transportation. However, several recent notable accidents are cause for concern. For example, a July 2009 crash on the Washington Metro Red Line resulted in nine deaths. The federal government does not directly regulate the safety of rail transit. Through its State Safety Oversight program, the Federal Transit Administration (FTA) requires states to designate an oversight agency to directly oversee the safety of rail transit systems. In 2006, GAO issued a report that made recommendations to improve the program. The Department of Transportation (DOT) is planning to propose legislation that, if passed, would result in a greater role for FTA in regulating and overseeing the safety of these systems. This statement (1) summarizes the findings of GAO's 2006 report and (2) provides GAO's preliminary observations on key elements DOT has told us it will include in its legislative proposal for revamping rail transit safety oversight. It is based primarily on GAO's 2006 report, an analysis of key elements of DOT's planned proposal through review of documents and interviews with DOT officials, and GAO's previous work on regulatory programs that oversee safety within other modes of transportation. GAO's 2006 report was based on a survey of the 27 state oversight agencies and transit agencies covered by FTA's program. GAO provided a draft of this testimony to DOT officials and incorporated their comments as appropriate."
J. B. Harley's insistence that "there is no such thing as an empty space on a map" invites critical inquiry into which places are being left blank in popular reference maps, and why. I discuss the myriad reasons that items may not appear on a map, and invite a rethinking of the way selection is conceptualized in cartographic education. In this study, several GIS-supported methods are used to identify and compare consistently empty areas in print and digital maps of Washington State made by Google, Microsoft, OpenStreetMap, Rand McNally, National Geographic, and the state Department of Transportation. I then examine the physical and human landscapes of these places using imagery overlays, queries of land ownership data, and observations from site visits. In the state of Washington, empty spaces on the map are highly connected with regional and global economies, and are essential for supporting the needs of urban life such as food, electricity, construction, and waste disposal. City dwellers may not ever see or recognize the intensive land uses occurring in these geographies, whose landowners include an intriguing mix of large industries, multiple levels of government, religious colonies, and individuals searching for space and solitude.
This paper focuses on the study of Islamic Political Thought of Nurcholish Madjid and M. Amien Rais about Islamic state in Indonesia. Nurcholish Madjid required secularization, as an effort and rationalization of religious desecration. In this context, religion is not only understood as an integral dimension of the sacred (holy) with all its appliances. But there are many parts changed, because it is sociological. According to Nurcholish, secularization is the way that Muslims needed to be done, so that the public can distinguish between social phenomena and the phenomenon of transcendent revelation.
Series numbers have been assigned as follows: II. Federal Courts, III. Department of the Treasury, IV. Department of War, V. Department of Justice, VI. Post Office Department, VII. Department of the Navy, VIII. Department of the Interior, IX. Department of Agriculture, X. Department of Commerce, XI. Department of Labor, XII. Veterans' Administration, XIII. Federal Civil Works Administration, XIV. Emergency Relief Administration, XV. Works Progress Administration, XVI. Farm Credit Administration and XVII. Miscellaneous agencies. ; Within each series, some numbers are issued by the Historical Records Survey, some by the National Archives Project, and some by the Survey of Federal Archives. ; "This plan for the organization of the Inventory is as follows: Series I consists of reports on the administration of the survey, acknowledgments, and general discussions of the location, condition and content of federal archives in the states. Succeeding series contain the detailed information secured by workers of the survey, in inventory form, a separate series number being assigned to each of the executive departments (except the Department of State) and other major units of the federal government. Within each series no. 1 is a general introduction to the field organization and records of the governmental agency concerned; the succeeding numbers contain the inventory proper, separate numbers being assigned to each state in the alphabetical order. Thus, in each series, the inventory for Alabama is no. 2, and for Arizona no. 3, that for Arkansas no. 4, etc."--Pref., Series II, no. 3. ; no. 2. Alabama. -- no. 3. Arizona. -- no. 4. Arkansas. -- no. 5. California. -- no. 6. Colorado. -- no. 7. Connecticut. -- no. 8. Delaware. -- no. 9. Florida. -- no. 10. Georgia. -- no. 11. Idaho. -- no. 12. Illinois. -- no. 13. Indiana. -- no. 14. Iowa. -- no. 15. Kansas. -- no. 16. Kentucky. -- no. 17. Louisiana. -- no. 18. Maine. -- no. 19. Maryland. -- no. 20. Massachusetts. -- no. 21. Michigan. -- no. 22. Minnesota. -- no. 23. ...
InOvercoming Religious Illiteracy, Harvard professor and Phillips Academy teacher Diane L. Moore argues that though the United States is one of the most religiously diverse nations in the world, the vast majority of citizens are woefully ignorant about religion itself and the basic tenets of the world's major religious traditions. The consequences of this religious illiteracy are profound and include fueling the culture wars, curtailing historical understanding and promoting religious and racial bigotry. In this volume, Moore combines theory with practice to articulate how to incorporate the
Access options:
The following links lead to the full text from the respective local libraries:
The study analyses the political nature of Shakespeare's Othello (1604) that stems from the desire of the Elizabethan dramatists to represent the actual world. In The Social History of Art: Renaissance Mannerism and Baroque.
Report of the Texas State Auditor's Office related to determining whether the Department of State Health Services has made progress in implementing recommendations and correcting deficiencies identified in "An Audit Report on the Department of Health's Implementation of a Business Improvement Plan."
