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In the late 1960s, all manner of assaults were directed between the Biafran secessionists and their Nigerian counterparts. As a result, unresolved ethnic, economic and socio-political lines exposed the "harvest" of the 1966–70 revolution. This harvest of corruption and military rule spilled into the 1980s and 90s creating resistant groups until the millennium age which ushered in new revolutionary tactics. Between 1970 when the revolution was officially declared ended till date, Nigerians have been made to harvest "proceeds" of both the colonial and postcolonial "legacies" which many critics pin down on bad leadership. For instance, while the steaming smoke from the battle nozzles of the Niger Delta revolutionaries is yet to fade away, the Northern region, under the violence of Boko Haram (Western Education is forbidden/sinful) has caused panic in the political arena. Against the backdrop of the current "global awakening," this paper, through some critical works and Nigerian fictional artefacts, takes a careful examination of one particular aspect of this "harvest," particularly the disillusionment and subsequent reactions of the people in various revolutionary garbs. The paper concludes that the amnesty antidote offered by the Nigerian leadership is simply a toothless escapist remedy. The position of this exploration is that the current militants or revolutionaries in any of the Nigerian geopolitical zones are reactive hydra-monsters created by a failing system where the national wealth has been hijacked by a few. Until this wealth is justly distributed, more chameleonic colours of revolutionaries are bound to emerge from the same system.

This paper aims to describe the progresses that Latin American countries have made to define their current position in relation to the protection of human rights. Their political –constitutional tendency reflects the increasing significance of international law in these countries, especially in the field of human rights. Even at regional level, the initial opposition to the process of institutionalization has been superseded by a greater participation to the Inter-American system for the protection of human rights. Nevertheless, even though these States belong to the same region of the international community and, therefore, share cultural, historical, religious traditions, at universal level, they have failed to define a common position with regard to the action taken by the UN General Assembly in the field of human rights. ; Este trabajo pretende trazar el complejo recorrido que los países latinoamericanos realizaron para definir su posición actual en relación con la protección de los derechos humanos. La dirección político-constitucional de los países de América Latina destaca por la apertura gradual del derecho constitucional hacia el derecho internacional, en particular hacia los derechos humanos y por una mayor participación en el sistema latinoamericano de protección de derechos humanos. A pesar de que estos países pertenezcan a la misma región, compartan los mismos valores, así como las tradiciones históricas y culturales, a nivel universal han fallado en definir una línea común sobre este asunto con referencia a la acción de la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas.

Partiendo de la consideración de la temática de la violencia en un doble registro, ontológico y antropológico, el escrito tiene como propósito mostrar el vínculo entre la concepción de la organización político-militar Montoneros sobre la violencia, y la noción de violencia planteada por el imaginario tercermundista. Éste, intentaré mostrar, ofreció un entramado de percepciones en torno a la violencia que la ubicó en un doble registro: como diagnóstico social (registro ontológico) y, al propio tiempo, como medio para la transformación social (registro antropológico). Montoneros abrevó en la concepción de la violencia revolucionaria que se desprende del imaginario tercermundista, logrando una emparentación entre Perón, peronismo y luchas por la liberación de los pueblos. ; Starting from the consideration about the subject to the violence in a double register, ontological and anthropological, the document has as purpose to show the tie between the conception about the violence of the political-military organization Montoneros, and the notion of the violence raised of the third-world imaginary. This, I will try to show, offered a framework of the perceptions around to the violence that put it in a double register: as social diagnosis (ontological register) and, in the same time, as a medium for the social transformation (anthropological register). Montoneros watered in the conception of the revolutionary violence that to arise from the third-world imaginary, getting a link between Perón, peronism and the fights for the liberation of peoples. ; filFil: Otero, Rocío. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina

El objetivo fundamental del presente artículo es analizar la propuesta de ciudadanía ideada por Hannah Arendt. La tesis central es que dicha propuesta posibilita el desarrollo y fortalecimiento de la acción política en las democracias contemporáneas. El trabajo se divide en cinco epígrafes. En el primero, se desarrolla una breve introducción sobre el tema tratado. En el segundo y tercer epígrafe, se exponen, respectivamente, las condiciones políticas y morales que hacen posible la ciudadanía demo-crática, así como las condiciones que obstaculizan el ejercicio de la misma, de acuerdo con Arendt. Después, se reflexiona críticamente sobre la propuesta de ciudadanía arendtiana. Por último, se concluye y se propone un conjunto de desafíos cívicos en las democracias actuales a la luz de la referida propuesta. ; The main purpose of this paper is to analyze Hannah Arendt's citizenship proposal. The central thesis is that this proposal is possible in contemporary democracies, and it is adequate for developing and strengthening of political action. The work is divided in five sections. In the first, we develop a brief introduction on the studied issue. In the second and third section, we analyze, respec-tively, political and moral conditions that enable democratic citizenship, and the conditions that hinder the exercise of the same, according to Arendt. Then, we reflect critically on Arendt's citizenship proposal. Finally, we conclude and we propose a set of civic challenges relate to current democracies in light of the above proposal.

Many countries have been concerned recently whether government size and government debt have become large enough to encroach excessively on their private economic performance. New Zealand, in contradistinction, has undergone a period of reversal over the past two decades in which both government size and the ratio of government debt to GDP have been reduced substantially. This paper examines whether there has been a cost to government debt and government size in New Zealand and thus whether a policy of deliberate contraction would have been associated with an output premium. The analysis suggests that in the long run government size and private per capita output have had an inverted U-shaped relationship with the positive effect of government size peaking at close to thirty percent of GDP. In addition larger government debt is found to be associated with lower levels of private output. Hence the contraction in government size and the debt ratio in New Zealand would have resulted in an output premium. After accounting for the process of convergence to the long run, the short run analysis suggests that the inverse relationship found between changes in government size and economic growth may be attributable more to the response of fiscal expenditure policy to unanticipated changes in growth than to the perverse effect of government expenditures on growth and output. This reinforces the traditional expenditure role of fiscal policy while at the same time cautioning against any longer run spillover into larger government size and debt.

PURPOSE: Suicide is a major health problem in Korea. Extensive media exposure of celebrity suicide may induce imitative suicide, a phenomenon called the Werther effect. We examined the increased suicide risk following the suicides of an entertainer and a politician, and identified the relative suicide risks. METHODS: News articles about the celebrity suicides were obtained from three major newspapers and analysed for quantitative and qualitative features. Imitative suicide risk was investigated by applying a Poisson time series autoregression model with suicide mortality data from the National Statistics Office for 1.5 years before and 1.5 years after each celebrity's suicide. The period with a significantly increased number of suicides immediately after the celebrity's suicide determined the Werther effect band. The relative risk during this period was examined for different ages, genders, and suicide methods. RESULTS: News reports were more numerous and they contained more positive definitions about the entertainer's suicide. The risk of suicide deaths rose markedly after both celebrity suicides. However, the Werther effect band was longer for the entertainer (6 weeks) than for the politician (4 weeks). The relative suicide risk was significant for almost all ages and both genders during that of both individuals. Use of the same suicide method was a prominent risk factor after both celebrity suicides. CONCLUSIONS: Our results confirm the existence of imitative suicide behaviours, suggesting a facilitation effect of media reports. Guidelines for responsible media reporting need to be implemented to enhance public mental health in Korea. ; open

В статье представлен социополитический анализ особенностей российской Интернет-аудитории. Отмечается, что нынешняя система государственного управления нуждается в модернизации, т.к. привычные схемы управления не работают в обществе, пронизанном сетевыми коммуникациями. Об этом также свидетельствует смещение властной иерархии в сторону децентрализованных сетевых структур. Показано, что сетевая демократия является лейтмотивом современной политической коммуникации. Участие активных Интернет-пользователей способствует открытости и прозрачности процесса управления государством, а также увеличивает легитимность политической власти в обществе. Вместе с этим, работая и созидая совместно в Интернете, граждане чувствуют сопричастность общему делу, а, как известно, чувство «коллективного» сильно развито в каждом человеке. ; The article presents a socio-political analysis of the peculiarities of the Russian Internet audience. It is noted that the current system of government is in need of modernization, as familiar control schemes do not work in a society permeated network communications. This is also evidenced by the displacement of the power hierarchy in the direction of decentralized network structures. It is shown that the power of democracy is the keynote of modern political communication, and quantitative distribution of Internet users will lead to profound qualitative changes in politics and governance. The participation of active Internet users contributes to the openness and transparency of the process of governance, and also increases the legitimacy of political power in society. At the same time, working together to build, and the Internet, the citizens a sense of belonging to the common cause, and, as you know, a sense of "collective" strong in every human being.

37 pages ; Why does public conflict over societal risks persist in the face of compelling and widely accessible scientific evidence? We conducted an experiment to probe two alternative answers: the "Science Comprehension Thesis" (SCT), which identifies defects in the public's knowledge and reasoning capacities as the source of such controversies; and the "Identity-protective Cognition Thesis" (ICT) which treats cultural conflict as disabling the faculties that members of the public use to make sense of decision-relevant science. In our experiment, we presented subjects with a difficult problem that turned on their ability to draw valid causal inferences from empirical data. As expected, subjects highest in Numeracy — a measure of the ability and disposition to make use of quantitative information — did substantially better than less numerate ones when the data were presented as results from a study of a new skin-rash treatment. Also as expected, subjects' responses became politically polarized — and even less accurate — when the same data were presented as results from the study of a gun-control ban. But contrary to the prediction of SCT, such polarization did not abate among subjects highest in Numeracy; instead, it increased. This outcome supported ICT, which predicted that more Numerate subjects would use their quantitative-reasoning capacity selectively to conform their interpretation of the data to the result most consistent with their political outlooks. We discuss the theoretical and practical significance of these findings. ; National Science Foundation, Grant SES 0922714; Cultural Cognition Lab at Yale Law School

International audience ; Current interest in fisheries co-management is first of all a reflection of the failure of conventional fisheries managementagainst a background of declining income from fishing and increasing conflicts over the exploitation of resources.Already in the nineties, a global study on the transition towards sustainable fishing based on twenty five casestudies emphasised the success of fisheries co-management (OECD, 1997).At the same time, there has been renewed interest in traditional systems of fisheries co-management: the fishers'corporations (prud'homies) in the French Mediterranean, the Lofoten islands fisheries, the Cofradias in Catalonia, theVan Chai system in Vietnam, the Panchayat village system from Andhra Pradesh. Some of these older systems are onlyon the fringes of co-management proper, which evidences the wide spectrum covered by co-management in the fishingliterature.Several major questions related to the co-management of fisheries are broached in this study:■ What are the terms of reference that would allow adequate intervention of each stakeholder in a co-managementsystem, at the level of the different phases and various scales (local, national, transnational)?■ What is the relative importance of the social, economic, institutional and legal aspects of co-management, respectively?■ What are the key factors for success or failure of fisheries co-management?■ What are the main components of conditionality for co-management in terms of framing, capacity building,data and tools?■ Are the costs of co-management higher or lower than other, more centrally-managed systems?■ What lessons drawn from international experience can be applied to the SRFC region?

Intersectional insights and frameworks are put into practice in a multitude of highly contested, complex, and unpredictable ways. We group such engagements with intersectionality into three loosely defined sets of practices: applications of an intersectional framework or investigations of intersectional dynamics; debates about the scope and content of intersectionality as a theoretical and methodological paradigm; and political interventions employing an intersectional lens. We propose a template for fusing these three levels of engagement with intersectionality into a field of intersectional studies that emphasizes collaboration and literacy rather than unity. Our objective here is not to offer pat resolutions to all questions about intersectional approaches but to spark further inquiry into the dynamics of intersectionality both as an academic frame and as a practical intervention in a world characterized by extreme inequalities. At the same time, we wish to zero in on some issues that we believe have occupied a privileged place in the field from the very start, as well as on key questions that will define the field in the future. To that end, we foreground the social dynamics and relations that constitute subjects, displacing what often seems like an undue emphasis on the subjects (and categories) themselves as the starting point of inquiry. We also situate the development and contestation of these focal points of intersectional studies within the politics of academic and social movements — which, we argue, are themselves deeply intersectional in nature and therefore must continually be interrogated as part of the intersectional project.

In a colonial world that came close to its end, halfway between the Ancien Régime y what would come after, Mariano Moreno wrote his work at the same time that was a protagonist of the political events that shake Buenos Aires in 1810. Using this character as a gateway to the eighteen Century Rí­o de La Plata, we try to reconstruct the ideas and language of the times. A point of special attention is the print culture, with which Moreno had an active relationship, founding and directing the first official bulletin and editing a version of Rousseau ´s Social Contract. The question that drives this text is as follows: How «modern » were Moreno and the world he lived in? ; En un mundo colonial que se acercaba a su fin, a medio camino entre el Ancien Régime y lo que vendrí­a después, Mariano Moreno escribió su obra a la vez que era protagonista de los eventos polí­ticos que sacudieron Buenos Aires en 1810. Tomando a este personaje como puerta de entrada al Rí­o de la Plata decimonónico, aquí­ se intenta reconstruir las ideas y el lenguaje de la época. Un punto de especial interés para el trabajo es la cultura impresa, con la cual Moreno tuvo una relación activa, fundando y dirigiendo el primer boletí­n oficial y editando una versión del Contrato Social de Rousseau. La pregunta que recorre el texto es la siguiente ¿Qué tan «moderno » fue Moreno y qué tanto lo era el mundo en que viví­a?

Several countries, including Cyprus, have passed smoke-free legislations in recent years. The goal of this study was to assess the indoor levels of particulate matter in hospitality venues in Cyprus before and after the implementation of the law on 1/1/2010, evaluate the role of enforcement, and examine the legislation's effect on revenue and employment. Several hospitality venues (n = 35) were sampled between April 2007 and January 2008, and 21 of those were re-sampled after the introduction of the smoking ban, between March and May 2010. Data on enforcement was provided by the Cyprus Police whereas data on revenue and employment within the hospitality industry of Cyprus were obtained from the Cyprus Statistical Service; comparisons were made between the corresponding figures before and after the implementation of the law. The median level of PM2.5 associated with secondhand smoking was 161 μg/m3 pre-ban and dropped to 3 μg/m3 post-ban (98% decrease, p < 0.0001). Furthermore, in the year following the ban, the hotel turnover rate increased by 4.1% and the restaurant revenue by 6.4%; employment increased that same year by 7.2% and 1.0%, respectively. Smoke free legislations, when enforced, are highly effective in improving the air quality and reducing the levels of indoor PM2.5. Strict enforcement plays a key role in the successful implementation of smoking bans. Even in nations with high smoking prevalence comprehensive smoking laws can be effectively implemented and have no negative effect on accommodation, food, and beverage services.

After traumatic events such as emergencies and disasters, there is often an increase in psychosocial distress among communities. As a result, there may be an increase in the prescription and use of psychotropic medications as one way to help manage the symptoms of this distress in individuals. Few studies have considered changes in psychotropic medication usage following a disaster as a proxy measure of the extent of mental health distress in the community. A pharmaco-epidemiological design compared de-identified government prescribing databases for anxiolytic, antidepressant and a control prescription for a 6 month period after the cyclone for all affected North Queensland communities and compared the data with a similar data set from the same time period in the previous year. The results indicate a significant increase in the prescription of antidepressant medications compared to the control drug and the previous year. Determining changes in psychotropic prescribing patterns following a disaster provide evidence to inform post-disaster public health response, planning, and funding. As an increase in antidepressant medications is an indicator of distress in the community, the data from this study provided community mental health nurses with evidence to support funding requests for additional resources (human resources and other) to support post disaster response activities in the local area. Learning Objectives: 1. Increased understanding of the link between emergencies and disasters, and psychosocial response. 2. Recognition that general practitioners prescribe antidepressants as a way of managing distress following traumatic events. 3. Awareness of how sharing research findings can be used to support applications for post disaster response activities.

Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations and states have developed programs to promote (good) governance at the country level. Regional organizations have gained an important role in governance transfer because they constitute an intermediary level of agency between the nation-state and global institutions. This paper maps the governance transfer of nine regional organizations in the Americas, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. We analyze the objectives, approaches, and instruments used to promote the creation and transformation of governance institutions in target countries. This comparison shows that similar standards and instruments have been adopted throughout the areas of study, in line with the notion of a global governance script. At the same time, we find important differences with regard to when and how the regional organizations prescribe and promote "good" governance institutions at the national level. Research on diffusion and comparative regionalism is ill- equipped to account for this double finding of increasing similarities and persisting differences. The paper calls for a more agency-centered approach that conceptualizes governance transfer as an institutional choice by states. We identify factors that elicit states' demand for governance transfer, on the one hand, and that shape its institutional design, on the other. ; Seit Ende des Kalten Krieges haben Internationale Organisationen und Staaten Programme entwickelt, um "Gutes Regieren" in Mitgliedstaaten und Drittländern zu fördern. Regionalorganisationen sind als Vermittler zwischen nationalen und globalen Institutionen wichtig für solche Governance-Transfers. Dieses Papier erfasst den Governance-Transfer von neun Regionalorganisationen in den Amerikas, Afrika, Asien und im Nahen Osten. Dabei analysieren wir die Ziele, Ansätze und Instrumente für die Schaffung oder Veränderung von Institutionen in Zielländern. Dieser Vergleich zeigt Ähnlichkeiten bei Standards und Instrumenten, was auf die Ausbreitung eines "globalen ...

This research explores the experience of violence and restitution of four landminessurvivors in Colombia's Magdalena Medio region. Subjectivity, intersubjectivity and social experience are analytical categories that I use to show that the figures ofthe hero, the criminal and the victim can inhabit the same fragmented body, and todemonstrate that the experience of the victim is different than the one of the survivor.This interdisciplinary approach, both psychological and anthropological, shows theconnection between the experience of violence and restitution for landmine survivors and the social, historical, political and cultural realms which surround them. On theother hand, this research reveals the potential of the intersubjective space to mobilizethe restitution for its dismembered bodies through symbolic prosthesis. https://doi.org/10.22380/2539472X76 ; Este trabajo explora las experiencias de violencia y de restitución de cuatro sobrevivientesde minas antipersonales del Magdalena Medio colombiano. La subjetividad, la intersubjetividad y la experiencia social fueron las categorías de análisisque permitieron mostrar que el héroe, el criminal y la víctima pueden habitar unmismo cuerpo y que no es lo mismo ser víctima que ser sobreviviente. La psicologíay la antropología se pusieron en diálogo para mostrar, por una parte, cómo es larelación entre las experiencias de violencia y de restitución de los sobrevivientesy las dimensiones sociales, históricas, políticas y culturales de sus contextos. Porotra, ponen de manifiesto el potencial del espacio intersubjetivo para movilizar larestitución de los cuerpos desmembrados a través de prótesis simbólicas. https://doi.org/10.22380/2539472X76