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Abstract
This paper argues that The Creation of States in International Law discloses a unique mode of engaging in international legal reasoning, which belies James Crawford's self-avowed legal positivism. That method is characterised by three methodological commitments, each of which is representative of Crawford's broader legal thought. Undertaking a self-consciously normative form of interpretive excavation, the paper contends that Crawford was committed to: 1) cautious optimism about the determinacy of international law; 2) the value of nuance and context when making legal judgements; and 3) the normative importance of humanity as a heuristic principle. It then establishes these commitments as interpretive guidelines that can be used to analyse emergent legal problems. The paper concludes with consideration of the threat posed to Small Island States by rising sea levels, arguing that the spirit of Crawford's intellectual contribution supports their legal resilience and survivability.

Abwägung der Chancen für friedliche Olympische Spiele 1988 in Seoul: Einerseits hat das jüngste Eingehen der südkoreanischen Regierung auf die Forderungen der Opposition den innenpolitischen Konflikt entschärft, andererseits ist der Ausgang des nordkoreanischen "Pokerspiels" um Beteiligung an der Organisation noch völlig offen. Im negativen Fall deutet zwar nichts auf ein internationales Echo für einen möglichen Boykottaufruf Nordkoreas hin - viel größer ist jedoch die Gefahr nordkoreanischer Infiltrations- und Terrorversuche. (SWP-Whr)

"Evolution of International Organization as Institutional Forms and Historical Processes Since 1945: "Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodies?"" published on by Oxford University Press.

China is a country that has been using sport in order to reach political goals for many years. Lately such political exploitation of sport is directed at shaping the desirable international image of this country. This is done most of all through hosting sports events, but also through sports victories. The last aspect is the subject of this research. The aim of the article is therefore to investigate the issue of utilization of performance in international sport in order to enhance international image of a China. The research presented in the article is a case study concerning sport as a tool of nation-branding. Its main objective is to analyse motivation of China's decision-makers to use sports performance in order to enhance the country's international perception, and to observe how this goals is executed. The main hypothesis to be tested states that China perceives sports performance as an important tool of enhancing its international image.

We use the synthetic control method to estimate the effect of international banking and energy sanctions from 2012 to 2015 on military spending of Iran. We create a synthetic control group that mimics the socioeconomic characteristics of Iran before the international sanctions of 2012. We then compare the military spending of the counterfactual Iran without sanction to the factual Iran with sanction for the period of 2003-2015. Over the entire 2013–2015 period, per capita military spending was reduced by about 119 US$ per year on average, which amounts to approximately 54% of the 2012 baseline level. Our findings are robust to a series of tests, including placebo tests.

The most crucial concern about the relationship between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) goes beyond their respective nature –that is, political for the UNSC and judicial for the ICC – to address their correlated respective objectives: peace and justice. An attempt to assess the trends of their relationship for the past 10 years leads to the sound conclusion that the major challenge is to establish a real and permanent autonomy of ICC. But even with respect to the great progresses made in international criminal law and to the achievements of the Court, an appraisal of the effectiveness of that independence revealssome challenges

The most crucial concern about the relationship between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) goes beyond their respective nature –that is, political for the UNSC and judicial for the ICC – to address their correlated respective objectives: peace and justice. An attempt to assess the trends of their relationship for the past 10 years leads to the sound conclusion that the major challenge is to establish a real and permanent autonomy of ICC. But even with respect to the great progresses made in international criminal law and to the achievements of the Court, an appraisal of the effectiveness of that independence revealssome challenges

Since the waning of the cold war during the late 1980s, the Arctic has emerged as a lively arena for initiatives designed to promote international cooperation. These initiatives take a variety of forms. Some, like the Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (AEPS) and its successor the Arctic Council (AC), involve intergovernmental agreements. Others, such as the Northern Forum (NF), are collaborative efforts on the part of subnational units of government (e.g. counties, provinces, states). Still others, like the International Arctic Science Committee (IASC), the University of the Arctic (UArctic), and the Inuit Circumpolar Conference (ICC), feature efforts on the part of nongovernmental bodies to infl uence the course of transnational relations.

The field of international relations has been indundated with at least three great debates regarding the theory and practice of relations between states. The most recent debate centres upon the seemingly adverse theoretical perspectives of realism and postmodernism. As proponents of each viewpoint fail to comprehend the inherent consideration of political ethics within each theoretical perspective, they ultimately fail to recognize the possible existence of similarities in their positions. A comparative analysis of the works of Hans Morgenthau and a number of postmodernists such as David Campbell demonstrates both the existence of such similarities, and the potential implications for the practice of international politics. 1997-08-01T00:00:00Z

AbstractDrawing on recent debates in English School (ES) theory, this article develops an analytical framework for examining how states use multilateral institutions, or what ES theorists call 'secondary institutions', to reshape 'primary institutions', i.e. fundamental practices in international society. The framework highlights the role of states' agency in international institutional change by shedding light on strategies that they employ to bring about changes in primary institutions. It posits that, although they can seek to directly remould primary institutions, states in practice often seek to bring about primary institutional changes through existing or newly formed secondary institutions and that this is especially the case at the level of regional international societies (RISs). The article demonstrates the utility of the framework by using it to analyse the case of Russia's peacekeeping policy in the post-Soviet regional international society (PSRIS), focusing on its efforts to institutionalise the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) as an alternative 'peacekeeping' actor.