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This article shows how China became a global competitor in the railway- and construction equipment industry by using a combination of defensive and offensive mercantilist policy tools. While many scholars in IPE have recognized that economic state intervention is still commonplace, the literature focusing on economic nationalism has failed to grasp its multifaceted feature. By confusing economic nationalism with protectionism, the possibility of outward-looking measures within a mercantile strategy has been neglected. The research that does recognize the ability of states to combine global economic integration and continued market intervention, demonstrates an empirical bias towards strategic emerging industries and state-owned enterprises. This article includes the role of offensive economic policy measures as well as less strategic sectors and private- owned enterprises in China's mercantile strategies. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Corruption is a significant problem globally, representing a substantial barrier to development in many of the world's poorest nations and Papua New Guinea (PNG) is no exception. This paper reviews the approaches to corruption measurement around the world and makes some evaluation of their suitability for use in PNG. Despite the attention given to corruption there is no universally accepted definition. The Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and other agencies define corruption as 'the abuse of public office for private gain'. Given this definition, this paper disaggregates public sector corruption into five categories; administrative or bureaucratic corruption; grand corruption; state capture or influence peddling; abuse of discretion; and improper political contributions. Corruption is inherently difficult to measure, due to its variable and covert nature, but different approaches have been successfully employed to measure aspects of corrupt practices. Of these approaches those of Transparency International (TI) are the most famous. Tl's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) has rated PNG among the most corrupt countries in the world. The CPI is determined by the perceptions of four panels of country experts and thus reveals little specific information regarding corruption in PNG. The CPI is a useful tool in raising awareness of corruption but it is of limited direct use to AusAID activities. Citizen Report Card surveys are another approach to corruption measurement which track citizens experiences of public services. The underlying principle behind Citizen Report Cards is that citizens can provide useful information on the quality of public services as well as problems associated with service providers. The Citizen Report Card methodology is a powerful tool which can reveal administrative/bureaucratic corruption and also energise a populace to demand better services. However most citizens of PNG have little or no experience of public services thus a Citizen Report Card study would be inappropriate in PNG at this stage. Crime victimisation surveys are a bottom up approach to corruption measurement which can be used to capture levels of petty corruption. Community Crime Surveys are already undertaken in PNG but presently only ask respondents their perceptions of corruption. It is recommended that future crime victimisation surveys include questions concerning direct experience of corruption. Public Expenditure Tracking Surveys (PETS) and Quantitative Service Delivery Surveys (QSDS) are also popular tools for measuring corruption. PETS are an audit o the movement of funding through public service providers, effectively verifying the extent to which paperwork matches the flow of resources. A QSDS measures the performance of an organisation by outputs produced . The two approaches are complementary and are often used in tandem. In2001, a PETS and a QSDS were conducted by the World Bank in public schools across PNG. Results were informative but the PNG government's capacity to absorb and respond to results was considered limited. Future studies of this kind would again provide edifying data but if there is no mechanism to respond to findings then the utility of such an exercise is questionable. Ethnographic approaches have been used extensively to gather data on corruption levels and attitudes to corruption. Such approaches are qualitative, comprising of interviews and focus groups, and provide extensive diagnostic detail and insight into the causes and processes of corruption. An ethnographic approach to corruption measurement would be of particular use in PNG. The country is highly culturally diverse, and undoubtedly there will be variation in corruption perception and definition across these groups. Such an approach would also identify areas of concern to Papua New Guinean citizens which could then be targeted by anti-corruption initiatives. While corruption measurement is a highly involved and difficult process, it is possible to measure corruption. This paper demonstrates that data on corruption can be collected by a number of approaches, each of which captures different aspects of corrupt activities. No single approach will accurately capture total corruption in a particular country. Rather it is the judicious combination of approaches which gives the most meaningful result. With regard to PNG the chief conclusion of this paper is that an ethnographic study should be undertaken to better understand the norms and values which surround corrupt activities. The results from such a study could then be combined with findings from Community Crime Surveys which are already being undertaken in PNG. These steps would present a more complete picture of corruption in PNG, and how corruption impacts upon the lives of ordinary citizens.

В Украине на сегодняшний день происходит процесс формирования гражданского общества. В связи с этим возникает необходимость разработки и закрепления на законодательном уровне государственной программы развития такого общества. Именно для формирования полноценной и всеобъемлющей государственной программы нужно при ее разработке учитывать исторический опыт философско-правовых учений о гражданском обществе. Таким образом, изучение истории философско-правовых учений о гражданском обществе является актуальным. В статье автор дает общую характеристику исторического развития философско-правовых учений о гражданском обществе. Автор делает выводы о том, что для формирования в Украине гражданского общества необходимо принять во внимание научные наработки ученых предыдущих веков. При этом зарубежный опыт целесообразно адаптировать к украинской реальности с учетом правовых традиций украинского народа. ; In Ukraine today is the formation of civil society. Therefore, there is a need to develop and fixation in the state program of development of a society. It is to form a complete and comprehensive state program is required when it developed to take into account the historical experience of philosophical and legal doctrines of civil society. Thus, the study of the history of philosophical and legal doctrines of civil society is important. Ancient period or Age of antiquity lay foundations of the concept of civil society. For the first time used the term "civil society". Man, according to the philosophers mentioned period, is inextricably linked to the state, but the will of man is one of the preconditions for the existence and proper functioning of the state. A special place is occupied by the idea of the divine origin of society and the state. A common characteristic of the Middle Ages ideas for the advantage of the religious element. Christianity is the basis for philosophical and legal thought. Jurisdiction of the Christian Church extends to all cases in both private and state-owned. The basis of social construction is God, after which followed a secular state governor (Emperor, rabbits, Prince) and spiritual leader (patriarch, Pope, metropolitan). Church considerably strengthening its position both economically and politically. During the Renaissance to the forefront the idea of freedom and happiness of the human person, unlike the Middle Ages where the main remained the state and the church. Human dignity begins to occupy a leading position in scientific discussions. Although the state for the thinkers of this period is the key to peace, which is able to overcome the chaos of the Middle Ages. During the Enlightenment are the further development of the idea of a fair organization of the state and the natural equality of men as were laid by the Renaissance period. Is developing and becoming theory of natural law, are valued principles that dictated the public mind, carried criticism of the church and theological ideas. A new period characterized by pluralism. In philosophical and legal thought emerging new theory of state and law, including on the concept of civil society. Ukrainian state since 1991 headed for active democratization of society and system of government. For this reason the development, formation, establishment and government influence on the development of civil society are more relevant than ever. The article gives a general description of the historical development of philosophical and legal doctrines of civil society. The author infers that for the formation of civil society in Ukraine it is necessary to take into account scientific developments scholars of previous centuries. However, international experience it is advisable to adapt to Ukrainian reality, taking into account the legal traditions of the Ukrainian people.

Мета статті полягає у виокремленні й обґрунтуванні етапів еволюції педагогічної думки щодо формування соціальних навичок особистості. Для цього застосовано такі методи наукового дослідження, як історико-генетичний, аналіз, синтез, узагальнення, абстрагування. Виділено сім етапів еволюції поглядів на формування соціальних навичок особистості, зокрема доцивілізаційний період родоплемінного ладу, стародавній схід, античність, середньовіччя, відродження, реформаціє, новий і новітній час, сьогодення. У межах означених етапів фіксують особливі інтерпретації і шляхи формування соціальних навичок особистості в ту чи іншу епоху. ; The purpose of the article is to identify and substantiate the stages of the evolution of pedagogical thought in the formation of social skills of the individual. For this purpose, the following methods of scientific research have been applied: historical-genetic analysis, synthesis, generalization, abstraction. Seven stages of the evolution of views on the formation of social skills of the individual are identified. In the pre-civilization period of the tribal system, the senior members of the community passed on to the younger generation the appropriate experience, produced the skills of cohabitation among children and youth. At the turn of the IV-III millennium a significant role in the formation of social skills, in addition to the family, begin to play such important institutions as the state and temples. In the era of civilization of the Ancient East, the content of the formation of social skills of the younger generation was influenced by religious beliefs and cults (Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism), the emergence of writing. The goal of developing social skills was to prepare a person for life and work who clearly and concisely expresses his thoughts, knows how to endure adversity, take the blows of fate and dutifully work for the state. In the era of Antiquity, every person should strive to surpass his father in valor (Homeric Greece), develop oratorical skills, know Greek mythology, the history of his people, the exploits of his ancestors. Considerable attention was paid to the formation of the skills of charity, responsibility, political struggle, a healthy lifestyle (Ancient Rome). In the Middle Ages, the content, forms and means of forming social skills of the growing personality were influenced by the Christian tradition, within which an important role was assigned to the upbringing of the spiritual qualities of a person, the formation of moral skills, the skills of faith in God and the observance of the Laws of God, reverence for power and the class hierarchy, courage, generosity, and of course, the skills of asceticism, self-restraint of sinful, bodily impulses. In the era of the Renaissance and the Reformation, the dogmatic methods of scholastic pedagogy were condemned in the formation of social skills, attention was paid to the education of understanding, the development of thinking. In the modern era, among the ideas of forming social skills, sensualistic, rationalistic, concepts based on scientific research methods prevail, it is believed that it is better to form not a scientist, but a business person (gentleman) with good, aristocratic demeanors. Today, in the conditions of the information society of knowledge, digitalization of all spheres of life, the development of artificial intelligence in the requirements for a specialist, considerable attention is paid to the formation of social, soft skills.

This article discusses the role of the East Nusa Tenggara Regional Police Mobile Brigade in Preventing Terrorism in the Border Area. The background of this research is the implementation of the functions and authority of the East Nusa Tenggara Police Mobile Brigade in preventing terrorism in the Indonesian border region with Timor-Leste and what are the obstacles of the NTT Regional Police Mobile Brigade in conducting terrorism prevention in the border region of the State of Indonesia and the State of Timor Leste. This research is an empirical study. Data collection used in this study was a library research, interviews and analyzed qualitatively. Based on the results of the study, the number of personnel at the moment the National Police who are on duty at the Brimob Sub Den 2 Atambua Atambua NTT Regional Police are 114 personnel, which is considered quite in accordance with the ratio of cross-border post guard. that patrols were mostly carried out in the form of routine satker patrols (70%). The rest is done together with the Timor Leste government and government agencies involved in border management (10%). Other tasks are in the form of adjustments, in accordance with field conditions that occur at that time. Regarding the threat of terrorism, all respondents (100%) thought that the threat of terrorism ever occurred at the Border, namely the threat in the form of terror, 40% the threat of recruiting terrorism networks was only 30% and the threat of bombing occurred 30%. The obstacles faced by the NTT Regional Police Mobile Brigade in securing border areas are inadequate Accessibility to Border, Inadequate Facilities and Infrastructure, Minimal number of security personnel, Border Area Conflict, Inter-ethnic, ethnic and religious conflict, Lack of Community education about Nationality.Keywords: Mobile Brigade; Terrorism; Border; AbstrakPenelitian ini Peran Brigade Mobile Kepolisian Daerah Nusa Tenggara Timur Dalam Mencegah Terorisme Di Wilayah Perbatasan. Latar belakang dari penelitian ini adalah implementasi fungsi dan kewenangan Brigade Mobile Kepolisian daerah Nusa Tenggara Timur dalam mencegah terorisme di wilayah perbatasan Indonesia dengan Timor leste dan apa saja kendala Brimob Polda NTT dalam melakukan pencegahan terorisme di wilayah perbatasan Negara Indonesia dengan Negara Timor Leste. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian empiris. Pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah library research, interview serta dianalisis secara kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, jumlah personal Saat ini anggota Polri yang bertugas di Sat Brimob Sub Den 2 Pelopor Atambua Polda NTT berjumlah 114 personal, hal tersbut dirasa cukup sesuai dengan rasio penjagaan pos lintas perbatasan negara. Bahwa patroli banyak dilakukan dalam bentuk patroli rutin satker (70%). Selebihnya dilakukan bersama pemerintah Timor Leste dan instansi pemerintah yang terkait pengelola perbatasan (10%). Tugas lain sifatnya berbentuk penyesuaian, sesuai dengan kondisi lapangan yang terjadi saat itu. Terkait ancaman terorisme, semua responden (100 %) berpendapat bahwa ancaman terorisme pernah terjadi di Perbatasan yaitu ancaman berbentuk terror 40 % ancaman perekrutan jaringan terorisme hanya 30 % dan ancaman bom terjadi 30 %. Adapun Kendala yang dihadapi sat brimob Polda NTT dalam mengamankan daerah perbatasan yaitu Aksesibilitas ke Perbatasan , Sarana dan prasarana yang belum memadai, Jumlah personel keamanan yang minim, Konflik Wilayah Perbatasan, Konflik antar etnis, suku dan agama, Kurangnya pendidikan Masyarakat tentang Kebangsaan.Kata Kunci: Brigade Mobile; Terorisme; Perbatasan;

From May 1, 2004 Lithuania became a member of the European Union, and in 2004, on the 29th of March joined NATO. In case of the EU, Lithuania has committed to harmonize its national legislation with Community law, and this has led to changes in the Lithuanian legal acts on human rights. Lithuania, as other Member States apply EU laws directly or transfer into national laws. The harmonization of legal acts in Lithuania also contributed to public policy-making in order to deal with various forms of discrimination. These changes had an impact on the struggle against hate crimes during the recent years. Furthermore, this type of crimes attracts more international attention. There is a great number of such crimes throughout the history and, unfortunately, victims are counted in millions. Hate crimes are crimes motivated by racial, ethnic or religious hatred or enmity. Reports of violence against certain ethnic groups are regularly appear on media sites. International organizations such as the UN (United Nations), the OSCE (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe) noted that hate crimes is a serious public safety problem. These crimes result not only in physical and mental sufferings of the victim or economic losses. Moreover, the outcome is the altering of relationship between different social groups, i.e. mistrust, suspicion and hostility. Such offences can lead to conflicts, resulting in a large mass of people forced to leave their homes and become refugees and asylum seekers. These people are the potential for radical extremism and terrorism. Western democracies develop laws that impose criminal penalties for hate crimes. The experience of countries such as the United States, Great Britain, Germany and etc in adoption and improvement of legislation in the struggle against such crimes, also the recommendations of various international organizations will contribute to the reduction of hate crime rate in Lithuania. ; Nuo 2004 m. gegužės 1 dienos Lietuva tapo Europos Sąjungos nare, o 2004 m. kovo 29 dieną įstojo į NATO. Įstojus į ES, Lietuva įsipareigojo suderinti savo nacionalinius teisės aktus su Bendrijos įstatymais ir tai lėmė pasikeitimus Lietuvos teisės aktuose sąryšyje su žmogaus teisėmis ir prisidėjo prie valstybės politikos formavimo, siekiant kovoti su įvairių formų diskriminacija. Lietuva, kaip ir kitos ES valstybės narės, taiko ES teisės aktus tiesiogiai ar perkelia jų nuostatas į savo nacionalinius įstatymus. Tokie pakeitimai padarė įtaką ir kovai su neapykantos nusikaltimais, nes pastaraisiais metais šio tipo nusikaltimai sulaukia vis daugiau tarptautinės bendruomenės dėmesio. Tokie nusikaltimai turi ilgą istoriją, o jų aukos skaičiuojamos milijonais. Neapykantos nusikaltimai – tai nusikaltimai motyvuoti rasinės, etninės ar religinės neapykantos ar priešiškumo. Pranešimai apie smurtą prieš tam tikras etnines grupes nuolat spausdinami žiniasklaidos puslapiuose. Tarptautinės organizacijos, pavyzdžiui JTO, ESBO, nuolat pabrėžia, kad neapykantos nusikaltimai yra rimta visuomenės saugumo problema. Tokių nusikaltimų žala yra ne tik fizinės ir psichinės kančios, ekonominiai nuostoliai. Jų pasekmė yra santykių tarp įvairių socialinių grupių pasikeitimas, nepasitikėjimo, įtarumo ir priešiškumo atsiradimas. Tokie nusikaltimai gali sukelti ir ginkluotus konfliktus, dėl ko daug žmonių bus priversti palikti savo namus ir prašyti prieglobsčio kitose valstybėse. Šių nusikaltimų aukų skaičiaus augimas yra dirva radikaliam ekstremizmui ir terorizmui plisti. Demokratinės vakarų valstybės tobulina įstatymus, kurie nustato baudžiamąją atsakomybę už neapykantos nusikaltimus. Tokių šalių kaip JAV, Didžiosios Britanijos, Vokietijos ir kitų patirtis rengiant, tobulinant teisės aktus, kovojant su tokiais nusikaltimais, bei tarptautinių organizacijų rekomendacijos, manytina prisidės prie sėkmingos kovos su tokio tipo nusikaltimais Lietuvoje.

Статтю присвячено проблемам, пов'язаним із реформуванням системи управління земельними ресурсами з часу започаткування земельної реформи і по теперішній час. Така потреба виникла із-за чергової спроби здійснити реорганізацію структури земельних органів. На підставі здійсненого аналізу щодо повноважень центрального органу виконавчої влади, органів місцевого самоврядування з'ясовано, що новостворена служба Держгеокадастру не сприяє ефективності системи управління, перш за все на національному рівні, оскільки здійснює функції не передбачені як «Положенням про Держгеокадастр», так і іншими нормативними документами. Крім того, на місцевому рівні виявлено відсторонення місцевого самоврядування у вирішенні питань у сфері земельних відносин. В кінцевому підсумку - запропоновано перерозподіл повноважень на системній основі на рівні центральних органів виконавчої влади та органів місцевого самоврядування з метою реформування системи управління земельними ресурсами з врахуванням децентралізаційних процесів в Україні.Ключові слова: управління земельними ресурсами, Держкомзем, Держземагенство, Держгеокадастр, Мінрегіон, Мінагрополітики, функції, повноваження, центральні органи виконавчої влади, органи місцевого самоврядування. ; The article is devoted to the problems related to the reform of land management from the beginning of the land reform ill the presentine. This need has arisen due to making another attempt to reorganize the structure of the land structures. With the launch of the land reform established the State Committee of Ukraine for Land Resources in 1992. To speed up land reform and land privatization in 2001 formed the administrative bodies of the State Committee for Land Resources of Ukraine. In order to improve the system of state land management in 2011 created the State Agency of Land Resources of Ukraine, which was reorganized in 2014 into the State Service of Ukraine of geodesy, cartography and cadastre. Over the years, in order to "optimize" the system of central executive body, content of this body has not been changed and constantly was changing its name and subordination, namely: the State Committee for Land Resources - Ministry of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine, the State Agency of Land Resources of Ukraine - Ministry of Agrarian policy and Food of Ukraine, State Service of Ukraine of geodesy, cartography and cadastre - Ministry of regional development, construction and housing.On the basis of analysis concerning the powers of the central executive authorities, local authorities found that the newly farmed Service State Land Cadastre das not contribute to the effectiveness of the administration, especially at the national level, as these features ave not provided by "Regulations on State Land Cadastre " and other regulations. In addition, the local level detected removal of local government in matters of land relations.In conclusion, proposed system based redistribution of powers on the level of central executive bodies and local authorities to reform the system of land management with regard to decentralized processes in Ukraine.It is advisable to restore central authority for land reform and regulation of land relations to the structure of the executive authorities in coordinating its activities directly to the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine or the Ministry of Agrarian Policy and Food of Ukraine and provide the following powers:ü development of legislation in the sphere of land relations for the development and implementation of the state land policy;ü coordination of the completion of land reform;ü cadastre at national level;ü land management at the national level;ü monitoring at the national level;ü state control over the land use and land protection.State Service of Geodesy and Cartography post in the Ministry of Regional Development, Construction and Housing and Communal Services of UkraineLocal governments provide the following powers:• implementation of land policy at regional and local levels;• Organization of Land Management; cadastre, land protection.•transfer the right to control agricultural lands within the territories of Commons as faras the institution of land zoning is established.Keywords: management of land resources, Goskomzem, Goszemagenstvo, Derzhgeokadastr, Ministry of Regional Development, Ministry of Agricultural Policy, functions, powers, central executive authorities, local self-government.

Статтю присвячено аналізу еволюції Шанхайської організації співробітництва і виявленню новітніх трендів в її становленні упродовжмайже двадцятирічної історії існування. Автор констатує, що світовою спільнотою діяльність і саме існування ШОС оцінюється неоднозначно. Розширення ШОС за рахунок включення двох ядерних держав - Пакистану та Індії - розглядається Заходом як своєрідний демарш з боку основних членів організації, що має глибокий геополітичний підтекст. Фактор участі в ШОС Росії і Китаю в очах світової спільноти надає цій організації амбітний характер з точки зору геополітики. Але, на думку автора, не слід забувати про участь у ній таких країн, як Казахстан, Узбекистан, Киргизстан, Таджикистан, для яких членство в ШОС означає прагнення до забезпечення національної, регіональної безпеки в найбільш нагальних аспектах, починаючи з економіки і закінчуючи загрозою тероризму, екстремізму. Маючи по сусідству таке небезпечне джерело загрози безпеці, як Афганістан, ці центральноазіатські країни закономірно намагаються вбудуватися в системи, що обіцяють підтримувати безпеку на національному і регіональному рівнях. При аналізі еволюції ШОС авторка звертає увагу на суперечливі аспекти в діяльності цієї організації. Як відомо, у 2001 році для розвитку економічного та гуманітарного співробітництва шість країн: Китай, Росія, Казахстан, Узбекистан, Киргизстан і Таджикистан створили Шанхайську організацію співпраці. Паралельно з економічною проблематикою з часом проявилася необхідність вирішення неекономічних транскордонних загроз у регіоні в основному терористичної спрямованості. Однак, не маючи чітко вираженої військової складової, організація змушена, тим не менш, приділяти дедалі зростаючу увагу питанням безпеки. Згодом ШОС перетворилася на універсальну організацію, що і затримує її розвиток як класичної міжурядової організації. Організація, яка, згідно з назвою, повинна бути багатосторонньою, по суті такою не є: ШОС так і залишилася майданчиком для двосторонніх відносин між її членами. Безліч питань викликає характер економічного співробітництва в рамках ШОС, яке останнім часом стало асоціюватися з реалізацією китайського проекту «Один пояс - Один шлях». Отже, на сьогоднішній день охарактеризувати ШОС як ефективний механізм для реалізації економічних інтересів і забезпечення безпеки кожної країни-учасниці складно. ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an international organization (hereinafter SCO) and the identification of the latest trends in its formation at the end of almost twenty years of its history. The author states that the very existence and the activities of the SCO are currently assessed by the world community ambiguously. The expansion of the SCO through the inclusion of two nuclear powers of Pakistan and India is seen as a kind of demarche of the main members of the Organization, which has a deep geopolitical implication. The factor of participation in the SCO of Russia and China gives this organization an ambitious character in the eyes of the world community in terms of geopolitics. But, in the author's opinion, we should not forget the participation in it of such countries as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, for whom the SCO membership means the aiming for ensuring national and regional security in the most essential aspects – from economy to the threat of terrorism and extremism. Because of the proximity of a dangerous source of insecurity such as Afghanistan, these Central Asian countries naturally try to fit into systems promising to maintain security at the national and regional levels. In parallel with economic issues, over time, the need appeared to address the emerging non-economic cross-border threats in the region, mainly of a terrorist nature. Thus, without a clearly defined military component, the organization is forced to pay increasing attention to security issues, which means the use of armed intervention. Over time, the SCO has become a universal organization, which delays its development as a classic intergovernmental organization. An Organization that, by name, should be multilateral, is essentially not such: the SCO has remained the platform for bilateral relations between its members. In an analysis of the economic cooperation in the framework of the SCO, attention is drawn to the conjugation of the Organization's activities on expanding economic relations between the member countries with the Chinese program "One Belt, One Way".Thus, today it is difficult to characterize the SCO as an effective mechanism for realizing economic interests and ensuring security for each participating country.

Following the Fontainebleau relaunch in 1984 and then the arrival of Jacques Delors, who was able to rely on a reinvigorated relationship between Germany and France, the process of European integration accelerated, with the Commission playing a leading role. Three large-scale projects were launched under Jacques Delors: completion of the internal market; economic and monetary union; and opening up the EU to the countries of central and eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Under Jacques Santer and Romano Prodi the Commission took care to complete these projects or ensure their continuity, leading the preparatory negotiations on the establishment of EMU and the greatest enlargement in the European Union's history, efforts to deepen the Community and discussions on European governance with a view to future accessions. New treaties were signed, substantially increasing the Community's powers. However, difficulties with the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty also showed that the public had still to be convinced and that better public communication and information were needed. A total of 52 academics and researchers from more than 30 universities and research centres in Europe, the United States and around 15 countries took part in the drafting of this work. The authors had access to new Commission archives, and many witnesses to the events, former officials, Commissioners and Presidents of the Commission were interviewed. These new sources, both oral and written, constituted a wealth of documentation that enabled the researchers to shed new light on the work of the Commission between 1986 and 2000. A similar project has already led to the publication of two other works, the first dedicated to the years 1958-1972 and the second to the 1973-1986 period. This work is the third volume of a series, the first of which, The European Commission, 1958-72 — History and memories of an institution, was published in 2007, and the second, The European Commission 1973-86 — History and memories of an institution, in 2014. It is the result of a tender launched by the Commission, inviting a focus on the years between 1986 and 2000. ; -- Preface, Jean-Claude Juncker -- Acknowledgements, Vincent Dujardin -- A new golden age? The years from 1986 to 2000, Vincent Dujardin -- Part one The internal functioning of the Commission and its relations with the other institutions Introduction, Vincent Dujardin, Dieter Schlenker Chapter 1, Leadership in the Commission Chapter 2, The Secretariat-General Chapter 3, Major changes and colossal challenges: the directorates-general and staffing in the Commission Chapter 4, The challenges of housing the Commission: choosing a headquarters and the Berlaymont saga Chapter 5, The 'horizontal' services Chapter 6, The Commission and institutional reforms Chapter 7, Enlargements and the administrative culture Chapter 8, Commission relations with the other Community institutions Chapter 9, The budgetary revolution: from near bankruptcy to stability -- Part two, Economic policies and measures Introduction, Éric Bussière Chapter 10, Towards economic and monetary union Chapter 11, The internal market and competition Chapter 12, The networks Chapter 13, Industrial and research policy Chapter 14, The common agricultural policy and the common fisheries policy Chapter 15, Environmental policy -- Part three, Solidarity policies and measures Introduction, Antonio Varsori Chapter 16, European social policy Chapter 17, Regional policy: a new source of Europeanisation Chapter 18, European education policy Chapter 19, Justice and home affairs Chapter 20, The integration of East Germany and the enlargements Chapter 21, Trade policy and development policy Chapter 22, The Commission and the rest of the world Chapter 23, European foreign and defence policy -- Annexes Timeline — 1986-2000, Sophie Kaisin Commission directories, Sophie Kaisin -- Sources and bibliography Sources, Sophie Kaisin Bibliography, Sophie Kaisin -- Tables and index The authors Index of names List of acronyms and initialisms Credits

Статтю присвячено аналізу еволюції Шанхайської організації співробітництва і виявленню новітніх трендів в її становленні упродовжмайже двадцятирічної історії існування. Автор констатує, що світовою спільнотою діяльність і саме існування ШОС оцінюється неоднозначно. Розширення ШОС за рахунок включення двох ядерних держав - Пакистану та Індії - розглядається Заходом як своєрідний демарш з боку основних членів організації, що має глибокий геополітичний підтекст. Фактор участі в ШОС Росії і Китаю в очах світової спільноти надає цій організації амбітний характер з точки зору геополітики. Але, на думку автора, не слід забувати про участь у ній таких країн, як Казахстан, Узбекистан, Киргизстан, Таджикистан, для яких членство в ШОС означає прагнення до забезпечення національної, регіональної безпеки в найбільш нагальних аспектах, починаючи з економіки і закінчуючи загрозою тероризму, екстремізму. Маючи по сусідству таке небезпечне джерело загрози безпеці, як Афганістан, ці центральноазіатські країни закономірно намагаються вбудуватися в системи, що обіцяють підтримувати безпеку на національному і регіональному рівнях. При аналізі еволюції ШОС авторка звертає увагу на суперечливі аспекти в діяльності цієї організації. Як відомо, у 2001 році для розвитку економічного та гуманітарного співробітництва шість країн: Китай, Росія, Казахстан, Узбекистан, Киргизстан і Таджикистан створили Шанхайську організацію співпраці. Паралельно з економічною проблематикою з часом проявилася необхідність вирішення неекономічних транскордонних загроз у регіоні в основному терористичної спрямованості. Однак, не маючи чітко вираженої військової складової, організація змушена, тим не менш, приділяти дедалі зростаючу увагу питанням безпеки. Згодом ШОС перетворилася на універсальну організацію, що і затримує її розвиток як класичної міжурядової організації. Організація, яка, згідно з назвою, повинна бути багатосторонньою, по суті такою не є: ШОС так і залишилася майданчиком для двосторонніх відносин між її членами. Безліч питань викликає характер економічного співробітництва в рамках ШОС, яке останнім часом стало асоціюватися з реалізацією китайського проекту «Один пояс - Один шлях». Отже, на сьогоднішній день охарактеризувати ШОС як ефективний механізм для реалізації економічних інтересів і забезпечення безпеки кожної країни-учасниці складно. ; The article is devoted to the analysis of the evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as an international organization (hereinafter SCO) and the identification of the latest trends in its formation at the end of almost twenty years of its history. The author states that the very existence and the activities of the SCO are currently assessed by the world community ambiguously. The expansion of the SCO through the inclusion of two nuclear powers of Pakistan and India is seen as a kind of demarche of the main members of the Organization, which has a deep geopolitical implication. The factor of participation in the SCO of Russia and China gives this organization an ambitious character in the eyes of the world community in terms of geopolitics. But, in the author's opinion, we should not forget the participation in it of such countries as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, for whom the SCO membership means the aiming for ensuring national and regional security in the most essential aspects – from economy to the threat of terrorism and extremism. Because of the proximity of a dangerous source of insecurity such as Afghanistan, these Central Asian countries naturally try to fit into systems promising to maintain security at the national and regional levels. In parallel with economic issues, over time, the need appeared to address the emerging non-economic cross-border threats in the region, mainly of a terrorist nature. Thus, without a clearly defined military component, the organization is forced to pay increasing attention to security issues, which means the use of armed intervention. Over time, the SCO has become a universal organization, which delays its development as a classic intergovernmental organization. An Organization that, by name, should be multilateral, is essentially not such: the SCO has remained the platform for bilateral relations between its members. In an analysis of the economic cooperation in the framework of the SCO, attention is drawn to the conjugation of the Organization's activities on expanding economic relations between the member countries with the Chinese program "One Belt, One Way".Thus, today it is difficult to characterize the SCO as an effective mechanism for realizing economic interests and ensuring security for each participating country.

Esta tesis refiere a la identidad de los ex trabajadores de la empresa estatal de YPF en la ciudad de Comodoro Rivadavia. Los "Ypefianos" se diferenciaron claramente de los colectivos de trabajo de otras empresas y de las comunidades locales, singularizándose como grupo específico y generando una fractura que en buena medida conformo grupos sociales separados por barreras sociales imaginarias. Estos actores aun en la actualidad participan reivindicando esta identidad laboral, de distintas maneras y en diversos ámbitos de la comunidad como Centros de Jubilados, agrupaciones que buscan respuesta a demandas particulares, como trabajo para sus hijos y nietos, etc. Concordamos con una visión de la identidad en que los sujetos no se definen a sí mismos sino en relación a la mirada de los otros, en un juego de oposiciones, para nuestro caso, los ypefianos y "no ypefianos" o "jóvenes y adultos", entre otros. Fue muy importante esbozar acerca de la "vejez" en tanto constituye un factor primordial de esta identidad que se construye y que busca desligarse de una noción de vulnerabilidad y, por el contrario aparece como una fuerte marca la necesidad de "hacer", el "no quedarse parados", a ser activo por ello es la noción de empoderamiento y ciudadanía cobraron relevancia en este trabajo. Siguiendo esta línea de pensamiento este trabajo trata de recuperar la necesidad de pensar en el Trabajo social, las relaciones laborales en un esquema neoliberal y la perspectiva de los sujetos frente a la crisis. La desestructuración del mundo laboral de nuestros entrevistados y a nivel social de la comunidad que la empresa sostenía en la ciudad de Comodoro Rivadavia, expresan esta vulnerabilidad, que contrasta con la perspectiva del empoderamiento y las luchas materiales y simbólicas que sostuvieron y sostienen estos sujetos no solo como un anhelo de ese viejo mundo perdido sino como posibilidad de presentarse como un nuevo sujeto político. ; This thesis refers to the identity of the former workers of the state company of YPF in the city of Comodoro Rivadavia. The "Ypefianos" were clearly differentiated from the work groups of other companies and local communities, singling them out as a specific group and generating a fracture that to a large extent formed social groups separated by imaginary social barriers. These actors still participate today claiming this work identity, in different ways and in different areas of the community such as Retirement Centers, groups that seek answers to particular demands, such as work for their children and grandchildren, etc. We agree with a vision of identity in which subjects do not define themselves but in relation to the gaze of others, in a game of oppositions, for our case, the Ypefians and "non-Ypefians" or "young and old", among others. It was very important to sketch about "old age" as it constitutes a primordial factor of this identity that is built and that seeks to detach from a notion of vulnerability and, on the contrary, it appears as a strong mark the need to "do", the "not to remain unemployed ", to be active for it is the notion of empowerment and citizenship became relevant in this work. Following this line of thought this work tries to recover the need to think about Social Work, labor relations in a neoliberal scheme and the perspective of the subjects facing the crisis. The destructuring of the labor world of our interviewees and social level of the community that the company held in the city of Comodoro Rivadavia, express this vulnerability, which contrasts with the perspective of empowerment and the material and symbolic struggles that these subjects sustained and sustained not only as a longing for that lost old world but as a possibility to present itself as a new political subject. ; Facultad de Trabajo Social

Defence date: 06/09/2010 ; Examining Board: Prof. Brigitte Marin (Université Aix-Marseille I - M.M.S.H.) Prof. Anthony Molho (EUI) - supervisor Prof. Antonella Romano (EUI) Prof. Francesca Trivellato (Yale University) ; The point of departure for this dissertation is a historical, epistemological and methodological discussion of the notion of "community". Based on a comparative approach to the three cases of the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles from the age of the "Greek Enlightenment" (c. 1770) up until the birth of an independent Neohellenic state (1830), this study aims to challenge the conventional image of early modern foreign communities as homogeneous and inclusive groups, by rendering the complex, diverse, and often contradictory trajectories of groups and individuals that formed what we know as "the Greek Diaspora". Paying special attention to issues such as the administrative control of the migrants, the collective uses of urban space, and the sharing of socio-cultural practices, it reconstructs the multi-layered background that supported the expression of communal identities among the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles. By recasting the three cases under scrutiny within the wider context of the many connections and relations that existed among them, the dissertation stresses the ways in which the entanglement of mercantile, migratory and family networks came to "shape" the Greek Diaspora as a space both physical and socio-symbolical. Conversely, and in a micro-historical perspective, it also analyses the role played by the "communal institutions" (namely the Greek-Orthodox churches and brotherhoods) in shaping collective identities and governing plural and heterogeneous social groups, as well as the many types of reaction and resistance to this progressive "institutionalisation" of community life. Lastly, a case-study on the ambiguous involvement of the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles in the Greek war of independence (1821-1830), sheds light on the complex issue of the "patriotism of the expatriates", and argues for an essential distinction between the making of communal identity, and that of national (or even "proto-national") consciousness. ; Ce travail se présente comme une enquête sur la « communauté », entendue à la fois comme construction socioculturelle et comme catégorie d'analyse. L'armature théorique et méthodologique de l'étude repose sur l'articulation dialectique entre ces deux grilles de lectures. D'une part, une analyse historique et contextualisée d'un « fait communautaire » entendu à la fois comme groupe social, comme corps juridico-politique, comme ensemble de pratiques sociales et culturelles, et comme construction politique et symbolique. D'autre part, une discussion critique des outils et méthodes de la recherche autour de la question de la communauté, qui apparaît comme indissociable d'une réflexion plus large – et transdisciplinaire – sur la nature du lien social. L'observatoire choisi est celui des colonies grecques de Venise, Livourne et Marseille, depuis les années 1770 (marquées par l'émergence d'une « bourgeoisie commerciale grecque » particulièrement active dans le contexte de la diaspora), jusqu'à l'indépendance de l'Etat néohellénique en 1830. Reprenant une périodisation classique de l'historiographie grecque moderne, ce découpage chronologique propose d'en discuter de l'intérieur la pertinence et la cohérence. Il s'agit ainsi de saisir les continuités du phénomène communautaire grec par-delà les ruptures politiques classiques de l'histoire grecque moderne (par exemple en incluant dans la période étudiée la guerre d'indépendance grecque et l'émergence consécutive d'un Etat-nation hellénique), et ce pour mieux débusquer et interroger les impensés des constructions historiographiques non seulement antérieures, mais aussi actuelles, des objets étudiés (ainsi de la diaspora grecque comme « laboratoire » de l'indépendance hellénique à venir). Le régime de la comparaison constitue ici une proposition méthodologique face à l'alternative classique entre l'étude d'une diaspora dans son ensemble, et celle d'une communauté en particulier. La multiplication des points d'observation sur le phénomène diasporique permet en effet de contourner l'obstacle d'une irréductibilité des approches macro et micro, tout en saisissant une partie des flux et des mouvements qui structurent l'espace diasporique et lie les communautés les unes aux autres. Elle permet aussi de poser au centre du questionnement le problème des frontières des groupes étudiés, en pointant la labilité des catégories comme des définitions, et donc de révoquer les modèles logiques abstraits et totalisants, pour interroger les relations et les identités sous un angle praxéologique.

Close to two decades after the break-up of the Soviet Union, there is still a marked difference in developmental paths, including institutional as well as economic development and performance among the states emerging from the ruins of the vast empire. Turning attention to the least successful post-Soviet region, Central Asia, and Tajikistan in particular, this thesis provides a contribution to the discussion of how to institutionalize social power and build the foundations for political community in post-colonial societies. It is argued here that increased institutional stability may be achieved through inter-organizational cooperation among main actors within an institutional setting. Through the dispersion of intra- and inter-organizational effects of cooperation beyond the action situations where they are produced, several goals may be achieved. These are increased predictability, transparency and durability in governance, a more equitable distribution of wealth, and (in relation to the kinship-foundation of Tajik society) the embracing of kin-divisions in society. The study examines how and why organizations decide to get involved in cooperative collective activities within the Tajik cotton industry, an industry infamous for its unscrupulous financing schemes to which local investors tie farmers; schemes lacking business ethics and the interconnection of the social and economic with political relations. The study, through an embedded case study of one project (the Farmers' Ownership Model), also examines the institutional implications of inter-organizational collective activities. The study's empirical base is a combination of data derived from literature, reports, reviews of official documents, as well as from interviews and an expert survey conducted among organizational representatives with expert knowledge on the Tajik cotton industry. The results suggest that it is possible to divide the forms of cooperation into three broad categories; business based cooperation, development and support-based cooperation and unilateral cooperative activity. The latter category contains interactions based on helping as well as on coercion. The motives for cooperating follow the same divisions, with profit and position-related motives dominating business-based cooperation. Development and support-based cooperation are primarily motivated by non-profit factors, such as community-(re)building and knowledge enhancement, as well as position-related motives. Within the group of unilateral interactions, the same divisions valid for business-based cooperation (unilateral cooperative activity based on coercion) and development and support-based cooperation (unilateral cooperative activity based on helping) are found. The actors approached for this study confirm that the institutional setting is "difficult" and that the social and political climate is not supportive of inter-organizational cooperative collective activities. Despite this, the actors agree that the time is right for cooperative efforts. The implications of inter-organizational cooperative collective activities within the frameworks of the examined Farmers' Ownership Model project are many and important from a stabilizing perspective. Numerous strategic effects have been identified, among which is the creation of the first open farmer-owned joint stock company in the country, providing crop financing, high quality input, and technical assistance to the farmers in the northern Sugd region. This is the most tangible effect, as is legislative change related to the marketing of cotton. The learning and knowledge-creation effects as a result of inter-organizational interactions within the project are also substantial. Client as well as non-client farmers have, through the technical assistance provided through the project company, managed to improve awareness in terms of their legal status. In addition, the technical assistance component of the project has served to improve productivity and the quality of the cotton grown. Despite indications of attitudinal changes within the action situations examined, there is no clear-cut evidence of trust effects at the institutional level. The results of empirical examination of the Tajik cotton industry to a large extent support the central thesis of the study.

This book argues that the international refugee regime and its `temporary' humanitarian interventions have failed. Most refugees across the global live in `protracted' conditions that extend from years to decades, without legal status that allows them to work and establish a home. It is contended that they become largely invisible to people based in the global North, and cease to remain fully human subjects with access to their political lives. Shifting the conversation away from the salient discourse of `solutions' and technical fixes within state-centric international relations, the authors recover the subjectivity lost for those stuck in extended exile. The book first argues that humanitarian assistance to refugees remains vital to people's survival, even after the emergency phase is over. It then connects asylum politics in the global North with the intransigence of extended exile in the global South. By placing the urgent crises of protracted exile within a broader constellation of power relations, both historical and geographical, the authors present research and empirical findings gleaned from refugees in Iran, Kenya and Canada and from humanitarian and government workers. Each chapter reveals patterns of power circulating through the `colonial present', Cold War legacies, and the global `war on terror". Seeking to render legible the more quotidian struggles and livelihoods of people who find themselves defined as refugees, this book will be of great interest to international humanitarian agencies, as well as migration and refugee researchers, including scholars in refugee studies and human displacement, human security, globalization, immigration, and human rights. --! From publisher's description

The open access book examines the consequences of the Italian Constitutional Court's Judgment238/2014 which denied the German Republic's immunity from civil jurisdiction over claims to reparations for Nazi crimes committed during World War II. This landmark decision created a range of currently unresolved legal problems and controversies which continue to burden the political and diplomatic relationship between Germany and Italy. The judgment has wide repercussions for core concepts of international law and for the relationship between different legal orders. The book's three interlinked legal themes are state immunity, reparation for serious human rights violations and war crimes (including historical ones), and the interaction between international and domestic institutions, notably courts. Besides a meticulous legal analysis of these themes from the perspectives of international law, European law, and domestic law, the book contributes to the civic debate on the issue of war crimes and reparation for the victims of armed conflict. It proposes concrete legal and political solutions to the parties involved for overcoming the present paralysis with a view to a sustainable interstate conflict solution and helps judges directly involved in the pending post-Sentenza reparation cases. After an Introduction (Part I), Part II, Immunity, investigates core international law concepts such as those of pre/post-judgment immunity andinternational state responsibility. Part III, Remedies, examines the tension between state immunity and the right to remedy and suggests original schemes for solving the conundrum under international law. Part IV adds European Perspectives by showcasing relevant regional examples of legal cooperation and judicial dialogue. Part V, Courts, addresses questions on the role of judges in the areas of immunity and human rights at both the national and international level. Part VI, Negotiations, suggests concrete ways out of the impasse with a forward-looking aspiration. In Part VII, The Past and Future of Remedies, a sitting judge in the Court that decided Sentenza 238/2014 adds some critical reflections on the Judgment. Joseph H. H. Weiler's Dialogical Epilogue concludes the volume by placing the main findings of the book in a wider European and international law perspective.