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For almost two centuries substantial research in Sociology, Political Science, History and Anthropology has focused on the state, the nation, nationalism, and national identity. Despite a very remarkable amount of knowledge and intelligent theorizing a number of questions need revisiting and more encompassing comparative work is needed. Here, I offer an argument that involves three areas seldom, if ever, compared: Western Europe, South America, and North America (particularly the United States). The period spans from the sixteenth century to the 1930s but I specially focus on the epoch that starts in the 1750s. The length of the period under scrutiny allows testing correlations among variables over long periods of time. First, I revisit the concept of 'nation' and stress that nations are intellectual constructs as much as they are cultural and imagined ones. Second, I emphasize the state's conceptualizing of the nation as a key independent variable connected to the construction of national identity. Third, I bring some findings of the philosophy of language to bear upon the ways states conceptualize nations and construct their public discourse in relation to national identity. Fourth, I argue that rather than other important factors such as the cultural, ethnic, and linguistic characteristics of the national community, the construction of national identity depends upon the modernization of bureaucracies (in Max Weber's sense) and the characteristics of the civil service. I am particularly interested in the way modern bureaucracies institutionalize meaning. Finally, I suggest that the terms nation-state and national-state have contributed more to a theory of the state than to a theory of the connections between states and nations. I therefore redefine these terms and add a third concept ('state-nation') in order to better capture the relations between states and nations in the regions compared. I identify the relation between states and nations as one of codependency and I claim that different types of codependency are connected to the consolidation of different types of political regimes. During the last two and a half centuries codependency between states and nations has progressively augmented, despite the ups and downs of globalization, different types of international conflict, and changes in the global economic cycle.

Textiles have played a key role in local and national cultures not only because of their utility and functionality, but also in terms of the symbolic value that they have for a particular social group, populace, or nation. Given the erratic and myriad nature of these communities, the focus of this article is on mapping out differentiation in the designs of contemporary wooly socks that find their source of inspiration in an imaginary of Finland celebrating its national centenary in 2017. In this endeavor, the article refines how an idea of a nation is reflected on through knitted craftwork, and how the divergence and layeredness of these designs not only reaffirms and evokes traditions but also develops the culture of knitting in contemporary times. In conclusion, the article contributes to the decoding of a textile design process in reflection of the recollection of the experiences of rootedness, the reproduction of the expression and the use of communicative images, and the negotiation of hybrid social realities voiced through the materiality of making. ; Textiles have played a key role in local and national cultures not only because of their utility and functionality, but also in terms of the symbolic value that they have for a particular social group, populace, or nation. Given the erratic and myriad nature of these communities, the focus of this article is on mapping out differentiation in the designs of contemporary wooly socks that find their source of inspiration in an imaginary of Finland celebrating its national centenary in 2017. In this endeavor, the article refines how an idea of a nation is reflected on through knitted craftwork, and how the divergence and layeredness of these designs not only reaffirms and evokes traditions but also develops the culture of knitting in contemporary times. In conclusion, the article contributes to the decoding of a textile design process in reflection of the recollection of the experiences of rootedness, the reproduction of the expression and the use of communicative images, and the negotiation of hybrid social realities voiced through the materiality of making. ; Peer reviewed

The delivery of education in refugee camps has become a key component of humanitarian programs. Since the late 1980s, camps have become the dominant way through which refugee movements are managed around the world (Agier, 2014). Children, the perfect embodiment of the innocent victim, are particularly targeted by humanitarian aid. When refugee situations become protracted and the temporary permanent, their learning structures tend to be become actual schools made of an administration, a teaching staff and a curriculum. Generally funded and coordinated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), these camp schools contribute today to the schooling of almost 3,5 millions of refugee children (UNHCR, 2019). Going beyond an idealized vision of education as a "basic human right" and an instrument of "protection," this article looks at the ways in which humanitarian aid contributes to establishing the school norm in the margins of the Nation-States while at the same time being closely intertwined with the politics of controlling human mobility. Based on the case studies of schools in two Congolese refugee camps (in Tanzania and Rwanda), we explore which registers of legitimization and understandings of the child they are built on; how they are governed and negotiated on a daily basis by multiple actors; and how they are perceived by the students. What emerges from this analysis are a variety of tensions that characterize the dynamics of these schools: they simultaneously include their students in and exclude them from the dominant social order; they victimize them at the same time as they project them as future citizens, and they (re)produce the conditions of their confinement while creating opportunities for certain socio-spatial mobilities.

In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post‐colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

International audience ; In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

International audience ; In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

International audience ; In Belize, a project for building a new capital emerged in the early 1960s, just after the ravages of Hurricane Hattie, which had destroyed much of the colonial capital, Belize City. According to the common narrative, Belmopan was the answer to a natural threat. But this article will show that it was also a political strategy, intended to give the country a new, modern face, the symbol of a young nation on the road to independence (1981). One of the issues of this post-colonial state is the definition of a national 'us' and the place of ethnic groups inherited from the British colonial administration's policy of 'divide and rule'. The article shows that the politicisation of ethnicity entails neither its integration in the state nor its institutionalisation by the parties, but rather the emergence of 'citizenship from below'.

Cover; Half Title; Title; Dedication; Copyright; Contents; Acknowledgments; Introduction; 1. Leon Pinsker: Auto/Emancipation; 2. Theodor Herzl: A Non-Jewish State of Jews; 3. Ahad Ha'am: Neither a "Spiritual Center" nor a "Jewish State"; 4. Vladimir Jabotinsky: A Jewish State of Nationalities; 5. David Ben-Gurion: Jewish States, Non-Jewish States; Conclusion; Notes; Bibliography; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P; R; S; T; U; V; W; Y; Z

This Discussion Paper draws attention to the often overlooked aspects of the limits, poverty and contradictions embedded in the "unfinished business" of the Zimbabwe nation state project. It is located within the broader context of the crisis of the nation-state in an African continent increasingly buffeted by waves of globalisation. It also revisits the debate on whether postcolonial nationalism can completely avoid reproducing the racial and ethnic discrimination that characterised its colonial past. Zeroing in on Zimbabwe, the paper argues that the nation-state crisis has roots in the legacy of settler colonialism, the ethnic fragmentation that marked the history of the liberation movement and the character of the nationalist elite. Its critique of the politics of the nationalist and political elite, the Lancaster House Agreement, the National Democratic Revolution and the Global Political Agreement makes this paper an important contribution to the debates on the real legacy of the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe and the prospects for a common national identity based on nationalism, social justice, inclusive democracy and development in the country.

With the explosion of national, international, and multinational actors becoming involved in ocean exploitation, concern has arisen over how this common resource is to be managed. One focus of these concerns has been with those international organizations already involved in ocean issues. The subject of this book is one of those international organizations, the Intergovernmental Maritime Consultative Organization (IMCO) and how it operates. The tasks and functioning of IMCO have not only been neglected by observers of international organization, but are unknown to many of those individuals specifically concerned with the operation of the1Specialized Agencies of the United Nations system.

"Christ, to be sure, gave His Church no proper mission in the political, economic, or social order, The purpose which He set before her is a religious one." This is a formulation which the Bishops of the Catholic Church asserted in the Conciliar document The Church in the Modern World in the chapter devoted to "The Fostering of Peace and the Promotion of a Community of Nations." From this statement one should not conclude to the political irrelevance of religion. Rather, he should seek further for the precise mode of that relevance; he will find it, I believe, in the religiously enlightened person acting politically.

AbstractThis paper probes the relationship between nationalism and belonging. In the context of the enactment of the 'Nation‐State Law' in Israel, it addresses a twofold question: how do members of the Druze community articulate the minority group's sense of belonging to the national community, and what do their constructions of belonging suggest about how Druze might shape and secure their belonging in the Jewish nationalist project? Our analytical approach draws on theoretical accounts of the politics of belonging and nationalist projects centred on culture and political values; civic identifications and attachments; and the racialized positioning of social groups. The analysis of 18 semi‐structured interviews evoked four metaphors through which we elaborate the impact of the Nation‐State Law on Druze belonging and explore the implications for Druze engagement with this Jewish nationalist project. We envision the possibility of Druze pursuing a transversal intersectional political project of belonging as non‐Jews in Israel.

The dilemma of global terrorism and human rights -- Terrorism and human rights : patterns and effects -- The war on terror -- New global, old local terror : Al Qaeda and other networks -- Terror, human rights and the law -- Case studies fighting terror, denying human rights -- The case of terrorism and human rights in Southeast Asia -- Civil liberties; domestic rights -- The international community and global terrorism -- Conclusion where do we go from here : securing human rights?