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This study uses network analysis to examine Twitter's level of autonomy from external influences, being the political and the media field. The conceptual framework builds upon Bourdieu's field theory, appropriated on social media as mediated social spaces. The study investigates conversation patterns on Twitter between political, media and citizen agents during election times in Belgium. Through the comparison of conversational practices with the positions users hold as political, media or citizen agents, we understand how the former is related to the latter. The analysis of conversation patterns (based on replies and mentions) shows a decentralized and loosely knit network, in which primarily citizen agents are present. Nonetheless, the prominence of citizens in the debate, mentions or replies to political and media agents are significantly higher, placing them more centrally in the network. In addition, politicians and media actors are closely connected within the network, and reciprocal communication of these established agents is significantly lower compared to citizen agents. We understand different aspects of autonomy related to the presence, positions and practices of the agents on Twitter and their relative positions as politicians, media or citizens. To conclude, we discuss the promises of Bourdieu's relational sociology and the limitations of our study. The approach proposed here is an attempt to integrate existing work and evolve towards a systematic understanding of the interrelations between political, media and citizen agents in a networked media environment.

Artykuł podejmuje kwestię przyczyn zmian przywódców w polskich partiach politycznych. Pod uwagę wzięto dwa główne czynniki, które – zgodnie z przyjętymi w środowisku naukowym poglądom – w sposób decydujący warunkują czas trwania na stanowisku. Po pierwsze, przeprowadzono analizę formalnych procedur związanych z odwoływaniem liderów partii politycznych zawartych w statutach partyjnych. Po drugie, przedstawiono wpływ wyniku wyborczego (uzyskane głosy i fakt zawiązania bądź nie koalicji gabinetowej) na zdolność liderów do utrzymania się na stanowisku. Analiza objęła partie polityczne, które uzyskały mandaty w wyborach do Sejmu przeprowadzonych w 2011 r., a więc Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platformę Obywatelską, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe , Ruch Palikota oraz Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej. Artykuł podejmuje zmianę przywódców od momentu powstania wymienionych partii. Analiza ujawniła silny wpływ uzyskanego wyniku wyborczego i rozwiązań statutowych na czas trwania liderów na stanowisku. Fakt zawiązania lub nie koalicji gabinetowej nie wpływa zasadniczo na utrzymanie przywództwa w partii. ; The paper deals with the issue of the reasons for the replacement of the leaders of political parties in Poland. It takes into consideration the two main factors that have been agreed by academic circles to be decisive for the duration of a leader's staying in his/her post. Firstly, an analysis of the formal procedures regulating the dismissal of the leaders of political parties provided by the party statutes is conducted. Secondly, the paper presents the influence election results (the number of votes won and the fact of establishing a government coalition or failing to do so) have on the leaders' ability to keep their post. The analysis encompasses the political parties that won a mandate in the 2011 parliamentary elections, that is Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), Polish People's Party (PSL), Palikot's Movement (RP) and the Democratic Left Alliance (LSD). The paper discusses the topic of the replacement of the leaders since the beginnings of these parties. The analysis reveals a strong influence of election results and statutory provisions on the duration of respective leaders' terms. The fact of entering into a government coalition, or failing to do so, does not have a significant influence on the leaders' maintaining their position.

Artykuł podejmuje kwestię przyczyn zmian przywódców w polskich partiach politycznych. Pod uwagę wzięto dwa główne czynniki, które – zgodnie z przyjętymi w środowisku naukowym poglądami – w sposób decydujący warunkują czas trwania na stanowisku. Po pierwsze, przeprowadzono analizę formalnych procedur związanych z odwoływaniem liderów partii politycznych zawartych w statutach partyjnych. Po drugie, przedstawiono wpływ wyniku wyborczego (uzyskane głosy i fakt zawiązania bądź nie koalicji gabinetowej) na zdolność liderów do utrzymania się na stanowisku. Analiza objęła partie polityczne, które uzyskały mandaty w wyborach do Sejmu przeprowadzonychw2011 r., a więc Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Platformę Obywatelską, Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe, Ruch Palikota oraz Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej. Artykuł podejmuje zmianę przywódców od momentu powstania wymienionych partii. Analiza ujawniła silny wpływ uzyskanego wyniku wyborczego i rozwiązań statutowych na czas trwania liderów na stanowisku. Fakt zawiązania lub nie koalicji gabinetowej nie wpływa zasadniczo na utrzymanie przywództwa w partii. ; The paper deals with the issue of the reasons for the replacement of the leaders of political parties in Poland. It takes into consideration the two main factors that have been agreed by academic circles to be decisive for the duration of a leader's staying in his/her post. Firstly, an analysis of the formal procedures regulating the dismissal of the leaders of political parties provided by the party statutes is conducted. Secondly, the paper presents the influence election results (the number of votes won and the fact of establishing a government coalition or failing to do so) have on the leaders' ability to keep their post. The analysis encompasses the political parties that won a mandate in the 2011 parliamentary elections, that is Law and Justice (PiS), Civic Platform (PO), Polish People's Party (PSL), Palikot's Movement (RP) and the Democratic Left Alliance (LSD). The paper discusses the topic of the replacement of the leaders since the beginnings of these parties. The analysis reveals a strong influence of election results and statutory provisions on the duration of respective leaders' terms. The fact of entering into a government coalition, or failing to do so, does not have a significant influence on the leaders' maintaining their position.

This article investigates U.S. and NATO political elite images of Georgia and policy implications from 1991 to 2020. The analysis relies on the author's 44 original interviews with U.S. and NATO political elites, including U.S. Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries of States, U.S. Generals, Secretaries-General and Deputy Secretaries of NATO, and others in power in the different periods from 1991 to 2020. The study shows that three main images of Georgia have emerged over the 30-year historical period in the eyes of U.S. and NATO political elites. In the first two decades, leadership and personal connections have increased the likelihood of certain policies together with material determinants and ideational factors. In the third decade, personal ties had disappeared, but structural incentives were acknowledged by U.S. and NATO elites which impacted their policies. Moreover, results show that the U.S. relationship with Georgia has been chiefly personalized rather than institutionalized.

ABSTRACTThe overlapping of forest management in Indonesia is one of explaining factor in people to occupy forest land. In Jambi, it was identified three communities which grab forest land in production forest area in which many of this area is concessioned to PT. ABT due to ecosystem restoration since 2015. Three communities living in those area are Talang Mamak, Malay Suo-Suo, and migrant from outside region. From this situation, there is a problem relating to the uncertainty of occupation area by three communities in which it is identified inside forest consession area or outside forest consession area of PT. ABT. The other critical issues is that until recently these three community are still able to encroach illegal land and grab the land. It is then questioned what power that three community have, to support their action in encroaching the land. Therefore, focus of this research is to analyze power of three communities to occupy forest land. Power analysis was performed by identifying bundle of power through the mechanism of access by three communities. This research used a qualitative and quantitative research. Data collection technique used in-depth interview, observation, structural interview, and literature study. The results showed that there are three powers that be the strength of the community that is political power, ideological power, and connections power.Keywords: Power, access, production forestABSTRAKPengelolaan hutan yang tumpang tindih di Indonesia menjadi faktor penyebab bagi masyarakat untuk mengokupasi lahan hutan. Di Jambi, teridentifikasi tiga komunitas mengokupasi lahan hutan di kawasan hutan produksi yang sebagian wilayahnya dikonsesikan kepada PT. Alam Bukit Tigapuluh sejak tahun (ABT) 2015 untuk restorasi ekosistem. Tiga komunitas tersebut antara lain Suku Talang Mamak, Orang Melayu Suo-suo, dan pendatang. Dari situasi ini, ada sebuah persoalan berkaitan dengan ketidakjelasan area okupasi apakah area yang diokupasi oleh tiga komunitas tersebut teridentifikasi ke dalam area hutan konsesi PT. Alam Bukit Tigapuluh atau di luar area hutan konsesi. Isu penting lainnya adalah bahwa sampai saat ini tiga komunitas ini masih mampu melanggar batas tanah ilegal dan mengambil tanah tersebut. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan kekuasaan apayang dimiliki oleh tiga komunitas, untuk mendukung aksi mereka di dalam kawasan okupasi. Oleh karena itu, fokus penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis kekuatan tiga komunitas untuk mengokupasi lahan hutan. Analisis kekuasaan dilakukan dengan mengidentifikasi bundle of powermelalui mekanisme akses oleh tiga komunitas. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan kuantitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan wawancara mendalam, observasi, wawancara struktural, dan studi literatur. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada tiga kekuasaan yang menjadi kekuatan komunitas yaitu kekuasaan politik, kekuasaan ideologi, dan kekuasaan relasi.Kata kunci: Kekuasaan, akses, hutan produksi

International audience ; The Covid-19 crisis occurred at a time when the economic situation was already critical. It led to an 8.6% drop in GDP, the largest in the Maghreb excluding Libya. The general containment of March-April certainly made it possible to control a first wave of the epidemic "but at the cost of a massive recessionary effect (a 19% drop in GDP in the second quarter on a quarterly basis). Tourism (5% of GDP, but up to 14% of GDP indirectly), already in a bad way, collapsed. The epidemic rebound in the autumn led to the return of restrictive measures from October onwards, which hampered the economic recovery. The social protest movements that grew strongly in November and December (see focus) continued into early 2021 with the outbreak of a wave of urban riots that were violently repressed by the forces of order. In economic conditions that have been severely degraded by the impact of the Covid-19 epidemic, it is not completely unthinkable that the security establishment, which is in the process of becoming autonomous, may have a desire to regain authoritarian control over a parliamentary regime that is entangled in conflicts over institutional politics and collective action, which it considers to be chaos. ; La crise du Covid-19 est intervenue dans une conjoncture déjà marquée par une situation économique critique. Elle a entraîné un recul du PIB de 8,6 %, le plus important du Maghreb hors Libye. Le confinement général de mars-avril a certes permis de contrôler une première vague épidémique « mais au prix d'un effet récessif massif (chute du PIB de 19% au deuxième trimestre en glissement trimestriel) » . Le tourisme (5 % du PIB, mais jusqu'à 14 % du PIB de manière indirecte), déjà mal en point, s'est effondré. Le rebond épidémique de la rentrée a provoqué le retour des mesures restrictives à partir d'octobre qui ont obéré la reprise économique. Les mouvements de protestations sociales qui ont connu une forte croissance en novembre et décembre (voir le focus) se sont prolongés au début de 2021 ...

International audience ; The Covid-19 crisis occurred at a time when the economic situation was already critical. It led to an 8.6% drop in GDP, the largest in the Maghreb excluding Libya. The general containment of March-April certainly made it possible to control a first wave of the epidemic "but at the cost of a massive recessionary effect (a 19% drop in GDP in the second quarter on a quarterly basis). Tourism (5% of GDP, but up to 14% of GDP indirectly), already in a bad way, collapsed. The epidemic rebound in the autumn led to the return of restrictive measures from October onwards, which hampered the economic recovery. The social protest movements that grew strongly in November and December (see focus) continued into early 2021 with the outbreak of a wave of urban riots that were violently repressed by the forces of order. In economic conditions that have been severely degraded by the impact of the Covid-19 epidemic, it is not completely unthinkable that the security establishment, which is in the process of becoming autonomous, may have a desire to regain authoritarian control over a parliamentary regime that is entangled in conflicts over institutional politics and collective action, which it considers to be chaos. ; La crise du Covid-19 est intervenue dans une conjoncture déjà marquée par une situation économique critique. Elle a entraîné un recul du PIB de 8,6 %, le plus important du Maghreb hors Libye. Le confinement général de mars-avril a certes permis de contrôler une première vague épidémique « mais au prix d'un effet récessif massif (chute du PIB de 19% au deuxième trimestre en glissement trimestriel) » . Le tourisme (5 % du PIB, mais jusqu'à 14 % du PIB de manière indirecte), déjà mal en point, s'est effondré. Le rebond épidémique de la rentrée a provoqué le retour des mesures restrictives à partir d'octobre qui ont obéré la reprise économique. Les mouvements de protestations sociales qui ont connu une forte croissance en novembre et décembre (voir le focus) se sont prolongés au début de 2021 ...

International audience ; The Covid-19 crisis occurred at a time when the economic situation was already critical. It led to an 8.6% drop in GDP, the largest in the Maghreb excluding Libya. The general containment of March-April certainly made it possible to control a first wave of the epidemic "but at the cost of a massive recessionary effect (a 19% drop in GDP in the second quarter on a quarterly basis). Tourism (5% of GDP, but up to 14% of GDP indirectly), already in a bad way, collapsed. The epidemic rebound in the autumn led to the return of restrictive measures from October onwards, which hampered the economic recovery. The social protest movements that grew strongly in November and December (see focus) continued into early 2021 with the outbreak of a wave of urban riots that were violently repressed by the forces of order. In economic conditions that have been severely degraded by the impact of the Covid-19 epidemic, it is not completely unthinkable that the security establishment, which is in the process of becoming autonomous, may have a desire to regain authoritarian control over a parliamentary regime that is entangled in conflicts over institutional politics and collective action, which it considers to be chaos. ; La crise du Covid-19 est intervenue dans une conjoncture déjà marquée par une situation économique critique. Elle a entraîné un recul du PIB de 8,6 %, le plus important du Maghreb hors Libye. Le confinement général de mars-avril a certes permis de contrôler une première vague épidémique « mais au prix d'un effet récessif massif (chute du PIB de 19% au deuxième trimestre en glissement trimestriel) » . Le tourisme (5 % du PIB, mais jusqu'à 14 % du PIB de manière indirecte), déjà mal en point, s'est effondré. Le rebond épidémique de la rentrée a provoqué le retour des mesures restrictives à partir d'octobre qui ont obéré la reprise économique. Les mouvements de protestations sociales qui ont connu une forte croissance en novembre et décembre (voir le focus) se sont prolongés au début de 2021 ...

The urgency of the article is that even in democratic states there are frequent abuses of power, so the power process needs to be monitored, evaluated, controlled and constructively criticized. All of these functions are generally called in a democratic society by public control, one of the most important forms of which, in our opinion, is political examination. The purpose of the article is to consider political examination as a form of public control over the activities of the authorities. The task of the article: to consider the concept of «public control» and «public control», to investigate the role of political expertise in the political and state process. Who can control the organs of state power in a democratic state? First, they themselves. However, control of ourselves is not always objective. Secondly, public organizations, that is, civil society. The stronger the civil society, the more effective the public control. It is public control called for not to allow the authorities to deviate from the norms of law and the interests of society and the state. Analysis of the content of the definition of public examination shows that, according to logic, decisions made by the executive authorities should be political decisions. After all, the definition of a socially significant problem is included in the technology of preparation and adoption of political decisions, as well as the choice of the best of them. Public control is the monitoring and evaluation of the activities of public authorities by citizens and civil society organizations. ; У статті обґрунтовано тезу про те, що політична експертиза є однією з важливих форм громадського контролю, Завдяки політичній експертизі діяльність органів державної влади перебуває під пильною увагою громадськості. Рекомендації політичних експертів допомагають пошуку більше ефективних рішень різних політичних проблем з урахуванням їх наслідків для суспільства й держави. Проаналізовано поняття «громадський контроль» і «суспільний контроль», у результаті чого зроблено висновок про те, що вони не синонімічні. Аргументовано, що громадський контроль – це один із видів суспільного контролю. Суспільний контроль функціонально ширший від громадського. Якщо громадський контроль переважно спрямований на діяльність органів державної влади й органів місцевого самоврядування, тобто на політико-державну сферу, то суспільний контроль орієнтований не лише на політичну, але й на всі інші сфери життєдіяльності суспільства (економічну, соціальну, духовну). Показано, що коли органи державної влади для прийняття політичних рішень застосовують консультації політичних експертів, то в такому випадку політична експертиза – це елемент процесу прийняття політичних рішень. Якщо йдеться про незалежних політичних експертів, які аналізують і прогнозують наслідки тих або інших політичних рішень, то можна зробити висновок про те, що політична експертиза – це самостійний процес. Укажемо на те, що незалежні експертні агентства – це структури громадянського суспільства, які відслідковують і контролюють процес прийняття політичних рішень державними органами.

The article is devoted to the generalization of the main approaches of Ukrainian and foreign linguists in determining the methods of analysis of political discourse. The peculiarities of the linguistic pragmatic approach to the analysis of different types of discourse within the framework of linguistic anthropocentrism are revealed. A typology of research methods is proposed and their classification is given. Discourse analysis, content analysis, structural analysis, intrusion analysis and transactional analysis as lingvo-pragmatics methods of research of political discourse are described. ; Статтю присвячено узагальненню основних підходів українських і зарубіжних лінгвістів щодо визначення методів аналізу політичного дискурсу. З'ясовано особливості лінгвістичного прагматичного підходу до аналізу дискурсів різних типів у межах мовного антропоцентризму. Запропоновано типологію методів дослідження та наведено їх класифікацію. Схарактеризовано дискурсивний аналіз, контент-аналіз, структурний аналіз, інтент-аналіз і трансакційний аналіз як лінгвопрагматчині методи дослідження політичного дискурсу.

The article is devoted to the generalization of the main approaches of Ukrainian and foreign linguists in determining the methods of analysis of political discourse. The peculiarities of the linguistic pragmatic approach to the analysis of different types of discourse within the framework of linguistic anthropocentrism are revealed. A typology of research methods is proposed and their classification is given. Discourse analysis, content analysis, structural analysis, intrusion analysis and transactional analysis as lingvo-pragmatics methods of research of political discourse are described. ; Статтю присвячено узагальненню основних підходів українських і зарубіжних лінгвістів щодо визначення методів аналізу політичного дискурсу. З'ясовано особливості лінгвістичного прагматичного підходу до аналізу дискурсів різних типів у межах мовного антропоцентризму. Запропоновано типологію методів дослідження та наведено їх класифікацію. Схарактеризовано дискурсивний аналіз, контент-аналіз, структурний аналіз, інтент-аналіз і трансакційний аналіз як лінгвопрагматчині методи дослідження політичного дискурсу.

World War II war resisters—those men who actively refused to register for the draft because it violated their principles, whether political, moral, religious, or otherwise—aggressively challenged the limits of freedom in American society by rejecting military service because they believed that killing, under any pretense, was always wrong. As a maximum protest against war, resisters refused conscription, thus violating the draft law, which resulted in their imprisonment. Paradoxically, resisters found the prison to be a site of virtue as they rejected mandatory enlistment as a citizen's duty. Resisters turned the prison into a forum for the development of political thought and action regarding radical pacifism and nonviolence. Through direct action, prisoners realized the potential of nonviolent resistance, a method and technique they cultivated before the war, mastered in prison, and carried with them after the war to champion civil rights, racial equality, and peace in subsequent conflicts.