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Supporting the agricultural sector is a topic that has been discussed for many years in the world and has been the governments' focus more than other economic sectors for many reasons, such as the nature of the agricultural sector, higher risk than other sectors, food security and nutrition and so on. Accordingly, the support of agricultural sector by different countries has varied depending on its importance in different countries of the world. The present study reviews and analyzes important policy changes, assessments, and recommendations in the context of the research in order to evaluate agricultural support policies in the member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), including Turkey, Korea and Japan. In this study, the latest agricultural policies in OECD countries are examined through measuring the parameters of agricultural support policies and using library studies. According to the studies, the OECD uses indicators such as Producer Support Estimate (PSE), Market Price Support (MPS), Producer Nominal Protection Coefficient (Producer NPC), Producer Nominal Assistance Coefficient (NACP), Consumer Support Estimate (CSE), General Services Support Estimate (GSSE), Total Support Estimate (TSE), and other related indicators to measure and classify the agricultural support based on a comprehensive system.

In late 2019, the first cases of a disease, which would come to be known as COVID-19, emerged in a Chinese city, known for being the home to a market where wild animals were relatively common and to a virology laboratory of the highest security level. Coincidence or not, the debate about the origin of the disease involves these two places, and a lot of political interest. On the other hand, the tragedy that became one of the deadliest pandemics ever recorded has several other elements that are more or less important, depending on the moment and context. ; No final de 2019, os primeiros casos de uma doença, que viria a ser conhecida como COVID-19 (do inglês Corona virus disease), surgiram em uma cidade chinesa conhecida por abrigar um mercado em que a presença de animais silvestres era relativamente comum e por possuir um laboratório de virologia do mais alto nível de segurança. Coincidência ou não, o debate acerca da origem da doença perpassa estes dois lugares e é de muito interesse político. Por outro lado, a tragédia que se constituiu numa das pandemias mais mortíferas já registradas, apresenta diversos outros elementos mais ou menos importantes, dependendo do momento e do contexto.

In this Review essay, we examine some of the latest and needed scholarship on harm reduction: Travis Lupick's Fighting for Space: How a Group of Drug Users Transformed One City's Struggle with Addiction (2018); Jarrett Zigon's A War on People: Drug User Politics and a New Ethics of Community (2019); Kimberly Sue'sGetting Wrecked: Women, Incarceration, and the American Opioid Crisis(2019); and Nancy Campbell'sOD: Naloxone and the Politics of Overdose(2020). Our authors present us with intimate windows into a diverse array of geographies, peoples, and technologies—from women's jails, prisons, and community treatment programmes in Massachusetts to Vancouver's downtown; from Copenhagen's safe injection sites to prisons in Scotland. While varied in methods and approaches, these works unequivocally push for alternative imaginings to what one of Campbell's protagonists dubs the 'North American disaster'. Harm reduction is front and centre to these authors' envisioning of a kinder, more loving, and more accepting future. Embracing harm reduction both requires and initiates a radical rethinking of how drug use is viewed, and our authors have given us crucial insight and analyses into how such reorientations are possible. We encourage continued scholarship on this topic, especially on non-Western options.

Actual theaters of operations are complex contexts where soldiers must face different situations, such as symmetrical, asymmetrical, or close quarter combat. The requirements of the actual battlefield are different to the traditional conditioning military training. This new changing scenario produces an activation of the innate fight or flight defense mechanisms with large activations of the anaerobic metabolic pathways and the sympathetic autonomic nervous system. In these scenarios, the anaerobic, aerobic, and strength demands are so specific and the time to improve all training demands in the units is limited. We propose a new training periodization for the military population based on the latest research into the psychophysiological response of soldiers in actual theaters of operations (actual military missions) and actual civilian models of training and periodization to develop a specific, easy, and reliable periodization model for actual tactical athletes. This training intervention was developed in order to improve operational training according to the demands of actual theaters of operations, based on recent research in military and civilian populations. We tried to conduct a proposal that is easy to apply, with minimal use of material different to what could be found in a military base and that could be implemented in a short period of time.

Turkey is one of the countries that adheres to a parliamentary and secular government system. The dynamics of Turkish political change fluctuate and continue to experience turmoil. This can be investigated at the time of the change in the government system that started from the monarchy to the Republic. Until the process of government embraced secular. Turkish secularism was imposed as a form of state anxiety and decline. It is because of this that a quarter of the world's territory is almost occupied. His character Mustafa Kemal Attatürk is considered the father of secularism. He later became an important figure in changing almost the entire flow of government and various policies that made Turkey a secular state. This means that there is an element of separation between the interests of the state and religion which was very strong in the Ottoman era. The Kemalist paradigm is total secularization, both in government and in life, in other words Turkey and upholds the concept of love for the homeland. In the discussion of this article, the topic of Turkish government is narrowed down by the Erdoan era. because according to the author's hypothesis in the era of Erdoan, the development of Islam in the government was growing rapidly.

This paper maps and systematizes the different discourses around peace in the public sphere in Colombia during the context of the latest peace negotiations between the government and the guerrilla group FARC-EP. The analysis of the discourses of peace is boiled down to four main approaches: a. Peace is understood as a relational dynamic that allows for the deconstruction of the binary friend-enemy and the recognition of the other; b. peace is seen as a condition that enables security and the deepening of economic development through neoliberal policies; c. peace is re-signified through the signifier 'territory', to refer to the need of local involvement to define and implement peace policies in order to take into account the needs from those living and being in the territories; and d. peace is proposed as the consecution of social and environmental justice, accompanied of an alternative development that ensures the autonomy of indigenous, black communities, and peasants to decide how they want to live, how they want to exist. The ultimate goal of this paper is to explore the power-resistance dynamics at play in the re-definition of peace during the window of opportunity that the peace dialogues represented. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The covid-19 pandemic has had an impact on various aspects of life. With various new policies taken regarding the Covid-19 pandemic, new adaptations are needed for our lives. The existence of the PSBB policy (large-scale social restrictions), social distancing and stay at home forced everyone during this pandemic to carry out all activities from home on an online basis. Likewise in the education sector, which must adapt to new habits related to policies during the Covid-19 pandemic. This research was conducted with the aim of knowing student management at the Mohammad Hatta Islamic Elementary School during the Covid-19 pandemic based on research. This research is a case study research using a descriptive qualitative research approach to describe the findings obtained after the research. The data in this study were collected by means of interviews, observation and documentation study. The research results show that in a managerial system, the activities in this institution have been systematically organized even though they are still adapting to the latest policy updates from the government. This institution strives to continue to optimize student activities amidst the limitations of meeting face to face.

This article develops the concept of brokerage to analyse the systems of borderland governance that have underpinned processes of state formation and capitalist development in the conflict-affected Myanmar-China borderland region of northern Shan State since the late 1980s. It focuses on the brokerage arrangements that have developed between the Myanmar Army and local militias, and how the illegal drug trade has become integral to these systems of brokered rule. This article draws particular attention to the inherent tensions and contradictions surrounding brokerage. In the short term, deploying militias as borderland brokers has provided an expedient mechanism through which the Myanmar Army has sought to extend and embed state authority, and has also provided the stability and coercive muscle needed to attract capital, expand trade, and intensify resource extraction. However, at the same time, militias have sought to use their position as brokers to aggrandise their own power and counter the extension of central state control. In the longer term, brokerage arrangements have thus had the effect of reinvigorating systems of strongman borderland governance, further fragmenting the means of violence and the proliferation of drugs and disempowering non-militarised forms of political negotiation.

Agriculture fulfils the basic needs of human kind by producing food. Farmer used to produce food and commodities mostly for self-consumption or for exchange with others mostly in the same village or nearby places. At present, production environment has changed considerably from self- reliance to commercialization. Agriculture, generally means growing of crops and livestock while, marketing encompasses a series of activities from the point of production to point of consumption. There are key factors influencing agriculture in both production and marketing may be classified as physical, social and economic factors. Mostly marketing in Tamilnadu has been through various channels like middlemen, traders, retailers and by direct marketing. To overcome various limitations and to provide greater benefits to the farmer which were taken by middlemen, Direct Marketing was implemented. The Government have taken steps in restructuring to regulate Agri Business and encourage entrepreneurs. The Government also took necessary steps like practicing fair trade price to the farming community to support the left behind farmers in the competitive marketplace and supporting with latest technologies to reduce the loss incurred during various stages of harvesting. By implementing various technological ideas and through value addition agricultural business can be streamlined in this competitive market.

The process of dissolution of the Netherlands Antilles, back in 2010, gave rise to a scenario in which the last colonial remnants of the Netherlands were forced to decide on their political future. The smaller three islands agreed to integrate themselves as special Dutch municipalities, while for the other three — Aruba, Curaçao and Sint Maarten—, it was decided to adopt a scheme of greater self-government within the Kingdom. This essay explores the current political and administrative context of the later mentioned islands, taking into account the whole process of the Antillean dissolution. ; La disolución, en 2010, de las Antillas Neerlandesas —u Holandesas, como más frecuentemente son conocidas— dio lugar a un escenario en el que los últimos remanentes coloniales de los Países Bajos se vieron abocados a decidir sobre su futuro. Para tres de estas islas, la solución fue integrarse dentro de la estructura fundamental del Estado, mientras que para las otras tres —Aruba, Curaçao y Sint Maarten— se decidió adoptar un esquema de mayor autogobierno dentro del Reino. Este artículo explora el estado de la situación político-administrativa de estas últimas partiendo del proceso de desarticulación antillano como referente.

The Olympic Games have always occupied a special place in the information environment. Coverage of the preparation of these important competitions in modern media discourse deserves more detailed consideration. This is due to the development of new media, in particular, social networks and a kind of competition with traditional media. Accordingly, the aim of the work is to analyze the peculiarities of the coverage of the Olympic Games in the media. As a result of the study, it was concluded that since the London Olympics in 2012, traditional media have experienced strong competition from social networks (eg, Facebook, Twitter). As a result, new media promote active communication, which allows individual consumers to create content in a very specific way. At the same time, there are alarming trends in the use of the media in information or political confrontation, which is a threat to freedom of expression. In order to analyze the coverage of the Olympic Games in the media, general theoretical research methods are used, including analysis and synthesis. The conclusions conclude that modern media contribute to the promotion of the Olympic movement in the world, and the use of the latest media opportunities significantly democratize and diversify this process.

The conflict with the appointment of an interim leadership at the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences is seen as both situational and systemic. The problem corresponds to the main topics of the author's research: 1) modern and postmodern; 2) general theory of ideology and analysis of spe­cific ideological processes; 3) problems of intellectual, political and institutional freedom. Attempts to discredit the activities of the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences in terms of format and style fit, on the one hand, into the traditions of the well-known "doctors' plot", and on the other hand, into the experience of the latest extreme postmodernism with its most open ec­lecticism and disconnection from external reference. At the same time, there is an implicit attitude towards ideology not as a system of ideas, but as a system of institutions. This allows us to talk about analogies with the practice of raider capture. Philosophy is considered as a self-sufficient and at the same time prac­tically oriented type of intellectual activity. This self-sufficiency brings it closer to art, in which, starting from a certain level of masterpieces and geniuses, gen­eral value hierarchical comparisons are considered not quite correct.

The state civil apparatus (SCA) is a state asset. SCA must be maintained, and its competence is developed to provide quality public services according to the times. The classic problem faced by several local governments is that many SCA is less than optimal in carrying out their service tasks to the community, arrive late, and are less productive. This study aims to develop a digital measurement instrument about the effect of open selection, job satisfaction, transformational leadership, and work motivation on the performance (OSTMonP) of civil servants. Several steps of instrument development are determining evaluation components, determining evaluation aspects, instrument items, testing instrument items, analyzing instrument items, and determining final items—data collection through questionnaires and documentation. The subjects of this research are two experts who pick the validity and 45 respondents as SCA in the reliability test. The analytical technique instrument through content validation uses the Gregory formula. The instrument reliability test used the Cronbach Alfa formula. The development of OSTMonP resulted in 133 items with very high validity and very high-reliability categories. OSTMonP can support the measurement of public services through several relevant factors.

This article considers two overlapping phenomena: the huge popularity of the Australian soap opera Neighbours in Britain during the late 1980s and early 1990s, and the failure of the Labour Party to mount a successful electoral challenge until the leadership of Tony Blair. It argues that Neighbours' appeal—community focussed, friendly, classless, unthreatening, a mixed economy, and in some ways small 'c' conservative—was precisely the platform that Labour needed to convince voters (particularly women and those living in suburbs) that it failed to reach between 1983 and 1992. Neighbours offered an albeit imagined and fictionalised window into Bob Hawke's Australia that many of the British electorate found attractive, but until the Labour party tapped into such support, significant numbers of 'floating voters' would continue to back the Social Democratic Party and, subsequently, John Major's Conservatives. There were generational dynamics at play here—with the 8 in 10 12–15 year olds who watched the show in 1990 unable to vote at earlier elections, but joining the franchise in time for the first Blair landslide of 1997. Neighbours was of course not the only influence on such voters, but it was a meaningful one.

The recall is an instrument that is regulated in several American countries. In some of them, its regulation dates back to the late nineteenth or early twentieth century. But others have incorporated it into their legal systems as a result of the current crisis of representation suffered by their presidential form of government, especially in the case of Latin America. This article analyzes the virtuality of this instrument of control-sanction to the Executive Power within the presidentialist context of the American continent and whether its development can improve – or not – the relationship between representatives and represented. ; El referéndum revocatorio del mandato es un instrumento que está regulado en varios países americanos. En alguno de ellos, su normación se remonta a finales del siglo xix o principios del xx. Pero otros lo han incorporado a sus ordenamientos jurídicos como fruto de la actual crisis de la representación que sufre su forma de gobierno presidencialista, sobre todo en el caso de Latinoamérica. Este artículo analiza la virtualidad de este instrumento de control-sanción al Poder Ejecutivo dentro del contexto presidencialista del continente americano y si su desarrollo puede mejorar —o no— la relación entre representantes y representados.