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History, heresy, hacking -- To fork or not to fork: hacking and infrastructures of care -- Crafting and critique: artefactual and symbolic outputs of diversity advocacy -- Working imaginaries: "freedom from jobs" or learning to love to labor? -- The conscience of a (feminist) hacker: political stances within diversity advocacy -- "Putting lipstick on a GNU?" representation and its discontents -- Overcoming diversity : Conclusion.

"Rodríguez describes how medicine and new public health projects infused republican Cuba's statecraft, powerfully shaping the lives of Havana's residents. He underscores how various stakeholders, including women and people of color, demanded robust government investment in quality medical care for all Cubans, a central national value that continues today. On a broader level, Rodríguez proposes that Latin America, at least as much as the United States and Europe, was an engine for the articulation of citizens' rights, including the right to health care, in the twentieth century"--

Introduction : How Americanism Won -- Belonging to an Ancient Church in a Modern Republic -- Public Duty, Private Faith -- Americanism for the Global Church -- Liberal Catholics, American Conservatives -- The Extremities of Defending Liberty -- Limits of Americanism -- Americanism Revisited -- Americanism Redux -- Conclusion : Freedom and Catholicism in Post-Conciliar America.

Disaster management in the United States -- Theories and approaches of public policy and management helpful in disaster studies -- A short history of U.S. disaster policy -- Presidential declarations of major disaster or emergency -- The role of research, science, and engineering -- Intergovernmental relations in disaster policy -- Civil-military relations and national security -- Globalization of disasters -- Hurricanes Harvey, Irma, and Maria: U.S. disaster management challenged -- Conclusions and the future.

How American colonists reinterpreted their British and colonial histories to help establish political and cultural independence from Britain.

Black Gold and Blackmail seeks to explain why great powers adopt such different strategies to protect their oil access from politically motivated disruptions. In extreme cases, such as Imperial Japan in 1941, great powers fought wars to grab oil territory in anticipation of a potential embargo by the Allies; in other instances, such as Germany in the early Nazi period, states chose relatively subdued measures like oil alliances or domestic policies to conserve oil. What accounts for this variation? Fundamentally, it is puzzling that great powers fear oil coercion at all because the global market makes oil sanctions very difficult to enforce. Rosemary A. Kelanic argues that two variables determine what strategy a great power will adopt: the petroleum deficit, which measures how much oil the state produces domestically compared to what it needs for its strategic objectives; and disruptibility, which estimates the susceptibility of a state's oil imports to military interdiction—that is, blockade. Because global markets undercut the effectiveness of oil sanctions, blockade is in practice the only true threat to great power oil access. That, combined with the devastating consequences of oil deprivation to a state's military power, explains why states fear oil coercion deeply despite the adaptive functions of the market. Together, these two variables predict a state's coercive vulnerability, which determines how willing the state will be to accept the costs and risks attendant on various potential strategies. Only those great powers with large deficits and highly disruptible imports will adopt the most extreme strategy: direct control of oil through territorial conquest.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Note on Texts Cited -- Introduction -- Part I: Christian Rome -- Introduction -- 1. The Church and Machiavelli's Depiction of Italy's Historical Situation -- 2. The Ravages of Christianity -- Part II: Pagan Rome -- Introduction -- 3. The Foundation for Tyranny in Rome -- 4. Corruption, Youth, and Foreign Influences -- 5. Machiavelli's Ambiguous Praise of Paganism -- Part III: Machiavelli's New Rome -- Introduction -- 6. Old Lands and Machiavelli's New One -- 7. A Temporal Christianity and the Princes of the Republic -- 8. Machiavelli's Rule and Human Liberty -- Notes -- Works Cited -- Index

Black Gold and Blackmail seeks to explain why great powers adopt such different strategies to protect their oil access from politically motivated disruptions. In extreme cases, such as Imperial Japan in 1941, great powers fought wars to grab oil territory in anticipation of a potential embargo by the Allies; in other instances, such as Germany in the early Nazi period, states chose relatively subdued measures like oil alliances or domestic policies to conserve oil. What accounts for this variation? Fundamentally, it is puzzling that great powers fear oil coercion at all because the global market makes oil sanctions very difficult to enforce.Rosemary A. Kelanic argues that two variables determine what strategy a great power will adopt: the petroleum deficit, which measures how much oil the state produces domestically compared to what it needs for its strategic objectives; and disruptibility, which estimates the susceptibility of a state's oil imports to military interdiction—i.e., blockade. Because global markets undercut the effectiveness of oil sanctions, blockade is in practice the only true threat to great power oil access. That, combined with the devastating consequences of oil deprivation to a state's military power, explains why states fear oil coercion deeply despite the adaptive functions of the market.Together, these two variables predict a state's coercive vulnerability, which determines how willing the state will be to accept the costs and risks attendant on various potential strategies. Only those great powers with large deficits and highly disruptible imports will adopt the most extreme strategy: direct control of oil through territorial conquest

Monks, masters, and missionaries : from "teachership" to schools in late Muscovy -- The navigation school and the "profit-maker" -- The Naval Academy and the "Imposter baron without any diploma" -- The naval schools and Peter I's Grand Reglaments, 1710s-1730s -- The Noble Cadet Corps and the Pietist Field Marshal, 1730s -- The fops, the courtiers, the favorites, and other reformers of the service schools, 1740s-1760s.

This text avoids preoccupation with "the German question" and East-West German comparisons, looking at the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in its own right while recognizing that a legacy of German history and political precedent persists in the GDR as much as in the Federal Republic. Dr. Scharf shows how the GDR is subject to the same development

Sustainable development is among the foremost ideas that guide societal aspirations around the world. This text interrogates the concept through a critical lens, examining both its history and the trajectory of its manifestations in the Brazilian Amazon.