In their paper, (the authors) analyze the common points and differences in which imagined and mythologized histories are serving as a mobilizing force for extreme-right movements in three Central European countries, in Austria, Hungary, and Italy. The authors discuss how populist and right-wing political parties in these countries construct their conceptions of an alternative identity for the European Union. Further, the authors analyze the politico-territorial myths constructed by the three populist right-wing parties, the Freedom Party in Austria, the Northern League in Italy, and the Party of Hungarian Life and Truth. The programs of the three parties assert the equasion of the German concept of Volk with territory: the Freedom Party propagates a particular concept of Central Europe (Mitteleuropa), the Northern League of Padania assumes to be the true "nation" of the reagion, and the Party of Hungarian Life and Truth builds on imagined and mythologized concepts of an ancient Hungary with a homogeneous society and culture. The authors analyze the construction of essentialist identities based on imagined historical communities and on the exclusion of the Other where anti-Semitism is a driving factor represent a sceptical ideology evident in the discourse of the said parties.
Based on analysis of characteristics of cultural-political cooperation forms in the EU, cultural policyaims and institutional activity improvement, the article reveals the specifics of culture management improvementand possibilities to implement the principles of the EU culture policy. The main attention is givento the analysis of improvement of EU cultural policy administration in the context of global changes. Goalsof organizations, which implement the EU culture policy, institutions, the impact of programmes and projectson the implementation of the policy and improvement of management are discussed in the article as well.Acknowledging that by supporting culture both in Europe and in the world the EU plays a very importantrole, the authors state that culture must be understood as a necessary factor helping to implement the strategicgoals of this international organization.
This volume is about how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) governs the world's largest population in a single-party authoritarian state. It attempts to explain the seemingly contradictory trends of the increasing number of protests, on the one hand, and the results of public opinion surveys that consistently show strong government support on the other hand
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"Singapore traverses several fields of study, taking up ideas and frameworks from philosophy, psychology, political science, cultural studies and anthropology in order to tell the larger 'truth' about the Singapore state. As such, this book will appeal to anyone interested in Singapore and Asian studies alike."--Jacket
Contrary to the presumption common in the social sciences, that culture and rationality are in opposition and mutually exclusive of each other - a presumption shared by such different approaches as game theory, rational choice theory and cultural anthropology - , the author emphazises that cultures always have their own rationalities. Standards of reasonableness cannot be thought of as universal, but inevitably reflect culture. Rationality is conditioned, so the author argues, by political forms, economic circumstances, institutions, laws, and customs. This is also true for cultures of objectivity, which are based on the rejection of what is usually conceived of as subjective, linked to emotions and to the personal. The examples of the historic struggles relating to the profession of accountants and the invention of cost-benefit analysis in the United States enable the author to put forward the argument that the quest for objectivity is in itself the cultural expression of a need emerging within societies where political order is not self- evident. Not only bureaucracies impose general standards of administration to avoid severe political conflicts, but various outsiders in different spheres of a society try and manage to gain credibility by escaping what is tainted by personal interest and subjectivity. From this perspective, the author identifies the insistence on impersonal rules in science as a cultural response to conditions of distrust within the corresponding disciplines and in the larger society, and discusses the uses made of statistics in the social sciences characterised by the reduction of quantification to impersonal, unitary, almost mechanical, strategies of analysis. ; Contrary to the presumption common in the social sciences, that culture and rationality are in opposition and mutually exclusive of each other - a presumption shared by such different approaches as game theory, rational choice theory and cultural anthropology - , the author emphazises that cultures always have their own rationalities. Standards of reasonableness cannot be thought of as universal, but inevitably reflect culture. Rationality is conditioned, so the author argues, by political forms, economic circumstances, institutions, laws, and customs. This is also true for cultures of objectivity, which are based on the rejection of what is usually conceived of as subjective, linked to emotions and to the personal. The examples of the historic struggles relating to the profession of accountants and the invention of cost-benefit analysis in the United States enable the author to put forward the argument that the quest for objectivity is in itself the cultural expression of a need emerging within societies where political order is not self- evident. Not only bureaucracies impose general standards of administration to avoid severe political conflicts, but various outsiders in different spheres of a society try and manage to gain credibility by escaping what is tainted by personal interest and subjectivity. From this perspective, the author identifies the insistence on impersonal rules in science as a cultural response to conditions of distrust within the corresponding disciplines and in the larger society, and discusses the uses made of statistics in the social sciences characterised by the reduction of quantification to impersonal, unitary, almost mechanical, strategies of analysis.
Examines evolution and change in the US Central Intelligence Agency since its creation in 1947; analyzes efforts to restore its influence within the policy-making process.
International audience ; Il faut se souvenir que le fait de confier à la puissance publique des responsabilités en matière de culture ne tombe pas sous le sens. Cette idée est le fruit d'un long travail politique, qui remonte au début du XX ème siècle en France, mais qui n'est partagée ni dans les mêmes termes ni selon les mêmes formes dans d'autres pays, occidentaux ou non. Cette idée est installée au point qu'aucun discours officiel ne se donne pour objectif de faire reculer les dépenses de culture, comme on l'entrevoit ici ou là pour la défense ou la santé, par exemple. Paradoxalement, la culture bénéficie aussi d'une légitimité limitée, de deux points de vue. Du point de vue sectoriel, la justification de la dépense culturelle publique s'appuie, depuis Keynes,sur l'incapacité de l'initiative privée à rendre un service ou faire naître des biens culturels dans des conditions satisfaisantes d'équité et de qualité. C'est donc une légitimité «par défaut». Du point de vue territorial, la pertinence à agir repose sur la volonté des représentants, plus que sur une sorte de quadrillage de services publics, à l'instar de l'Éducation nationale par exemple. Il en ressort que la culture -qui a beau être un domaine au périmètre mouvant –n'est que très partiellement une affaire publique. Sur la totalité de la production culturelle de référence telle qu'elle est recensée par le Département des études, de la prospective et des Statistiques du ministère de la Culture1, on estime à 18% la part de la production non-marchande (c'est à dire dont le prix représente moins de 50% du coût de production par un important niveau de financement public) et à 82% celle de la production marchande2. Mais si le secteur non marchand pèse d'un poids relativement limité, il occupe une place considérablement plus importante en termes d'orientation globale du domaine culturel.
International audience ; Il faut se souvenir que le fait de confier à la puissance publique des responsabilités en matière de culture ne tombe pas sous le sens. Cette idée est le fruit d'un long travail politique, qui remonte au début du XX ème siècle en France, mais qui n'est partagée ni dans les mêmes termes ni selon les mêmes formes dans d'autres pays, occidentaux ou non. Cette idée est installée au point qu'aucun discours officiel ne se donne pour objectif de faire reculer les dépenses de culture, comme on l'entrevoit ici ou là pour la défense ou la santé, par exemple. Paradoxalement, la culture bénéficie aussi d'une légitimité limitée, de deux points de vue. Du point de vue sectoriel, la justification de la dépense culturelle publique s'appuie, depuis Keynes,sur l'incapacité de l'initiative privée à rendre un service ou faire naître des biens culturels dans des conditions satisfaisantes d'équité et de qualité. C'est donc une légitimité «par défaut». Du point de vue territorial, la pertinence à agir repose sur la volonté des représentants, plus que sur une sorte de quadrillage de services publics, à l'instar de l'Éducation nationale par exemple. Il en ressort que la culture -qui a beau être un domaine au périmètre mouvant –n'est que très partiellement une affaire publique. Sur la totalité de la production culturelle de référence telle qu'elle est recensée par le Département des études, de la prospective et des Statistiques du ministère de la Culture1, on estime à 18% la part de la production non-marchande (c'est à dire dont le prix représente moins de 50% du coût de production par un important niveau de financement public) et à 82% celle de la production marchande2. Mais si le secteur non marchand pèse d'un poids relativement limité, il occupe une place considérablement plus importante en termes d'orientation globale du domaine culturel.
