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International audience ; The agroecological transition implies rethinking the way farmers are supported in their changes in practices. Farmer Field Schools are an effective mechanism in this respect, since they build farmers' capacity to experiment, to produce knowledge and to innovate independently. However, it is essential that these advisory services are correctly implemented, which has implications for the research and development community. A study conducted in sub-Saharan Africa shows that after taking part in Farmer Field Schools, farmers are more likely to make changes on their own farms if they have been involved in the decision-making process for the Farmer Field School. These changes can be highlighted by qualitative assessment methods centred on the contribution to impact. Farmer Field Schools also stand to gain from including women, young people and the poorest farmers, categories that are often excluded from conventional agricultural advisory services, but recognised as drivers of agroecological innovation. Finally, there must be room for the objectives of Farmer Field Schools to evolve over time, in order to adjust to local conditions, whether environmental or socio-economic.

This article examines the motivations and dynamics of the donors and suppliers of the covid-19 vaccines to the global south countries in the context of public diplomacy to wield soft power. Thus, it investigates how the West and East use the vaccines as a public diplomacy tool to influence public opinion in other nations or continents in order to either enhance their global image and reputation or exert some form of international influence or have new allies. The article argues that covid-19 vaccines are a soft power asset; therefore, the manufacturing nations may use them to shape their target foreign publics opinion, maintain allies, and win enemies globally. The big players have used vaccines over the years to achieve foreign policy objectives in the history of international relations. As the article's findings indicate, soft power has been the implicit primary goal of supplying vaccine countries to the less-developed states. The article employs public diplomacy and soft power concepts as the theoretical frameworks underpinning the work. The literature on vaccine diplomacy is very scarce to the best of my knowledge in public diplomacy. Scholars in the field have not given much attention to this scarcity; hence, this article seeks to fill the gap. The paper concludes that human life must precede political and selfish national interests in pandemic matters and suggests future research in other health diplomacy areas as a significant soft power resource through public diplomacy campaigns.

Project files are comprised of 1 page pdf and presentation recording in mp4 format. ; Historically an international and regional power, Russia once more dominates the headlines with Russian influence seen from Ukraine to the United Kingdom and even Bolivia. For many, Russia's rise to prominence and the concurrent conservative wave that has swept many countries in Europe and beyond serves as a chilling echo of the Soviet Union. While a lot can be said about how the modern day Russia resembles the former Communist country, one thing stands out significantly; Russia's influence in its surrounding countries. One may recall the recent almost universally condemned annexation of Crimea in 2014 while others might even think back to the controversial takeover of South Ossetia in 2008. Though these events are notable for the violent conflict that followed them, they are far from being isolated incidents. For many years now Russia has been striving to exert control over the former Soviet Republics that crowd the Russian border. Though the international media tends to focus on Russian militaristic aggression, Russia also utilizes its significant soft power in Eastern Europe and Central Asia to further Russian influence over the countries in these regions and their peoples. This project looks at the past history of Russia in relation to its neighbors and the current tactics used to exert political, economic, and cultural influence over these former Republics in order to better understand how Russia's increasing global authority is a reflection of its dominance within its sphere of influence.

This thesis addresses the sociocultural dimensions of the ongoing debate over the management of the Klamath River in southern Oregon and northern California. I used a social constructionist approach to qualitatively analyze discourse from 165 comments submitted to the Department of Interior in 2011 regarding the proposed removal of four dams on the Klamath River to develop typologies based on ideas of nature and preferred management outcomes. Analysis was informed by literature spanning environmental history, political ecology, historical geography, anthropology, science and technology studies, and sociology. My analysis indicates that commenters drew on diverse and divergent ideas of nature, used competing problem framings, claimed science supported their preferred management outcome, and drew on larger cultural narratives. These ideas and narratives are both culturally embedded and meaningful. In defining nature and what it is good for, commenters invoked ideas of the democratic individual, virtuous pristine nature, deserving yeoman farmer, precisely managed resources, and sacred family heritage. These narratives help to shape the terrain upon which management actions are perceived, valued, and contested, and make management actions symbolic and meaningful beyond their immediate spatial and temporal context. Ultimately, the conflict in the Klamath Basin can be understood as a contest for social power to enact a particular vision for the landscape. I also argue that an appeal to scientific knowledge alone is inadequate to address complex socioecological controversies where factual and normative claims are entangled and management actions are understood not as true or false, but right or wrong.

In recent years, the articulation between the common core of the discipline and its local manifestations has become increasingly problematic. It might seem paradoxical that calls for more local sociologies appear at the very time of globalization. However, I argue that this double move — the internationalization of the scholarly community on the one hand and the localization of specific claims on the other — is not as ironic as it first appears. On the contrary, it has its foundations in the very history of the discipline, in the realities of its worldwide spreading, and in the forms of its international constitution that are marked by hierarchies and inequalities, especially with regard to South-North-relations.

Résumé. Récemment, l'articulation entre le corpus commun de la discipline d'un côté et ses manifestations locales de l'autre côté se trouve remise en question. Il peut paraître paradoxal que les revendications de sociologies plus « locales » émergent simultanément au processus de mondialisation. Toutefois, j'argumenterai que ce double mouvement vers l'internationalisation de la communauté scientifique d'un côté, et la localisation de ses réalisations spécifiques de l'autre côté, n'est pas aussi ironique que cela puisse paraître à première vue. Au contraire, il semble que ces développements récents trouvent leur origine dans l'histoire même de la discipline, dans les réalités de son expansion globale et dans les formes de sa constitution internationale qui sont marquées par des hiérarchies et des inégalités profondes, surtout en ce qui concerne les relations Sud-Nord.

Book Reveiwed in this article Local Government and Politics Martin Cross and David Mallen. Introduction to British Government S. G. Richards. People and Parliament John P. Mackintosh. Directions for Change: Review of New South Wales Government Administration An Interim Report by Peter Wilenski A History of Police in England and Wales T. A. Critchley. Companion to Management Studies Harold Lucas. Zero‐Base Budgeting in the Public Sector: A Pragmatic Approach Peter C. Sarant. An Introduction to Selection Interviewing Dr. E. Anstey. Understanding Job Evaluation Mike Burns. Personnel Management in Government: Politics and Process Jay M. Shafritz et al. Computers and Local Government. Vol. 1. A Manager's Guide Kenneth L. Kraemer and John Leslie King. Socialising Public Ownership Martyn Sloman. The Development of the British Welfare State 1880–1975 J. R. Hay. The Origins of British Social Policy Pat Thane (ed.) Social Policy 1830–1914: Individualism, Collectivism and the Origins of the Welfare State Eric J. Evans (ed.) The Changing National Health Service R. G. S. Brown. The Organization of Soviet Medical Care Michael Ryan. Health Services in Britain 9th ed. HMSO Social Services in Britain 11th ed. HMSO Schools in Britain HMSO Governance of Federal Regulatory Agencies David M. Welborn. Price Determination and Prices Policy Joan Mitchell. Workers' Participation in Industry Michael Poole Inside the System J. L. Hesketh. Hello, Good Evening and Welcome… John Brand. Law on Accidents to Health Service Staff and Volunteers W. A. J. Farndale and Susan Russell.

One of the hallmarks of the last decade has undoubtedly been the rise to prominence of a group of five emerging economies – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - that have come to be known collectively as the 'BRICS bloc'. As a direct result of the increasingly prominent role of the BRICS bloc in global politics and economics, there has been a consequent increasing demand for improved infrastructure within these rapidly industrialising powers. This has compelled multilateral development banks to develop innovative funding solutions. Among these mechanisms is project finance, a relatively novel legal and financial structure typically used to fund public and private capital-intensive facilities and utilities. Multilateral development banks' (MDBs) participation in large-scale public-sector infrastructure projects financing is primarily governed by the loan agreements they conclude with governments, other financial institutions, and private sector entities. However, projects of this nature have predictably widespread effects, particularly on stakeholders not party to the contractual scheme – they frequently involve resettlement of local populations, transformation of indigenous lands, deforestation, pollution, and employment of labour for heavy industrial tasks. This far-reaching impact has necessitated increased accountability for MDBs' financing practices, particularly where the actions of MBD lenders impact on human rights and have broader social and environmental effects. This thesis examines two mechanisms to achieve accountability. The first of these solutions lifts the veil and entails reconceptualisation of how MDBs are held accountable at domestic level by reconfiguring the role of domestic judicial forums. The second is the formation of what is termed an independent 'super mechanism', an international body which would be created by agreement among all participating multilateral development banks and would serve to provide effective oversight and enhanced accountability. This thesis ultimately focuses on advancing a novel contribution on the establishment of a super mechanism and it does so with reference to the interface between global administrative law principles and domestic administrative law principles. It addresses how supranational regulatory mechanisms should render the exercise of discretion and authority at the international level more transparent and accountable for the benefit of stakeholders in the developing world. The thesis formulates four benchmark criteria against which the development of an effective and successful super mechanism should be measured, it should: (i) be empowered with jurisdiction to conduct comprehensive investigations; (ii) provide remedies that are effective; (iii) be empowered to monitor and enforce remedies and corrective measures at MDBs; and (iv) operate in a manner that does not directly or indirectly contribute to undermining the national sovereignty of developing states. The thesis takes this further by examining how a super mechanism aligns with the core objectives and values of the BRICS bloc, and then advances a proposal to establish a BRICS super mechanism. It does this with reference to the practical challenges that may arise around the implementation of a BRICS-specific super mechanism, and it interrogates measures that the bloc has already implemented that may mitigate some of the theorised challenges.

This dissertation engages with the perennial question of 'how lecturers learn to teach' and 'students learn to learn', through engaging with the development of one lecturer in the process of learning how to teach undergraduate students to do research in Information Systems at a Higher Education Institution in South Africa. Teaching and learning stand at the core of Higher Education, yet at the University where this research was conducted, 86% of the academics in the Faculty have no formal qualification in teaching and only extended programme students are enrolled in academic literacy courses. Teaching and learning are also not typical competencies that are included in discipline-specific curricula. Because lecturers are appointed as educators, it becomes a moral imperative for them to become proficient in teaching and learning. This thesis takes the position that adult educators and learners are able to teach themselves under the right circumstances. The research was based on a case study of learning to teach three groups of third year students over a consecutive period of three years in a research methods and philosophy course in Information Systems at a historically disadvantaged University in SA. Political imperatives of free and open access to higher education and the associated growth in student numbers, together with constrained financial resources and increasing academic workloads provide the context for this research against the Universities strategy to transition from a teaching to a research-based institution. These imperatives require new and innovative ways of teaching large groups of underprivileged students with minimal resources for doing research. Furthermore, the widespread adoption of the internet by students as their primary source of information has exposed a critical need for these kinds of academic literacies in discipline specific curricula. It is suggested that these skills can only be developed through practical experience and not as a theoretical curriculum. Praxis is guided by the Greek concept of phronēsis; which is the moral disposition to do what is right depending on the circumstances. By analysing the course reflections of 60 students using Aristotle's dialectics, this dissertation provides empirical evidence of 'how students learn', 'how to teach' students to be self-directed as well as 'how' academics are able to learn to teach themselves. It is suggested that the current practice of prescribing to students what, when, where and why they should learn is harmful to their long-term self-directing capabilities. By fostering students' independence through enabling them how to learn, the lecturer reflexively becomes free to learn how to teach for him/herself. More importantly, this research has highlighted the absence of a knowledge component in contemporary models of experiential learning. These findings have implications for the broader sphere of teaching of research in Information Systems as well as developing students' critical and self-directed faculties. This is of value in preparing students for postgraduate research in any discipline, for developing students as lifelong learners, and in developing lecturers as critically reflective educators who know 'how' and 'why' to teach.

Globalisation is the penetration of the global market into the life of the countries, caused by the strengthening international financial markets, rising world trade, creation of multinational businesses and progress in telecommunications.The present analysis of globalisation and the new opportunities and challenges it presents to businesses and the population attempts to take a broader view of the issue. We have tried to take a look at both sides of the globalisation process and assess not only the huge changes it brings to the world but also to review the contradictory impact it makes on man and the world inhabited by him.The benefits of globalisation are obvious: it is faster growth, higher standards of life and new opportunities. Yet far from all countries and all people are able to use the advantages offered by globalisation.Globalisation does not give heed to borders; it progresses every day and involves an increasing number of people. President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, speaking at the World Summit for Sustainable Development held from August 26 to September 4, 2002, in Johannesburg, called the wealthy countries "islands of welfare", surrounded by an "ocean of poverty", and urged to stop the "global apartheid" of the poor countries. "Poverty, underdevelopment, inequality among countries and within countries together with the aggravating global ecological crisis throw a dark shadow on the whole world," said President Mbeki.In analysing the new environment and the changes that are brought about by the unstoppable phenomena of globalisation spread more or less throughout the whole world, we have only two possibilities: we may rejoice at the new breathtaking prospects of new discoveries, or cringe in fear of drowning.The experience of most developed countries clearly indicates that the speed of social and economic development in any country is directly dependent on the education of its people, on the focused and constructive, creative energy in developing business and accumulating financial expertise. This is why education should doubtlessly be the priority in Lithuania.While the results of the ongoing changes may become evident only in several months or even several years, we should be always prepared to new challenges. The time has come to make use of what we have already accumulated, assess our strengths and weaknesses and model our actions, our place and ability of our business and people to compete in the European Union and other markets of the increasingly globalised world. ; Straipsnyje nagrinėjama globalizacijos kaip naujos, nuolat besikeičiančios aplinkos ir jos teikiamų verslui bei žmonėms naujų galimybių ir iššūkių tema. Bandoma šią problemą apžvelgti plačiau, siekiant apčiuopti abi globalizacijos proceso esmės puses, ne tik vertinant pasauliui atnešamus milžiniškus pokyčius, bet ir bandant atsižvelgti į prieštaringą jų poveikį žmogui bei pasauliui. Jame plačiai apžvelgiami pasaulio finansų sektoriuje vykstantys pokyčiai ir Lietuvos finansų sektoriaus veiklos ypatumai. Straipsnio pabaigoje pateikiamos išvados, paremtos įsitikinimu, kad gilesnis globalizacijos ir jos įtakos aplinkai įvertinimo požiūris leidžia tiksliau įdentifikuoti vykstančius procesus, realiau vertinti jų keliamus pokyčius ir iššūkius bei geriau modeliuoti ir koreguoti savo veiksmus.

The British government notoriously conducted a series of atomic bomb tests in South Australia's Maralinga lands during the 1950s and 1960s. The traditional owners were moved to Yalata, within a kilometre or so of the main highway from Adelaide to Perth. Estranged from their lands and unable to visit their sacred sites or attend to the ritual obligations owed to the lands, the Yalata community became a troubled one. A legal battle began in 1980 to enable these past injustices to be remedied. Young lawyer Garry Hiskey, senior solicitor for the Aboriginal Legal Rights Movement, was assigned to the case. This is his story of the fight to return the Maralinga lands to their original owners, helping them gain an inalienable freehold title to some 76,000 square kilometres of land. It's a story of intrigue, divided loyalties, political controversy, voting rights, and of a mining company finding itself the meat in the sandwich in a battle of wills as to who should be permitted to explore and mine the lands on which the customs and beliefs of Anangu were based

Este artigo oferece uma abordagem alternativa para analisar experiências sociais, políticas e culturais como Mahragan, localizadas em estruturas de poder assimétricas historicamente construídas, além das dicotomias epistemologicamente dominantes que contrastam entre o Islã e a modernidade. Por isso, proponho, com base em experiências etnográficas com grupos de jovens na cidade do Cairo desde 1999, um ensaio histórico-antropológico que nos permita entender, além da própria marginalização do universo cultural Shabi, as relações de poder estabelecidas na estrutura social Egípcio. Esses pontos de partida fazem o mahragan aparecer como um encontro histórico, uma resposta dos jovens egípcios que têm raízes nas tradições musicais passadas, para transcender o que identificamos como modernidade colonial, dentro dos contextos islâmicos. Através da análise da música Mahragan, analisaremos a dinâmica da dialética colonização-descolonização para aprofundar a compreensão dos espaços simbólicos da fronteira como os criados nas periferias de Cairo. *"Este articulo es resultado del proyecto TRANSGANG: Pandillas transnacionales como agentes de mediación: Experiencias de resolución de conflictos en organizaciones juveniles callejeras en el sur de Europa, el norte de África y las Américas (TRANSGANG). Unión Europea: HORIZONTE-2020, Consejo Europeo de Investigación - Subvención avanzada [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705]". ; This article offers an alternative approach to analyze social, political and cultural experiences located in historically constructed asymmetric power structures such as Mahragan, beyond the epistemologically dominant dichotomies that contrast between Islam and modernity. I therefore propose, based on ethnographic experiences with youth groups in the city of Cairo since 1999, an anthropological-historical essay that will allow us to understand, in addition to the marginalization of the Shabi cultural universe, the power relations established in the Egyptian social structure. These starting points make the Mahragan appear as a historical encounter, a response of young Egyptian who have roots in past musical traditions, to transcend what we identify as colonial modernity, within Islamic contexts. Through the analysis of Mahragan music, we will analyze the dynamics of the colonization-decolonization dialectic to deepen the understanding of the symbolic spaces of the border as those created in the Cairot peripheries. *"Este articulo es resultado del proyecto TRANSGANG: Pandillas transnacionales como agentes de mediación: Experiencias de resolución de conflictos en organizaciones juveniles callejeras en el sur de Europa, el norte de África y las Américas (TRANSGANG). Unión Europea: HORIZONTE-2020, Consejo Europeo de Investigación - Subvención avanzada [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705]". ; Este artículo ofrece un enfoque alternativo para analizar experiencias sociales, políticas y culturales como el Mahragan, situadas en estructuras de poder asimétricas históricamente construidas, más allá de las dicotomías epistemológicamente dominantes que contrastan entre islam y modernidad. Me propongo entonces, a partir experiencias etnográficas con grupos juveniles de la ciudad de El Cairo desde el año 1999, un ensayo antropológico-histórico que permitirá comprender, además de la propia marginalización del universo cultural shabi, las relaciones de poder establecidas en la estructura social egipcia. Estos puntos de partida hacen que el Mahragan aparezca como un encuentro histórico, una respuesta de las personas jóvenes egipcias que hunde raíces en tradiciones musicales pasadas, para transcender lo que identificamos como modernidad colonial, dentro de los contextos islámicos. A través de los análisis de la música Mahragan, analizaremos la dinámica de la dialéctica de colonización-descolonización para profundizar en la comprensión de los espacios simbólicos de la frontera como los creados en las periferias cairotas. *"Este articulo es resultado del proyecto TRANSGANG: Pandillas transnacionales como agentes de mediación: Experiencias de resolución de conflictos en organizaciones juveniles callejeras en el sur de Europa, el norte de África y las Américas (TRANSGANG). Unión Europea: HORIZONTE-2020, Consejo Europeo de Investigación - Subvención avanzada [H2020-ERC-AdG-742705]".

International audience ; Public communication is quite well recognized today. It is concerned with the theme of hybridity by the speci-ficities of the bureaucratic model, its forms of professionalization-borrowing from the private sector. How then to comprehend in its entirety the scope of hybridity in the field it covers? How to conceive heuristically this communication whose organizational springs and models are hybrid between public, political and private? Today, public communication seems relatively well recognized in France (professions, law, universities) in comparison with the years 1980/1990. The same is true in Europe and Africa (Awono, 2015). Thus the institutional communication of public organizations is recognized internationally. It has not always been so. Its members perform a still recent hybrid professional function in the service of organizations that are themselves hybrids following the Weberian model of public institutions (dialectical dichotomy between administration and politics ; La comunicación pública es hoy bastante bien reconocida. Tiene que ver con el tema de la hibridez por las especificidades del modelo burocrático, sus formas de profesionalización-endeudamiento del sector privado. ¿Cómo entonces comprender en su totalidad el alcance de la hibridez en el campo que cubre? ¿Cómo concebir heurísticamente esta comunicación cuyos resortes y modelos organizativos son híbridos entre lo público, lo político y lo privado? Hoy en día, la comunicación pública parece relativamente reconocida en Francia (profesiones, derecho, universidades) en comparación con los años 1980/1990. Lo mismo ocurre en Europa y África (Awono, 2015). Así, la comunicación institucional de las organizaciones públicas es reconocida internacionalmente. No siempre ha sido así. Sus miembros realizan una función profesional híbrida aún reciente al servicio de organizaciones que son híbridos siguiendo el modelo weberiano de instituciones públicas (dicotomía dialéctica entre administración y política). ; La communication publique est assez bien reconnue aujourd'hui. Elle est concernée par la thématique de l'hybridité par les spéci-ficités du modèle bureaucratique, ses formes de professionnalisa-tion empruntant au secteur privé. Dès lors comment appréhender dans sa globalité la portée de l'hybridité dans le champ qu'elle recouvre ? Comment concevoir heuristiquement cette communication dont les ressorts et modèles organisationnels sont hybrides entre public, politique et privé ? Aujourd'hui, la communication publique semble relativement bien reconnue en France (métiers, droit, universités) en compa-raison des années 1980/1990. Il en va de même en Europe, en Afrique (Awono, 2015). Ainsi la communication institutionnelle des organisations publiques connaît une reconnaissance interna-tionale. Il n'en a pas toujours été ainsi. Ses membres exercent une fonction professionnelle hybride encore récente, au service d'or-ganisations elles-mêmes hybrides suivant le modèle wébérien des institutions publiques (dichotomie dialectique entre administration et politique) ; La comunicazione pubblica è abbastanza ben riconosciuta oggi. Riguarda il tema dell'ibridazione per le specificità del modello burocratico, le sue forme di professionalizzazione - prendendo a prestito dal settore privato. Come quindi comprendere nella sua interezza la portata dell'ibridità nel campo che copre? Come concepire euristicamente questa comunicazione le cui istanze e modelli organizzativi sono ibridi tra pubblico, politico e privato? Oggi, la comunicazione pubblica sembra relativamente ben riconosciuta in Francia (professioni, giurisprudenza, università) rispetto agli anni 1980/1990. Lo stesso vale per Europa e Africa (Awono, 2015). Pertanto la comunicazione istituzionale delle organizzazioni pubbliche è riconosciuta a livello internazionale. Non è sempre stato così. I suoi membri svolgono una funzione professionale ibrida ancora recente al servizio di organizzazioni che sono esse stesse ibride che seguono il modello weberiano delle istituzioni pubbliche (dicotomia dialettica tra amministrazione e politica).

Advances in Hospitality and Leisure (AHL), a peer-reviewed research journal, has been published annually since 2004. AHL is indexed in Scopus and included in the Australian Business Deans Council (ABDC) journal quality list. Its editors, editorial board members, ad-hoc reviewers entail scholars from North America, Europe and Asia-Pacific. AHL with international in focus attempts to divulge the innovative methods of inquiry so as to inspire new research topics that are vital and have been in large neglected in the context of hospitality, tourism, and leisure. It strives to address the needs of the populace willing to disseminate seminal ideas, concepts, and theories derived from scholarly inquiries. AHL covers full papers and research notes in the matter of conceptual models and empirical investigations using inductive and deductive methods. The authors of this publication come from and Africa, America, Asia/Pacific, Europe, and Middle East. Potential readers may retrieve useful articles to outline new research agendas, suggest viable topics for a dissertation work, and augment the knowledge of the new subjects of learning.

Repeated intelligence failures in Iraq, Libya and across the Middle East and North Africa have left many critics searching for a smoking gun. Amidst questions of who misread - or manipulated - the intel, a fundamental truth goes unaddressed: western intelligence is not designed to understand the world. In fact, it cannot. In The Covert Colour Line, Oliver Kearns shows how the catastrophic mistakes made by British and US intelligence services since 9/11 are underpinned by orientalist worldviews and racist assumptions forged in the crucible of Cold War-era colonial retreat. Understanding this historical context is vital to explaining why anglophone state intelligence is unable to grasp the motives and international solidarities of 'adversaries'. Offering a new way of seeing how intelligence contributes to world inequalities, and drawing on a wealth of recently declassified materials, Kearns argues that intelligence agencies' imagination of 'non-Western' states and geopolitics fundamentally shaped British intelligence assessments which would underpin the 2003 invasion of Iraq and subsequent interventions