Suchergebnisse

Bu çalışmada temsili demokrasilerin olumsuz özelliklerine karşı Spinoza'nın siyaset anlayışı üzerinden ne gibi çözümler üretilebileceği tartışılmaktadır. Bu amaçla Spinoza'nın siyaset anlayışının seçilmesinin nedeni çağını aşan bir demokrasi anlayışı çerçevesinde bugünün "oy odaklı" siyasal yaşamına yeni yollar gösterebilmesindendir. Spinoza bir yandan Eski Yunandan gelen doğrudan demokrasi anlayışına yakın görünse de demokrasiyi salt bir yönetim biçimi olarak görmez. Spinoza, demokrasiyi insanların ortak uzlaşım kanallarını açabilecek bir anlayışla değerlendirir. Bu bağlamda Spinoza'nın önemi demokratik bir toplumda öncelikle saygı temelli bir çoğulcu bakışı oluşturabilecek bir siyaset anlayışına sahip olmasından gelir. Spinoza'da siyaset -Aristoteles'te olduğu gibi- ahlak temellidir. Birey kendi conatus'uyla (çabasıyla) insani olanaklarını keşfeder. Spinoza'nın conatus kavramı, kişinin kendini korumasına ilişkin olsa da toplumsal ve düşünsel bir etkinlikle bağlantısı içinde Spinoza'nın etiğini siyasetine kavuşturur. Conatus aynı zamanda belirlenimcilik-özgür istem çatışkısını aşıp özgürlüğe olanak sağlar. Spinoza'da özgür düşünce, boş inançları yıkıp bilimsel düşünceyi egemen kılan felsefi bilgiyle olası olabilir ve siyasal düzenin kalıcılığı buna bağlıdır. ; The abusing of representative democracies will be discussed in this thesis in terms of what kind of solutions Spinoza's political insight can be produced. For this reason, Spinoza's view of politics which exceeds his era has been selected since it sheds lights to new ways for today's political life on the "focus of voting" of democratic insight. On the one hand Spinoza's insight of democracy stays closed to the Antique Greek's direct democracy, whilst Spinoza doesn't consider democracy that exists only as a form of government. Spinoza's consideration of democracy is to what can create some mutual conventional channels for people. In this context the significance of Spinoza is about his political insight which emphasizes respect for establishing pluralistic understanding in a society. According to Spinoza, politics is based on morality -as Aristotle did-. An individual recognizes his own possibilities in with his conatus (effort). Spinoza's ethics is engaged with his politics since the concept of conatus is related to be preserved and being evaluated in a social and intellectual activity. According to Spinoza, conatus also solves the antinomy of determinism-free will and it provides in the possibility of freedom. The liberty of thought in Spinoza can be possible with philosophical knowledge instead of superstition; and the stability of political order is depended on this situation.

Foreword -- Introduction: of peripatetic and other approaches to Odessa's history -- Mobility and ethnic plurality -- Toward a consumer society : tastes, markets and political liberalism -- Merchants, middlemen and entrepreneurs : the driving forces of Odessa's economy -- The spring time of the public sphere -- The two sides of the moon : ethnic clashes and tolerance in a cosmopolitan city -- The end of a cosmopolitan port-city

The rise of public opinion and its influence on Chinese foreign policy reveals a remarkable evolution in authoritarian responses to social turmoil. James Reilly shows how Chinese leaders have responded to popular demands for political participation with a sophisticated strategy combining tolerance, responsiveness, persuasion, and repression. The success of their approach helps explain why and how the Communist Party continues to rule China

"The "comprehensive liberalism" defended in this book offers an alternative to the narrower "political liberalism" associated with the writings of John Rawls. By arguing against making tolerance as fundamental a value as individual autonomy, and extending the reach of liberalism to global society, it opens the way for dealing more adequately with problems of human rights and economic inequality in a world of cultural pluralism."--Jacket

John Milton had little patience with those whom he considered "stupid." This article examines the various contexts in which Milton expressed contempt for political opponents or those he deemed as lacking common sense, good judgment, or intelligence. It suggests that we can learn as much from Milton's intolerance for uninformed opinions as we can from his much-discussed tolerance for dissent.

В статье представлена концепция политического мифотворчества как технологии в рамках реализации политики воспитания толерантности, профилактики ксенофобии и мигрантофобии, обеспечения процесса интеграции мигрантов в Российской Федерации.The concept of political myth-creating is presented in this article as a technology in the frames of realization of the policy of tolerance training, preventing of xenophobia and migrant phobia, provision of a process of migrants integration in the Russian Federation.

THIS ARTICLE IS IN THE TRADITION OF COMPARATIVE INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH CONDUCTED OVER RECENT YEARS INTO CHANGING POLITICAL-BUREAUCRATIC ROLE RELATIONS. ITS FOCUS IS THE ATTITTUDINAL ORIENTATION HELD TOWARD VARIOUS DIMENSIONS OF THEIR WORK BY SENIOR PUBLIC SERVANTS IN AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND. IN PARTICULAR, IT IS CONCERNED TO GAUGE OFFICIALS' TOLERANCE FOR PLURALISTIC POLITICS, THEIR PROGRAMMATIC COMMITMENT, DEMOCRATIC SENSIBILITIES, AND IDENTIFICATION WITH CONVENTIONS OF MINISTERIAL RESPONSIBILITY.

Well-known tools of state coercion, such as administrative punishment, imprisonment, and violence, affect far fewer than 1% of Chinese journalists and lawyers. What, then, keeps the other 99% in line? Building on work detailing control strategies in illiberal states, the authors suggest that the answer is more complicated than the usual story of heavy-handed repression. Instead, deep-rooted uncertainty about the boundaries of permissible political action magnifies the effect of each crackdown. Unsure of the limits of state tolerance, lawyers and journalists frequently self-censor, effectively controlling themselves. But self-censorship does not always mean total retreat from political concerns. Rather, didactic stories about transgression help the politically inclined map the gray zone between (relatively) safe and unacceptably risky choices. For all but the most optimistic risk takers, these stories—which we call control parables—harden limits on activism by illustrating a set of prescriptions designed to prevent future clashes with authority. The rules for daily behavior, in short, are not handed down from the pinnacle of the state but jointly written (and rewritten) by Chinese public professionals and their government overseers.

AbstractThis article develops a cognitive institutionalist account of mass and elite evaluations of political ethics, which is tested on a new dataset from the United Kingdom. The analysis explores the extent of contemporary disagreement among British political elites and those they represent by comparing responses to questions asked in a representative survey of the public with similar questions asked of incumbent MPs and parliamentary candidates. There are systematic differences between members of the public, candidates and MPs at both aggregate and individual levels – differences which can be accounted for with reference to the framing effects of Parliament as an institution. Candidates for parliamentary office display significantly more tolerance of ethically dubious behaviour than other members of the public. Within the elite category, elected MPs exhibit more permissive ethical standards than those candidates who are unsuccessful.

Developing a training in religious pluralism to a young generation at a university level in Indonesia seems to work out as the university is a highly intentional agent of for that coaching. It is a place where its stakeholders, including its students, are inclined to bow to the academic tradition, and where the religious pluralism can be a subject that they study and practice. This process is a potential medium to reduce religious conflict and violence in the country. This paper found this dynamic at the Universitas Bhayangkara Jakarta that perpetuates the religious pluralism by its well-organized academic programs, mainly by its discussions and dialogues. This university applies this training to perpetuate religious tolerance and social harmony among its administrative and teaching staff.

Law enforcement does not engage in a vaccum space, yet it is related tovariables of socio-political condition, mental of the law enforcers, criminal lawprocedures, law ideology, NGOs, and legal awareness of the society. Moreover,fighting corruption through law enforcement demands collective awareness asstakeholders to actively participate in national efforts to prevent and eradicatecorruption. Measures taken on the prevention must be built in socio-political climateand national collective culture which enforce zero tolerance to any forms of corruption, including bribery, gratification, trading influence, illicit enrichment, corporate corruption, political corruption, collusion, and nepotism.

Democracy, free thought and expression, religious tolerance, individual liberty, political self-determination of peoples, sexual and racial equality--these values have firmly entered the mainstream in the decades since they were enshrined in the 1948 U.N. Declaration of Human Rights. But if these ideals no longer seem radical today, their origin was very radical indeed--far more so than most historians have been willing to recognize. In A Revolution of the Mind, Jonathan Israel, one of the world's leading historians of the Enlightenment, traces the philosophical roots of these ideas to what we.