Suchergebnisse

This paper attempts to provide an understanding of gift‐giving for a more systematic assessment of relationship building to succeed in an Asian realm. This study proposes to examine the underlying linkage between the intensity of gift‐giving and constructing relationships. The goal is to provide both researchers and businesses an insight into how to successfully manage profitable relationships in a culture‐rich environment that is growing ever more demanding and complicated. Gift‐giving is seen as an act of reciprocity, and often misconstrued as bribery by Westerners, yet it appears to be an important constituent of the Asian culture and can be seen as a form of relationship investment, that if cultivated well, can uplift interactions between businesses.

Résumé : Le ralliement de l'Église à l'Empire puis, ultérieurement, son hostilité à toute mesure temporelle passant outre son pouvoir spirituel donnèrent de nouvelles formes à un vieil anticléricalisme hérité du Moyen Âge et des Lumières. Tous les registres de culture, des plus élaborés aux plus vulgaires, des plus classiques aux plus originaux, en reçurent l'empreinte et les divers courants républicains en furent tous marqués. Ces visages variés de l'anticléricalisme jouèrent un grand rôle dans la désaffection du peuple français vis-à-vis du clergé et de la religion. Républicanisme et anticléricalisme furent étroitement imbriqués jusqu'à ce que l'Union Sacrée et la présence du clergé sur les champs de bataille vinssent estomper, pour un temps, le caractère anticlérical de la culture républicaine.

Organizations are increasingly aware of the role that culture plays in implementing strategies. The adage "culture eats strategy for breakfast everyday' shows how important it is to understand, monitor, and calibrate company culture. This means shaping the behaviour of leaders, managers, teams, and individuals. It means integrating assessment and behaviours into performance and communication strategies. Cultures - at all levels - are shifting in today's society. It is important to understand which factors are having which effects. The Cultures of Knowledge Organizations presents a new perspective that treats organizational culture not as a static conceptual model but as a dynamic, complex and adaptive system. The authors consider how de facto organizational business cultures must function in a hyperdynamic knowledge economy. Today's managers need real practical guidance on how to see "culture', how to assess it, how to design a culture that supports business goals, and how to help the workforce understand their own role in shaping culture. This research acts as a map for 21st Century.

Globalization has a vast concept. Some people see globalization as the homogenization of culture. Thus, to understand globalization one must re-understand the world and how culture, diversity, politics, ethnicity, race, and homogeneity are manifested. Some see globalization as the ever changing of technology, economy, media, and ideology through the movement of people over cultural and national boundaries. Some restrict it as an exclusively economic phenomenon while others believe it also has social, cultural and political effects. English Department, Universitas Andalas, in collaboration with University of Social Science and Humanities, Vietnam, University Kebangsaan Malaysia, and University of Malaya, Malaysia, is organizing an international conference to bring together scholars, researchers and students to share their research results and ideas on how social and cultural changes in the world, particularly in Asian Countries, has brought implication on the way human being see the world, their self, and others. This conference is open for academic and non-academic speakers, including, government agencies/institutions, NGOs, researchers, and students (Doctorate, Master, and Bachelor Degree) including issues: Language, Linguistics, Applied Linguistics (Translation, Language Teaching, Language Testing, Second Language Acquisition, BIPA), Literature, Music and Performance Studies, Education (Character Building, Literacy), History, Heritage and Archeology, Sociology and Human development (Matrilineal Communities, Migration, Gender and Identity, Religion), Media and Journalism.

Political culture is a set of political attitudes, convictions, and emotions that prevail in a special period for a nationality, which influences the actions of the various political actors and the democratic process of a country. In the global era, the different nationalities and areas still maintain their own culture, exploring the suitable developing routes and having formed different democratic developing models. The political practices of such countries indicate that a stable and effective democratic government not only depends on the reasonable political systems and governmental structures, but also on the political values of the people. The world order should be more tolerant and plural, thereby supplying broader space for non-Western countries to choose suitable ways for themselves and combine the democratic globalization and localization together.

In their paper, (the authors) analyze the common points and differences in which imagined and mythologized histories are serving as a mobilizing force for extreme-right movements in three Central European countries, in Austria, Hungary, and Italy. The authors discuss how populist and right-wing political parties in these countries construct their conceptions of an alternative identity for the European Union. Further, the authors analyze the politico-territorial myths constructed by the three populist right-wing parties, the Freedom Party in Austria, the Northern League in Italy, and the Party of Hungarian Life and Truth. The programs of the three parties assert the equasion of the German concept of Volk with territory: the Freedom Party propagates a particular concept of Central Europe (Mitteleuropa), the Northern League of Padania assumes to be the true "nation" of the reagion, and the Party of Hungarian Life and Truth builds on imagined and mythologized concepts of an ancient Hungary with a homogeneous society and culture. The authors analyze the construction of essentialist identities based on imagined historical communities and on the exclusion of the Other where anti-Semitism is a driving factor represent a sceptical ideology evident in the discourse of the said parties.

Contrary to the presumption common in the social sciences, that culture and rationality are in opposition and mutually exclusive of each other - a presumption shared by such different approaches as game theory, rational choice theory and cultural anthropology - , the author emphazises that cultures always have their own rationalities. Standards of reasonableness cannot be thought of as universal, but inevitably reflect culture. Rationality is conditioned, so the author argues, by political forms, economic circumstances, institutions, laws, and customs. This is also true for cultures of objectivity, which are based on the rejection of what is usually conceived of as subjective, linked to emotions and to the personal. The examples of the historic struggles relating to the profession of accountants and the invention of cost-benefit analysis in the United States enable the author to put forward the argument that the quest for objectivity is in itself the cultural expression of a need emerging within societies where political order is not self- evident. Not only bureaucracies impose general standards of administration to avoid severe political conflicts, but various outsiders in different spheres of a society try and manage to gain credibility by escaping what is tainted by personal interest and subjectivity. From this perspective, the author identifies the insistence on impersonal rules in science as a cultural response to conditions of distrust within the corresponding disciplines and in the larger society, and discusses the uses made of statistics in the social sciences characterised by the reduction of quantification to impersonal, unitary, almost mechanical, strategies of analysis. ; Contrary to the presumption common in the social sciences, that culture and rationality are in opposition and mutually exclusive of each other - a presumption shared by such different approaches as game theory, rational choice theory and cultural anthropology - , the author emphazises that cultures always have their own rationalities. Standards of reasonableness cannot be thought of as universal, but inevitably reflect culture. Rationality is conditioned, so the author argues, by political forms, economic circumstances, institutions, laws, and customs. This is also true for cultures of objectivity, which are based on the rejection of what is usually conceived of as subjective, linked to emotions and to the personal. The examples of the historic struggles relating to the profession of accountants and the invention of cost-benefit analysis in the United States enable the author to put forward the argument that the quest for objectivity is in itself the cultural expression of a need emerging within societies where political order is not self- evident. Not only bureaucracies impose general standards of administration to avoid severe political conflicts, but various outsiders in different spheres of a society try and manage to gain credibility by escaping what is tainted by personal interest and subjectivity. From this perspective, the author identifies the insistence on impersonal rules in science as a cultural response to conditions of distrust within the corresponding disciplines and in the larger society, and discusses the uses made of statistics in the social sciences characterised by the reduction of quantification to impersonal, unitary, almost mechanical, strategies of analysis.

The political culture, according to scholar Kavanagh is part of the overall societal culture, and represents a set of basic values, emotions, knowledge, attitudes and convictions, within which the political system operates, shaping and feeding political processes. Culture came as a sequence to efforts to factor the spiritual world of people in explicating policy. Political culture brings to surface some kind of independence of culture from economic factors, and the role of culture in political order and economic development.This paper provides the theoretical aspects of political culture and political systems, within which its reflection is analysed on several aspects of interethnic relations in a democracy. Also, it accentuates the preferred paths of Western Balkan countries, including Macedonia, towards integration with the European Union, which is spiked with many challenges. In the political culture of multi-ethnic societies, ethnic divisions may have an influence. The ethnic principles are still present in the political arena of Macedonia, where although there is some "interethnic reconciliation", the failure in implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001, between Albanians and Macedonians, there are often political contractions, affecting national interests, which is in contradiction to all values of the European Union, mainly with human rights, but also ethnic rights.The object of the analysis of this paper is specifically related to:extended transition of Macedonia,political consensus,role of political parties, andinterethnic relations after the Ohrid Framework Agreement.Political culture in South-Eastern European countries has been analysed in different views, especially in the reform process, where it has an important role.Conclusions of this paper are that Macedonia must fulfil the conditions set forth, both political and institutional, based on the political culture for EU integration, since political culture, according to scholar L. Pye represents a "set of basic values, emotions and knowledge shaping and feeding political processes".

International audience ; Il faut se souvenir que le fait de confier à la puissance publique des responsabilités en matière de culture ne tombe pas sous le sens. Cette idée est le fruit d'un long travail politique, qui remonte au début du XX ème siècle en France, mais qui n'est partagée ni dans les mêmes termes ni selon les mêmes formes dans d'autres pays, occidentaux ou non. Cette idée est installée au point qu'aucun discours officiel ne se donne pour objectif de faire reculer les dépenses de culture, comme on l'entrevoit ici ou là pour la défense ou la santé, par exemple. Paradoxalement, la culture bénéficie aussi d'une légitimité limitée, de deux points de vue. Du point de vue sectoriel, la justification de la dépense culturelle publique s'appuie, depuis Keynes,sur l'incapacité de l'initiative privée à rendre un service ou faire naître des biens culturels dans des conditions satisfaisantes d'équité et de qualité. C'est donc une légitimité «par défaut». Du point de vue territorial, la pertinence à agir repose sur la volonté des représentants, plus que sur une sorte de quadrillage de services publics, à l'instar de l'Éducation nationale par exemple. Il en ressort que la culture -qui a beau être un domaine au périmètre mouvant –n'est que très partiellement une affaire publique. Sur la totalité de la production culturelle de référence telle qu'elle est recensée par le Département des études, de la prospective et des Statistiques du ministère de la Culture1, on estime à 18% la part de la production non-marchande (c'est à dire dont le prix représente moins de 50% du coût de production par un important niveau de financement public) et à 82% celle de la production marchande2. Mais si le secteur non marchand pèse d'un poids relativement limité, il occupe une place considérablement plus importante en termes d'orientation globale du domaine culturel.

International audience ; Il faut se souvenir que le fait de confier à la puissance publique des responsabilités en matière de culture ne tombe pas sous le sens. Cette idée est le fruit d'un long travail politique, qui remonte au début du XX ème siècle en France, mais qui n'est partagée ni dans les mêmes termes ni selon les mêmes formes dans d'autres pays, occidentaux ou non. Cette idée est installée au point qu'aucun discours officiel ne se donne pour objectif de faire reculer les dépenses de culture, comme on l'entrevoit ici ou là pour la défense ou la santé, par exemple. Paradoxalement, la culture bénéficie aussi d'une légitimité limitée, de deux points de vue. Du point de vue sectoriel, la justification de la dépense culturelle publique s'appuie, depuis Keynes,sur l'incapacité de l'initiative privée à rendre un service ou faire naître des biens culturels dans des conditions satisfaisantes d'équité et de qualité. C'est donc une légitimité «par défaut». Du point de vue territorial, la pertinence à agir repose sur la volonté des représentants, plus que sur une sorte de quadrillage de services publics, à l'instar de l'Éducation nationale par exemple. Il en ressort que la culture -qui a beau être un domaine au périmètre mouvant –n'est que très partiellement une affaire publique. Sur la totalité de la production culturelle de référence telle qu'elle est recensée par le Département des études, de la prospective et des Statistiques du ministère de la Culture1, on estime à 18% la part de la production non-marchande (c'est à dire dont le prix représente moins de 50% du coût de production par un important niveau de financement public) et à 82% celle de la production marchande2. Mais si le secteur non marchand pèse d'un poids relativement limité, il occupe une place considérablement plus importante en termes d'orientation globale du domaine culturel.

International audience ; Il faut se souvenir que le fait de confier à la puissance publique des responsabilités en matière de culture ne tombe pas sous le sens. Cette idée est le fruit d'un long travail politique, qui remonte au début du XX ème siècle en France, mais qui n'est partagée ni dans les mêmes termes ni selon les mêmes formes dans d'autres pays, occidentaux ou non. Cette idée est installée au point qu'aucun discours officiel ne se donne pour objectif de faire reculer les dépenses de culture, comme on l'entrevoit ici ou là pour la défense ou la santé, par exemple. Paradoxalement, la culture bénéficie aussi d'une légitimité limitée, de deux points de vue. Du point de vue sectoriel, la justification de la dépense culturelle publique s'appuie, depuis Keynes,sur l'incapacité de l'initiative privée à rendre un service ou faire naître des biens culturels dans des conditions satisfaisantes d'équité et de qualité. C'est donc une légitimité «par défaut». Du point de vue territorial, la pertinence à agir repose sur la volonté des représentants, plus que sur une sorte de quadrillage de services publics, à l'instar de l'Éducation nationale par exemple. Il en ressort que la culture -qui a beau être un domaine au périmètre mouvant –n'est que très partiellement une affaire publique. Sur la totalité de la production culturelle de référence telle qu'elle est recensée par le Département des études, de la prospective et des Statistiques du ministère de la Culture1, on estime à 18% la part de la production non-marchande (c'est à dire dont le prix représente moins de 50% du coût de production par un important niveau de financement public) et à 82% celle de la production marchande2. Mais si le secteur non marchand pèse d'un poids relativement limité, il occupe une place considérablement plus importante en termes d'orientation globale du domaine culturel.

Abstract: This paper explores recent attempts to re-imagine and re-brand northern British cities through processes of economic and (mainly) cultural regeneration. It analyses the creation of new contemporary urban images and presentations and compares these with the economic, social and cultural life experiences of people living in the areas. It examines the process of recharacterising former industrial conurbations as being at the cutting edge of contemporary, postmodern culture. A range of features is identified here within similar political, economic and policy contexts: deindustrialisation and regeneration driven by local business and political elites; emphasis on culture as spectacle to the exclusion of other cultural configurations; reliance on tourism and advertising, hyper consumption and leisure as determining aspects of the local economy; and the reorganisation of city populations. Keywords: Visual culture; city; Britain; cultural policy; cultural regeneration Résumé: Cet article explore les tentatives récentes de ré-imaginer et de « re-brander » les villes du nord de la Grande-Bretagne par le biais de stratégies de régénération urbaine mettant principalement l'accent sur les interventions de nature culturelle. Cet article met en relief la recomposition du paysage visuel urbain des villes du nord pour les contraster avec les conditions économiques, sociales et culturelles qui caractérisent l'existence et l'expérience des citadins qui y vivent. En particulier, il s'agit notamment d'examiner les pratiques et le processus de redéfinition des espaces industriels en lieux qui incarnent le contemporain et l'avant-garde de la culture postmoderne. De ces observations, on constate des similitudes dans les moyens utilisés par les autorités dans des contextes qui partagent les mêmes conditions politiques et économiques, à savoir : la régénération entendue comme un projet porté par les élites politiques et économiques locales; un accent mis sur la culture « spectacle » au détriment d'une compréhension et d'un usage plus inclusif de cette dernière; un accent marqué sur les activités de promotion touristique; l'hyperconsommation et le loisir en tant que moyens de développement local; et la réorganisation et la recomposition de la population urbaine comme conséquence de ces mobilisations de la culture. Mots clé : Culture visuelle, ville; Grande-Bretagne; politiques culturelles; régénération urbaine

« Comic books for adults have become one of the most novel and colourful forms of cultural expression in the Arab world today. During the last ten years, young Arabs have crafted stories explaining issues such as authoritarianism, resistance, war, sex, gender relations and youth culture. These are distributed through informal channels as well as independent bookstores and websites. Events like the annual Cairocomix festival in Egypt and the Mahmoud Kahil Award in Lebanon evidence the importance of this cultural phenomenon. 'Comics in Contemporary Arab Culture' focuses on the production of these comics in Egypt and Lebanon, countries at the forefront of the development of the genre for adults. Jacob Hoigilt guides the reader through the emergence of independent comics, explores their social and political critique, and analyses their visual and verbal rhetoric. Analysing more than 50 illustrations, included here, he shows that Arab comics are revealing of the changing attitudes towards politics, social relations and even language. While political analysts often paint a bleak picture of the Arab world after 2011, this book suggests that art and storytelling continue to nourish a spirit of liberty and freedom despite political setbacks. Comics in Contemporary Arab Culture provides a fresh and original insight into the politics of the Middle East and cultural expression in the Arab World. « (Verlagsbeschreibung)

Drawing from decades of research, Genes, Climate, and Consumption Culture: Connecting the Dots demonstrates how climate dictates culture and consumption. The author shows that human genes are climatic adaptations over thousands of years of evolution, which has resulted in the dramatic differences between people's food, clothing, and shelter choices. Most importantly, the book discusses how many of the fundamental differences between cultures, with respect to time, space, friendship, and technology, are responses to their particular climate. Readers will learn how to challenge their assumptions about what types of products and services foreign markets want. They will learn how to examine local markets vis-a-vis climate and culture, either changing their products accordingly or delivering entirely new offerings