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Ways and Means Committee Republicans recently introduced the American Families and Jobs Act, an economic tax package that addresses significant ongoing tax increases on domestic investment built into the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. Most of the Republicans' major proposed changes in the American Families and Jobs Act expire after 2025, worsening current tax uncertainty and obscuring the necessary reforms' fiscal cost. Other than permanence, the American Families and Jobs Act could be significantly improved by adding Universal Savings Accounts for family savings flexibility and neutral cost recovery for currently excluded building investments. The proposed legislation includes a series of other reforms, many that are good and a few that are misguided. The package is comprised of three bills: the Tax Cuts for Working Families Act (H.R. 3936), the Small Business Jobs Act (H.R. 3937), and the Build It in America Act (H.R. 3938). Here is a brief summary of the most important provisions. Expensing. The central pro‐growth component of the package is the extension of full business expensing for R&D, equipment, and machinery. As I recently explained in a Cato brief, the normal tax rules require businesses to deduct their investment spending over time (between 3 and 39 years). Especially during times of high inflation, such as the current economic climate, these rules increase the after‐tax cost of new investments because the value of the associated tax deduction decreases over time. The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act temporarily fixed this problem by allowing businesses to fully deduct the cost of some new investments in the year they are made, called full expensing or 100 percent bonus depreciation. Beginning last year, companies started amortizing research expenses over five years, and beginning this year, equipment and other short‐lived investments lose 20 percent of their immediate expensing deduction each year through 2026. The American Families and Jobs Act would allow full expensing for short‐lived investments and R&D spending through 2025. It would also increase the expensing limit for small businesses to $2.5 million. By not extending full expensing to longer‐lived assets, such as structures, the legislation does not apply to a significant portion of annual business investment. The legislation could be improved by making the expensing changes permanent and including a neutral cost‐recovery system for structures, which provides a similar economic benefit as expensing by enabling businesses to index their write‐offs for inflation and time, such as in the CREATE JOBS Act. 1099 Fixes. The previously obscure 1099‑K form reports business transactions with a credit or debit card or online settlement platforms such as PayPal or Venmo. The American Rescue Plan Act of 2021 lowered the 1099‑K de minimis threshold from more than 200 transactions and $20,000 in total payments to a single $600 threshold. In 2022, the IRS delayed the implantation of this rule as it threatened to sweep as many as 20 million taxpayers into the costly and unnecessary new reporting system. The proposed legislation would repeal the 2021 change. The legislation also increases the general reporting threshold for other Form 1099 transactions from $600 to $5,000, indexed for future inflation. The current threshold is not indexed for inflation and has not been raised since 1954, when $600 was worth more than $6,500 in today's dollars. The higher thresholds will ease compliance burdens and lower administrative costs. Interest expense limitation. Beginning in 2022, the business interest deduction limit switches from 30 percent of earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation, and amortization (EBITDA) to a more restrictive definition of earnings before interest and taxes (EBIT). The tighter write‐off definition increases the cost of debt‐financed investments. The Republican legislation would maintain the pre‐2022 EBITDA base through 2025. Keeping taxes on investment from rising is an important goal, and using EBITDA follows international norms. However, policymakers should remember that the current treatment of interest in the tax code is neither uniform nor ideal and deserves a more holistic reform in the future. Expanded capital gains exclusion. Under current law (IRC Section 1202), individuals are allowed up to a 100 percent exclusion of $10 million of capital gains on qualified small business C corporation stock. The legislation would expand the exclusion by extending the preferential treatment to S corporations and phasing in the exclusion's benefit during the 5‑year mandatory holding period. Among other reasons, keeping capital gains taxes low is critical to spur "investment in startups and growth companies, particularly technology companies," as explained by Chris Edwards. The expansion of Section 1202 is a step in the right direction of a lower capital gains tax rate. However, Congress should ideally treat all types of investment equally, at one low or zero rate, instead of carving out specific types of investments for preferential treatment. Repeals select energy credits. The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) included as much as $1.2 trillion in distorting energy market subsidies, intended to put Washington bureaucrats at the center of critical energy investment decisions. The Republican's proposal would repeal just 5 of more than 20 tax subsidies in the IRA. The bill repeals two energy credits that do not take effect until 2025 or later and three electric vehicle (EV) credits, leaving a more limited EV credit similar to pre‐IRA in place. All of the special‐interest IRA energy credits should be repealed. If left in the tax code, each new IRA credit will lead to the misallocation of investment, cronyism, and other costs that are almost always the result of targeted industrial subsidies. Temporary increase to standard deduction. The current‐law standard deduction for families is about $28,000 ($14,000, single) through 2025, when it gets cut in half as the 2017 tax cuts expire. The proposal would temporarily increase the standard deduction by $4,000 for married filers ($2,000, single) below $400,000 in earnings ($200,000 single) in 2024 and 2025. Congress should focus on making the current‐law standard deduction permanent instead of this $4,000 bonus that will increase the cost and complexity of the 2025 fiscal cliff. Moving more taxpayers off the complicated itemized tax system and to the standard deduction is a worthy goal. However, it should be done by limiting the value of specific deductions, such as those for state and local taxes or mortgage interest, instead of expanding the standard deduction. Alex Brill, Kyle Pomerleau, and Grant M. Seiter estimate that the temporarily larger deduction would lead to about 4.1 million more taxpayers relying on the standard deduction. The larger standard deduction would also mean more Americans are entirely exempt from paying any income tax and is not well‐targeted at other goals, such as inflation remediation. Rural Opportunity Zones. The 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act created Opportunity Zones that offer lower tax rates on specific investments in designated low‐income Census Tracts. The proposed legislation would create a new Opportunity Zone designation targeted at poor, rural Census Tracts. As Joel Griffith and I detailed in 2019, 40 years of academic and government studies "consistently show place‐based development programs fail to increase employment, raise wages, or advance general economic opportunity for targeted residents." Despite limited data, the evidence from Opportunity Zones has largely confirmed that the targeted preferences primarily subsidized already‐in‐the‐works projects in wealthy areas. Adding new Opportunity Zones would be a mistake. Instead, Congress should lower the capital gains tax rate for everyone, to let private individuals instead of Congress determine the most productive locations for new investment. Land tax. The legislation would impose a 60 percent excise tax on the purchase of farmland by citizens of "countries of concern," such as China, Russia, and Iran. Scott Lincicome and Ilana Blumsack explain that "there's little current indication that foreign farmland purchases – even by Chinese entities – justify the type of broad‐based government restrictions that some in Congress are contemplating." They go on to show that combined, all foreigners own just 3.1 percent of private farmland in the United States, and China is not even in the top 10 countries that hold the most U.S. farmland. Narrowly tailored rules restricting foreign land purchases near military assets may be justified, but punitive taxes or other bans on land purchases from entire countries are misguided. The legislation makes other changes, such as repealing the superfund tax and addressing foreign tax credit regulations. Room For Improvement The most critical pieces of the pro‐growth economic tax package—full expensing for R&D, equipment, and machinery—address costly tax increases already making domestic investment more expensive. The proposal could be significantly improved by making these reforms permanent and adding neutral cost recovery for investments in structures. The legislation would also benefit from adding a Universal Savings Account, which would operate like retirement accounts but without restrictions on how taxpayers spend the funds. Additionally, several of the provisions are targeted capital gains tax cuts—Opportunity Zones and Section 1202—it would be best if the legislation simply cut the capital gains rate for all investments. The Joint Committee on Taxation estimates the bills would lower revenue by about $21 billion over ten years but, if made permanent, would be significantly more costly. Repealing all the IRA tax credits and curtailing itemized deductions instead of boosting the standard deduction would more than offset the lost revenue from critical pro‐growth tax reforms.
Máster Universitario en Ingeniería Industrial ; Los deportes extremos, cada día más comunes en la dedicación lúdica del usuario medio, generalmente se caracterizan por aprovechar distintos tipos de energía – como la potencial almacenada en cotas altas de montaña o la energía de las olas – en energía cinética para el disfrute de la sensación de velocidad y adrenalina que, por norma general, transmiten. La necesidad del estudio hacia la innovación de este proyecto surge de las limitaciones actuales de los medios empleados en deportes de deslizamiento como el esquí – similares como el surf, wakeboard, kitesurf, sandboard -. En el caso concreto del esquí, seleccionado como dedicación especial de este estudio el 99,6% la de esquí internacional se distribuye tan solo en 56 países. España se sitúa muy cerca de uno de los principales núcleos de este deporte con más del 45% de afluencia, los Alpes, y además cuenta común importante mercado interior, sin embargo, la cifre de visitantes media en los últimos años a las estaciones españolas no ha superado los 5,5 millones de usuarios – muy lejos de los 56 de Francia o los 28 de Italia -. Tras adquirir los conocimientos sobre patentes, vías para adquirir la protección, su legislación y el procedimiento de solicitud; el estudio se encamina a lograr un salto creativo en la técnica del campo de interés. Este proceso contempla distintas fases de estudio y diseño. Las fases – definidas en el Capítulo 3 de la memoria – siguen el principio de la ingeniería concurrente empleando la sinergia entre metodologías tradicionales de estudio de patentes TRIZ, la valoración cuantitativa de diseños funcionales mediante QFD y el empleo de técnicas modernas de la industria para la síntesis de conceptos a partir de la patentometría (Método de los Escenarios Ponderados). La primera fase, la vigilancia tecnológica, elaborará una base de conocimiento con 367 patentes relacionadas con el campo de la técnica que se pretende desarrollar – en concreto los campos A63C10/11 y A63C5/08 dentro de la clasificación IPC- que son los medios de asistencia motorizados al deporte del esquí. Las patentes se clasificaron de manera cronológica de manera que el proceso permite adquirir una noción de los saltos evolutivos de las soluciones propuestas lo largo de la historia. Se pueden identificar de los estudios extraídos una tendencia creciente en este campo. La reciente influencia de las cámaras de acción y las redes sociales ha generado un boom por la práctica de nuevas actividades y deportes extremos; como consecuencia la acción inventiva recibe un gran impulso. También se analiza los datos geopolíticos de las patentes. determinar el ámbito de protección es un hito clave de la fase de vigilancia. Los resultados del análisis muestran que los principales países donde se busca proteger este tipo de invenciones son EEUU, Alemania, Francia, Japón y en una proporción no tan comparable Canadá y el resto de países europeos. Es cierto que gran parte de las patentes apuntan a un marco mundial o europeo desde un principio, lo que indica que es un mercado muy extenso en cuanto a geografía. Un 15% de las solicitudes proviene de fabricantes mientras que el 85% restante ha sido explotado por el propio inventor o probablemente licenciado a posteriori al mejor postor. Los fabricantes con más solicitudes son Atomic Gmbh, Saroy Engineering, Bibollet SA, Yamaha y Head Sport. Todos ellos son fabricantes con un gran catálogo de productos dedicados al deporte del esquí o similares, y que probablemente puedan verse interesados en la adquisición de una patente como la que se propone en caso de suponer un éxito de mercado. Esto enmarca el proyecto en un escenario ideal para buscar la inversión particular en este tipo de invención. Además, el análisis particular de los productos de estos fabricantes no lleva a ver la magnitud que realizan en I+D, la clase de productos que buscan y las posibilidades de mejora que se pueden incluir en el diseño. Todas las patentes se clasifican en problemas y sub-problemas. El objetivo es centrarse en uno de ellos para el diseño enfocado. Los problemas identificados como principales son: medios de propulsión, maniobrabilidad, versatilidad, seguridad y entrenamiento, estructura y forma y reducción del coste. La conclusión del análisis muestra que un campo que aún presenta capacidad de mejora, la versatilidad de las invenciones en distintos medios – agua, nieve, tierra -. Una vez focalizado el problema se pasa al diseño funcional. Este inicio ya parte de la opinión de usuarios potenciales en cuanto a qué conceptos entienden como funcionalidades necesarias en la invención y su importancia relativa. En base a esto, se construye un modelo de calidad con evaluaciones cuantitativas (QFD) para proponer la mejor estructura funcional. Mediante los métodos TRIZ de descomponen los elementos esenciales de las soluciones. De la descomposición de las soluciones, empleando el Métodos de Escenarios Ponderados para una síntesis de elementos a modo de rompecabezas, se conforman varias soluciones que mejoran las patentes existentes hasta la fecha. La valoración cuantitativa de estas soluciones nos lleva a la toma de decisión por una de ellas. La invención será un sistema de tracción formado por un elemento tractor dron multirrotor, de seis o más rotores accionados por motores de DC; una línea de arrastre y un sistema de control. Dicho sistema de control está conformado por un manillar de dirección, donde se alojan los controles electrónicos a distancia del vuelo del dron y los dispositivos de visualización digital del estatus de la marcha; y por un arnés, unido a la línea de arrastre principal mediante un sistema de liberación rápida en caso de caída o peligro. La línea principal pasa a través de un orificio en el manillar y está anclada a otros dos puntos en los extremos de la barra mediante un sistema regulable en longitud. El paso posterior es adecuar el diseño a un concepto visualmente atractivo y convincente para el usuario. En concreto el elemento de mayor influencia es el mencionado manillar de control. Se emplea el método Kansei para validar un diseño visual a través de síntesis de propiedades físicas y emociones del usuario. Los datos se toman mediante una encuesta en formato electrónico y sobre un set de muestras conceptuales compuesto de bocetos digitales y fotografías. a. Los resultados indican que la inclusión del arnés en el sistema es fundamental para garantizar seguridad. Asimismo, un manillar amplio y horizontal proporciona al usuario sensación de maniobrabilidad y comodidad que otras configuraciones no aportan. El contorneado del agarre, la inclusión de muchos materiales y un acabado cuidado presentan un diseño más atractivo a todos los públicos. Dicha invención fue dimensionada y validada en el Capítulo 7 de la memoria. En éste se calculó la potencia necesaria a desarrollar por un multirrotor de arrastre para tirar de un esquiador en el ascenso de una pendiente a velocidad constante. EL planteamiento estático del problema permite un primer dimensionamiento de los principales componentes del multirrotor, así como una especificación de sus capacidades de carga. En concreto, para el arrastre de un esquiador a una velocidad constante de 5 m/s y en unas condiciones de pendiente y viento desfavorables el empuje necesario en los impulsores se sitúa en torno a los 16kg de fuerza por rotor – con un número mínimo de 8 rotores para aportar redundancia – y una potencia total de 26 KW. El multirrotor tendrá una envergadura aproximada de 2,2m y sus rotores, un diámetro de 85 cm (23 pulgadas). Todo ello teniendo en cuenta un factor de sobredimensionamiento para efectos dinámicos transitorios. La selección de componentes permite elaborar el presupuesto para el prototipo inicial a construir. El prototipo inicial se sitúa en un intervalo de coste entre los 20.000€ y los 30.000€. Valor razonable al compararlo con productos de aplicación similar y prototipos de competidores directos. El cliente al que se enfoca la invención queda muy por encima del gasto medio del usuario (español) en ocio y deporte. El nicho de mercado por tanto deberán ser las grandes corporaciones que gestionan los resorts de esquí y sus actividades, de manera que la innovación pueda introducirse como valor añadido en su modelo de negocio y éstos saquen rentabilidad de la patente a través de su alquiler al usuario final como actividad. Al conocer los costes y el enfoque de ventas, junto con la inversión en la propiedad industrial se puede elaborar un estudio de viabilidad económica para la inversión en el desarrollo de esta patente. En el capítulo 8 se detalla el marco económico propicio para el desarrollo de esta inversión. El método de valoración escogido es un descuento de flujos libres de caja. Los resultados, para la estimación de crecimiento y ventas, ofrecen un VAN por encima de los 100.000 €, una tasa de rentabilidad del 17% superior al retorno exigido por el mercado (11,5%). Teniendo en cuenta que la inversión se realiza hasta el fin de la protección industrial (20 años) el periodo de retorno son 13 años. Con todo ello la solicitud de patente se realizó el día 27 de Enero de 2017se realizó siguiendo las pautas establecidas por la Ley, como se puede observar en el Documento 2 de este proyecto. Se obtuvo el número de solicitud P201700061 para la patente "Sistema de remolque por multirrotor para deportes de deslizamiento". ; Extreme sports, more and more common in the leisure time of the average user, are usually characterized by taking advantage of different types of energy - such as the potential energy stored at high mountain heights or wave energy - in kinetic energy to enjoy the sensation of speed and adrenaline that, as a general rule, these kind of sports transmit. The need for study towards innovation of this project arises from the current limitations of the means employed in sliding sports such as skiing - similar to surfing, wakeboarding, kitesurfing, sandboarding. In the specific case of skiing, selected as the special dedication of this study, 99.6% of international skiing is distributed in only 56 countries. Spain is situated very close to one of the main centers of this sport with more than 45% of influx, the Alps, and also counts with an important domestic market, however the average number of visitors in recent years to the Spanish resorts has not exceeded 5.5 million users - far from the 56 in France or 28 in Italy. After gaining knowledge about patents, ways to acquire protection, its legislation and the application procedure; the study aims to achieve a creative leap in the technique on the field of interest. This process contemplates different phases of study and design. The phases - defined in Chapter 3 of the report - follow the principle of concurrent engineering using the synergy between traditional patent study methodologies TRIZ, the quantitative valuation of functional designs using QFD and the use of modern industry techniques for synthesis of concepts from the patentometry (Method of Weighted Scenarios). The first phase, technological surveillance, will develop a knowledge base with 367 patents related to the field of the technology that is intended to be developed - specifically fields A63C10/11 and A63C5/08 within the IPC classification - which are the means of motorized assistance to skiing. The patents were classified in a chronological way so that the process allows acquiring a notion of the evolution of the solutions proposed throughout the history. A growing trend in this field can be identified from the studies extracted. The recent influence of action cameras and social networks has generated a boom for the practice of new activities and extreme sports; as a result the inventive action receives a great impulse. The geopolitical data of patents is also analyzed. Determining the scope of protection is a key milestone of the monitoring phase. The results of the analysis show that the main countries who seek to protect this type of inventions are the USA, Germany, France, Japan and in a proportion not so comparable Canada and the rest of European countries. It's true that most patents point to a global or European framework from the outset, indicating that it's a very extensive market, geographically. 15% of the applications come from manufacturers while the remaining 85% has been exploited by the inventor himself or probably licensed after the highest bidder. Manufacturers with more applications are Atomic Gmbh, Saroy Engineering, Bibollet SA, Yamaha and Head Sport. All of them are manufacturers with a large catalog of products dedicated to the sport of skiing or similar, and may probably be interested in acquiring a patent like the one proposed, in the case of a market success. This frames the project in an ideal scenario to look for the particular investment in this type of invention. In addition, the particular analysis of the products of these manufacturers does not lead to seeing the magnitude they invest in R&D, the kind of products they are looking for and the possibilities of improvement that can be included in the design. All patents are classified into problems and sub-problems. The goal is to focus on one of them for the focused design. The problems identified as main are: means of propulsion, maneuverability, versatility, safety and training, structure and shape and cost reduction. The conclusion of the analysis shows that a field that still presents capacity for improvement, the versatility of inventions in different media - water, snow, earth. Once focused the problem we move on to functional design. This beginning already derives from part of the opinion of potential users as to what concepts they understand as necessary functionalities in the invention and its relative importance. Based on this, a quality model is constructed with quantitative evaluations (QFD) to propose the best functional structure. Through the TRIZ methods the essential elements of the solutions are decomposed. From the decomposition of the solutions, using the Weighted Scenario Methods for a synthesis of elements as a puzzle, several solutions are formed that improve the existing patents to date. The quantitative evaluation of these solutions leads us to the decision-making of one of them. The invention will be a traction system formed by a multi-rotor driving element, of six or more rotors driven by DC motors; a drag line and a control system. This control system is made up of a steering handle, which houses the remote electronic controls of the flight of the drone and the devices of digital display of the status of the march; and by a harness, attached to the main drag line by means of a quick release system in case of fall or danger. The main line passes through a hole in the handlebar and is anchored to two other points at the ends of the bar by a system adjustable in length. The next step is to adapt the design to a visually attractive and convincing concept for the user. In particular, the most influential element is the mentioned control handlebar. The Kansei method is used to validate a visual design through the synthesis of physical properties and emotions of the user. The data are taken through a survey in electronic format and on a set of conceptual samples composed of digital sketches and photographs. The results indicate that the inclusion of the harness in the system is fundamental to guarantee safety. Also, a wide horizontal handlebar gives the user a feeling of maneuverability and comfort that other configurations do not provide. The contouring of the grip, the inclusion of many materials and a careful finish present a design more attractive to all audiences. The mentioned invention was dimensioned and validated in Chapter 7 of the report. Here was calculated the power the dragging multi-rotor has to develop to pull a skier in the ascent of a slope at constant speed. The static approach of the problem allows a first dimensioning of the main components of the multi-rotor as well as a specification of its load capacities. Specifically, to drag a skier at a constant speed of 5 m/s and under unfavorable slope and wind conditions, the necessary thrust in the impellers is around 16 kg of force per rotor - with a minimum number of 8 Rotors to provide redundancy - and a total power of 26 KW. The multi-rotor will have an approximate span of 2.2m and its rotors, a diameter of 85cm (23 inches). All this taking into account an oversizing factor for transient dynamic effects. The selection of components allows the budget for the initial prototype to be constructed. The initial prototype is in a cost range between €20,000 and €30,000. Fair value when compared to products of similar application and prototypes of direct competitors. The customer to whom the invention is focused is well above the average expenditure of the user (Spanish) in leisure and sports. The market niche should therefore be the large corporations that manage the ski resorts and their activities, so that the innovation can be introduced as added value for their business model and these will make profitability of the patent through their rent to the final user as an activity. By knowing the costs and the approach of sales, together with the investment in the industrial property an economic feasibility study for the investment in the development of this patent can be elaborated. Chapter 8 details the economic framework conducive to the development of this investment. The valuation method chosen is a discount of free cash flows. The results, for the estimation of growth and sales, offer a NPV above 100,000 €, a rate of return of 17% higher than the return demanded by the market (11.5%). Considering that the investment is made until the end of industrial protection (20 years) the return period is 13 years. With all of this, the patent application was made on the 27th of January 2017, and was done following the guidelines established by the Law, as can be seen in Document 2 of this project. Application number P201700061 was obtained for the patent "Sistema de remolque por multirrotor para deportes de deslizamiento".
The article describes radiation conditions in the Kaluga region 30 years after the Chernobyl NPP accident. The Chernobyl NPP accident caused radioactive contamination of nine Kaluga region territories: Duminichsky, Zhizdrinsky, Kuibyshevsky, Kirovsky, Kozelsky, Ludinovsky, Meshchovsky, Ulyanovsky and Hvastovichsky districts. Radioactive fallout was the strongest in three southern districts: Zhizdrinsky, Ulyanovsky and Hvastovichsky, over there cesium-137 contamination density is from 1 to 15Ci/km. According to the Russian Federation Government Order in 2015 there are 300 settlements (S) in the radioactive contamination zone, including 14 settlements with caesium-137 soil contamination density from 5 to 15 Ci/ km2 and 286 settlements with the contamination density ranging from 1 to 5 Ci/km2. In the first years after the Chernobyl NPP accident in Kaluga region territories, contaminated with caesium-137, there were introduced restrictive land usage, were carried out agrochemical activities (ploughing, mineral fertilizer dressing), there was toughened laboratory radiation control over the main doze-forming foodstuff. All these measures facilitated considerable decrease of caesium-137 content in local agricultural produce. Proceeding from the achieved result, in 2002 there took place the transition to more tough requirements SanPiN 2.3.2.1078-01. Analysis of investigated samples from Zhizdrinsky, Ulyanovsky and Hvastovichsky districts demonstrated that since 2005 meat samples didn't exceed the standard values, same for milk samples since 2007. Till the present time, the use of wild-growing mushrooms, berries and wild animals meat involves radiation issues. It was demonstrated that average specific activity of caesium-137 in milk samples keeps decreasing year after year. Long after the Chernobyl NPP accident, the main products forming internal irradiation doses in population are the wild-growing mushrooms and berries. Population average annual effective doses, caused90by Chernobyl fallouts, do not exceed 1 mSv/year. In 2014 AAEDmaximum calculated value for adultpopulation of 0,91 mSv was established in the following settlements:, Martynki village(Ulyanovsky district) and Lovatyanka village (Hvastovichsky district). The doses, accumulated in the period after the accident, are generally not high. According to calculations numerical value of forecasted accumulated doses varies from 0,23 to 21 mSv. Maximum calculated values of 21 mSv are established in Hvastovichsky district (Lovatyanka village) and Ulyanovsky district (Martynki village). Between 1986 and 2005, the effective irradiation doses did not exceed 29 mSv. Hence, in 70 years after the Chernobyl NPP accident standard value of 70 mSv will not be exceeded in the Kaluga region settlements. After 30 years, the main cause of population internal exposure is consumption of products from private subsidiary farms and especially of wild-growing products. There was conducted radiation monitoring of local agricultural foodstuff produce and of products from the forest. It demonstrated that caesium-137 average specific activity in samples of milk from private subsidiary farms in settlements of Zhizdrinsky, Ulyanovsky and Hvastovichsky districts decreased several-fold. It is between 20,0 Bq/l in 2007 and 1,7 Bq/l in 2015. In 2015, maximum levels of caesium-137 contamination in milk was 3,1% of the standard value, in potatoes - 4,7%, in meat - 4,4%.Average specific activity of caesium-137 in forest mushrooms samples from Zhizdrinsky, Ulyanovsky and Hvastovichsky districts doesn't decline. Peaks of average caesium-137 activity were observed in 2012, 2013 and 2014; they depend on mushrooms abundance, species, dry summer weather and locations of sampling in the forest. In 2015 in three southern districts, the maximum content of caesium-137 in mushrooms exceeded the permissible level (500 Bq/kg) 4,5-fold; about 2% of the samples do not correspond to it. The maximum contamination of berries with caesium-137 also exceeds the permissible level (160 Bq/kg) nearly 5-fold, and about 43% of samples don't correspond to it. Obtained results have demonstrated that long after the Chernobyl NPP accident (30 years) the main part of population internal exposure is caused by consumption of wild- growing mushrooms and berries. In the recent years, milk consumption does not play a considerable role in forming of internal dose any more. Conclusion: in 30 years since Chernobyl NPP accident in the Kaluga region radiation and environment conditions have considerably improved on the territories with radionuclides contamination. However, problems remain. The major task for mitigation of the Chernobyl NPP accident consequences is comprehensive radiation, social and economic rehabilitation of the contaminated territories. ; В статье рассматриваются радиационная обстановка на территории Калужской области спустя 30 лет после аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС. В результате аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС радиоактивному загрязнению подверглись 9 районов Калужской области - Думиничский, Жиздринский, Куйбышевский, Кировский, Козельский, Людиновский, Мещовский, Ульяновский, Хвастовичский. От радиоактивных выпадений наиболее пострадали три южных района - Жиздринский, Ульяновский, Хвастовичский с плотностью загрязнения цезием-137 от 1 до 15 Ки/км2. Постановлением правительства Российской Федерации 2015 г. в зону радиоактивного загрязнения входят 300 населенных пунктов (НП), из которых 14 населенных пунктов с плотностью загрязнения почвы цезием-137 от 5 до 15 Ки/км2 и 286 населенных пунктов от 1 до 5 Ки/км2. В первые годы после аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС на всех загрязненных цезием-137 территориях Калужской области были введены ограничительные меры по землепользованию, проводились агрохимические мероприятия (вспашка, внесение минеральных удобрений), ужесточен лабораторный радиационный контроль за основными дозообразующими продуктами питания, что привело к значительному снижению содержания цезия-137 в сельскохозяйственной продукции местного производства. Исходя из достигнутого результата, в 2002 г. осуществлен переход к более жестким требованиям СанПиН 2.3.2.1078-01. Анализ исследованных проб в Жиздринском, Ульяновском, Хвастовичском районах показал, что, начиная с 2005 г., пробы мяса, а с 2007 г. - пробы молока местного производства выше нормативных значений уже не регистрировались. До настоящего времени неблагоприятная радиационная обстановка складывается с использованием дикорастущих грибов, ягод и мяса диких животных. Показано, что средняя удельная активность содержания цезия-137 в пробах молока каждый год снижается. В отдаленный период после аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС основными продуктами, влияющими на формирование доз внутреннего облучения населения, являются дикорастущие грибы и ягоды. Средние годовые эффективные дозы населения, обусловленные чернобыльскими выпадениями, ни в одном населенном пункте не превышают 1 мЗв/год. В 2014 г. максимальное расчетное значение 90СГЭД для взрослого населения, равное 0,91 мЗв, установлено в населенных пунктах Ульяновского района, д. Мартынки и Хвастовичского района, д. Ловатянка. В целом, невелики и дозы, накопленные за весь послеаварийный период. Согласно расчетам, численное значение прогнозируемых накопленных доз варьирует от 0,23 до 21 мЗв. Максимальные расчетные значения, равные 21 мЗв, установлены в Хвастовичском районе (д. Ловатянка) и Ульяновском районе (д. Мартынки). За период 1986-2005 гг. эффективные дозы облучения не превышали 29 мЗв. Следовательно, за 70 лет после аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС нормативное значение, равное 70 мЗв, не будет превышено ни в одном населенном пункте Калужской области. Спустя 30 лет, потребление продукции из личных подсобных хозяйств и особенно дикорастущих продуктов дает основной вклад в дозу внутреннего облучения населения. Радиационный мониторинг сельскохозяйственных продуктов питания местного производства и даров леса показал, что средняя удельная активность цезия-137 в пробах молока из личных подсобных хозяйств в населенных пунктах Жиздринского, Ульяновского и Хвастовичского районов снизилась в несколько раз и составила от 20,0 в 2007 г. до 1,7 Бк/л в 2015 г. Максимальные уровни загрязнения молока цезием-137 в 2015 г. составляют 3,1%, картофеля - 4,7%, мяса - 4,4% от нормативного значения.Средняя удельная активность цезия-137 в пробах лесных грибов в населенных пунктах Жиздринского, Ульяновского, Хвастовичского районов остается без положительной динамики. Отмечаются скачки средних активностей содержания цезия-137 в 2012, 2013, 2014 гг., которые зависят от урожайности грибов, вида грибов, наличия сухого лета и территорий лесных массивов, где отбирались пробы. По данным 2015 г., в трех южных районах максимальное содержание цезия-137 в грибах в 4,5 раза превышает установленный норматив (500 Бк/кг) и около 2% проб ему не соответствуют. Максимальное загрязнение ягод цезием-137 также превышает норматив (160 Бк/кг) почти в 5 раз, не отвечают ему около 43% проб. Полученные результаты показали, что в отдаленный период после аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС (30 лет) основная доля внутреннего облучения населения обусловлена потреблением дикорастущих грибов и ягод. Употребление молока в последние годы уже не играет такой значительной роли в формировании дозы внутреннего облучения.За 30 лет с момента аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС радиационная обстановка и состояние природной среды на загрязненных радионуклидами территориях Калужской области значительно улучшилась. Однако проблемы остаются. Важнейшей задачей преодоления последствий аварии на Чернобыльской АЭС является комплексная радиационная и социально-экономическая реабилитация загрязненных территорий.
A new melting device for on-line decontamination and continuous analysis of alpine firn/ice cores has been designed, built and tested. Melt water from the inner part of each ice core section was pumped to an ICP-QMS and a conductivity micro-cell for continuous measurements of trace elements concentrations and conductivity, respectively. Discrete samples were also collected for trace elements, Pb isotopes and 239Pu determinations by ICP-SFMS and ICP-OES. Melt water from the outer section was extracted on-line by solid-phase cartridges for semi-continuous Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs) analysis. Pronounced seasonal variations were observed for all elements, both crustal (Mg, Al) and anthropogenically enriched (Pb). To understand short-time variations, air mass back trajectories are an important parameter which must be considered. Also the knowledge of the temperature inversion dynamics and the boundary layer features is extremely important because they play a key role in the transport and dispersion of aerosol and gases from low-altitude emission sources. The largest emissions of Pb through history occurred during the 19th and 20th centuries and especially between the 1950s and 1970s. To determine if changes observed in Colle Gnifetti core faithfully reflect changes in emissions from nearby European countries, we have compared snow/ice data with emissions data present in the literature. For example, from 1800 AD to the first decade of 20th century Pb concentrations progressively increased, reaching a maximum in the 1920s. During the 1920s Pb concentrations suddenly halved and remained low for the next two decades. After the Second World War, Pb depositions increased dramatically with the introduction of Pb additives in gasoline, peaking in the mid-1970s. From 1975, Pb concentrations in Colle Gnifetti ice began to decrease in accordance with the first environmental policies in Europe which started to limit pollutant emissions. Before 1875 PAHs levels were very low: the pre-1750's PAHs concentrations were assumed to be the background level. ΣPAHs in the 1945-1955 ten-year period were 10 times greater than background values with ΣPAHs* greater by about 40-50 times. From 1900, PAHs concentrations increased exponentially, reaching a maximum in 1920. In the 1920s, after the First World War economic stagnation in Europe depressed industrial activities which were converting to civilan production. From the mid-1930s PAHs rapidly doubled reaching their maximum concentrations from 1940 to 1950. The heaviest ΣPAHs* concentrations decreased by a factor 5 from 1950 to 1975 while for total ΣPAHs the concentrations halved. From 1975 to 2003 ΣPAHs rose again and nearly returned to 1910s values. Although the general PAHs trends are strongly correlated with anthropogenic emission variation, the fine shape of the profile is less clear and could be influenced by several parameters. Plutonium is present in the environment as a consequence of the atmospheric nuclear testing carried out in the 1960s, the production of nuclear weapons and nuclear industry releases over the past 50 years. The shape of 239Pu profile reflects three main periods of atmospheric nuclear weapons testing. The 206Pb/207Pb ratio for the pre-1700 background period ranged between 1.18 and 1.20, in agreement with the composition of local rocks. Although Pb deposition on Colle Gnifetti after 1900 was almost totally due to anthropogenic emissions, the 206Pb/207Pb ratio does not decline intensely until 1975. This is due to the average Pb isotopic composition of industrial emissions and gasoline additives used which was very similar to the crustal composition in local rocks and soil. After 1975, a sudden and intense 206Pb/207Pb ratio depletion is recorded. This value reached a minimum of 1.11 in 1979-1980. This behaviour is characteristic of the ILE experiment (Isotopic Lead Experiment) - a large scale isotopic tracer experiment using Pb isotopes that was carried out between 1975 and 1980 in the Piedmont region of northwest Italy centred on Turin. ; Nous avons conçu, construit et testé un nouveau système pour la décontamination en ligne et l'analyse en continu de carottes de neige ou de glace des Alpes. L'eau de fusion obtenue à partir de la partie centrale des carottes est directement introduite dans un spectromètre de masse à quadrupole (ICP-QMS) et un conductimètre, pour la détermination en continu de différents éléments présents à l'état de traces et de la conductivité. Des échantillons sont également prélevés en discontinu pour la détermination de divers éléments présents à l'état de traces, des isotopes du Plomb et du Plutonium par spectrométrie de masse à secteur magnétique (ICP-SFMS) et par ICP-OES. L'eau de fusion obtenue à partir de la partie externe des carottes est quant à elle utilisée pour la détermination en semi-continu des Hydrocarbures Aromatiques Polycycliques (HAPs), avec extraction en ligne à l'aide de cartouches en phase solide. D'importantes variations saisonnières des concentrations sont observées pour tous les éléments, aussi bien les éléments qui proviennent de manière prédominante de la croûte terrestre (Mg, Al) que les éléments enrichis par suite d'apports anthropiques (Pb). Pour comprendre ces variations à court terme, il est important de se référer aux rétro-trajectoires des masses d'air. D'autres paramètres importants sont la dynamique des inversions de températures et les caractéristiques de la couche limite. Ils jouent en effet un rôle majeur dans le transport et la dispersion des aérosols et des gaz à partir des sources d'émissions situées à basse altitude. Les émissions les plus importantes de Plomb au cours de l'histoire ont eu lieu pendant les 19e et 20e siècles, et plus particulièrement des années 1950 aux années 1970. Pour déterminer si les variations observées dans la carotte du Colle Gnifetti reflètent fidèlement les variations des émissions dans les pays européens voisins, nous avons comparé les données obtenues pour la neige et la glace avec les données d'émission disponibles. De 1800 jusqu'à la première décennie du 20e siècle, les concentrations de Plomb ont augmenté de manière très marquée, atteignant un maximum dans les années 1920. Pendant les années 1920, les concentrations de Plomb décroissent rapidement d'un facteur deux, et restent à ce niveau pendant les deux décennies suivantes. Après la fin de la 2e guerre mondiale, les flux de retombées de Plomb augmentent de manière très importante par suite de l'utilisation des additifs au Plomb dans l'essence, et atteignent un maximum au milieu des années 1970. A partir de 1975, les concentrations de Plomb mesurées dans la neige et la glace du Colle Gnifetti commencent à décroître par suite des règlementations adoptées en Europe pour limiter les émissions de polluants. Avant 1875, les concentrations de HAP étaient très basses: les concentrations observées dans la glace datant d'avant les années 1750 représentent très probablement le niveau de bruit de fond de ces composés. Les concentrations cumulées des HAP au cours de la décennie 1945-1955 sont supérieures d'un facteur dix aux valeurs de bruit de fond, alors que les concentrations cumulées de HAP* sont environ 40 à 50 fois plus élevées. A partir des années 1900, les concentrations de HAP augmentent de façon très importante, atteignant un maximum vers 1920. Pendant les années 1920, après la première guerre mondiale, la récession économique en Europe conduit à une chute des activités industrielles. A partir du milieu des années 1930, les concentrations de HAP doublent rapidement, atteignant un maximum pendant les années 1940. La concentration cumulée des HAP* les plus lourds décroit ensuite d'un facteur cinq de 1950 à 1975 alors que la concentration cumulée des HAP décroit d'un facteur deux. De 1975 à 2003, la concentration totale des HAP augmente à nouveau, approchant les valeurs des années 1910. De manière globale, les variations temporelles observées pour les HAP sont fortement corrélées aux variations des émissions anthropiques. Cependant, les variations détaillées sont difficiles à interpréter et pourraient être influencées par divers paramètres. Le Plutonium est présent dans l'environnement par suite des essais nucléaires atmosphériques des années 1960, de la production des armes nucléaires et des rejets par l'industrie nucléaire au cours des 50 dernières années. Le profil de variations du Plutonium dans la neige et la glace du Colle Gnifetti met en évidence les trois périodes principales d'essais nucléaires atmosphériques. Le rapport isotopique 206Pb/207Pb est compris entre 1.18 et 1.20 pour la glace datant d'avant 1700, en accord avec la composition des roches locale. Bien que les retombées de Plomb au Colle Gnifetti après les années 1900 soient presque entièrement dues à des apports anthropiques, on n'observe pas de variations importantes du rapport isotopique jusqu'en 1975. Ceci est lié au fait que la composition isotopique moyenne du Plomb dans l'essence et le pétrole utilisés était très semblable à la composition isotopique des roches et des sols locaux. Après 1975, on observe une décroissance brutale et forte du rapport isotopique 206Pb/207Pb, jusqu'à des valeurs proches de 1.11 en 1979-1980. Cette décroissance brutale est liée à une expérience réalisée entre 1975 et 1980 dans la région du Piémont au Nord-Ouest de l'Italie (Isotopic Lead Experiment).
A new melting device for on-line decontamination and continuous analysis of alpine firn/ice cores has been designed, built and tested. Melt water from the inner part of each ice core section was pumped to an ICP-QMS and a conductivity micro-cell for continuous measurements of trace elements concentrations and conductivity, respectively. Discrete samples were also collected for trace elements, Pb isotopes and 239Pu determinations by ICP-SFMS and ICP-OES. Melt water from the outer section was extracted on-line by solid-phase cartridges for semi-continuous Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs) analysis. Pronounced seasonal variations were observed for all elements, both crustal (Mg, Al) and anthropogenically enriched (Pb). To understand short-time variations, air mass back trajectories are an important parameter which must be considered. Also the knowledge of the temperature inversion dynamics and the boundary layer features is extremely important because they play a key role in the transport and dispersion of aerosol and gases from low-altitude emission sources. The largest emissions of Pb through history occurred during the 19th and 20th centuries and especially between the 1950s and 1970s. To determine if changes observed in Colle Gnifetti core faithfully reflect changes in emissions from nearby European countries, we have compared snow/ice data with emissions data present in the literature. For example, from 1800 AD to the first decade of 20th century Pb concentrations progressively increased, reaching a maximum in the 1920s. During the 1920s Pb concentrations suddenly halved and remained low for the next two decades. After the Second World War, Pb depositions increased dramatically with the introduction of Pb additives in gasoline, peaking in the mid-1970s. From 1975, Pb concentrations in Colle Gnifetti ice began to decrease in accordance with the first environmental policies in Europe which started to limit pollutant emissions. Before 1875 PAHs levels were very low: the pre-1750's PAHs concentrations were assumed to be the background level. ΣPAHs in the 1945-1955 ten-year period were 10 times greater than background values with ΣPAHs* greater by about 40-50 times. From 1900, PAHs concentrations increased exponentially, reaching a maximum in 1920. In the 1920s, after the First World War economic stagnation in Europe depressed industrial activities which were converting to civilan production. From the mid-1930s PAHs rapidly doubled reaching their maximum concentrations from 1940 to 1950. The heaviest ΣPAHs* concentrations decreased by a factor 5 from 1950 to 1975 while for total ΣPAHs the concentrations halved. From 1975 to 2003 ΣPAHs rose again and nearly returned to 1910s values. Although the general PAHs trends are strongly correlated with anthropogenic emission variation, the fine shape of the profile is less clear and could be influenced by several parameters. Plutonium is present in the environment as a consequence of the atmospheric nuclear testing carried out in the 1960s, the production of nuclear weapons and nuclear industry releases over the past 50 years. The shape of 239Pu profile reflects three main periods of atmospheric nuclear weapons testing. The 206Pb/207Pb ratio for the pre-1700 background period ranged between 1.18 and 1.20, in agreement with the composition of local rocks. Although Pb deposition on Colle Gnifetti after 1900 was almost totally due to anthropogenic emissions, the 206Pb/207Pb ratio does not decline intensely until 1975. This is due to the average Pb isotopic composition of industrial emissions and gasoline additives used which was very similar to the crustal composition in local rocks and soil. After 1975, a sudden and intense 206Pb/207Pb ratio depletion is recorded. This value reached a minimum of 1.11 in 1979-1980. This behaviour is characteristic of the ILE experiment (Isotopic Lead Experiment) - a large scale isotopic tracer experiment using Pb isotopes that was carried out between 1975 and 1980 in the Piedmont region of northwest Italy centred on Turin. ; Nous avons conçu, construit et testé un nouveau système pour la décontamination en ligne et l'analyse en continu de carottes de neige ou de glace des Alpes. L'eau de fusion obtenue à partir de la partie centrale des carottes est directement introduite dans un spectromètre de masse à quadrupole (ICP-QMS) et un conductimètre, pour la détermination en continu de différents éléments présents à l'état de traces et de la conductivité. Des échantillons sont également prélevés en discontinu pour la détermination de divers éléments présents à l'état de traces, des isotopes du Plomb et du Plutonium par spectrométrie de masse à secteur magnétique (ICP-SFMS) et par ICP-OES. L'eau de fusion obtenue à partir de la partie externe des carottes est quant à elle utilisée pour la détermination en semi-continu des Hydrocarbures Aromatiques Polycycliques (HAPs), avec extraction en ligne à l'aide de cartouches en phase solide. D'importantes variations saisonnières des concentrations sont observées pour tous les éléments, aussi bien les éléments qui proviennent de manière prédominante de la croûte terrestre (Mg, Al) que les éléments enrichis par suite d'apports anthropiques (Pb). Pour comprendre ces variations à court terme, il est important de se référer aux rétro-trajectoires des masses d'air. D'autres paramètres importants sont la dynamique des inversions de températures et les caractéristiques de la couche limite. Ils jouent en effet un rôle majeur dans le transport et la dispersion des aérosols et des gaz à partir des sources d'émissions situées à basse altitude. Les émissions les plus importantes de Plomb au cours de l'histoire ont eu lieu pendant les 19e et 20e siècles, et plus particulièrement des années 1950 aux années 1970. Pour déterminer si les variations observées dans la carotte du Colle Gnifetti reflètent fidèlement les variations des émissions dans les pays européens voisins, nous avons comparé les données obtenues pour la neige et la glace avec les données d'émission disponibles. De 1800 jusqu'à la première décennie du 20e siècle, les concentrations de Plomb ont augmenté de manière très marquée, atteignant un maximum dans les années 1920. Pendant les années 1920, les concentrations de Plomb décroissent rapidement d'un facteur deux, et restent à ce niveau pendant les deux décennies suivantes. Après la fin de la 2e guerre mondiale, les flux de retombées de Plomb augmentent de manière très importante par suite de l'utilisation des additifs au Plomb dans l'essence, et atteignent un maximum au milieu des années 1970. A partir de 1975, les concentrations de Plomb mesurées dans la neige et la glace du Colle Gnifetti commencent à décroître par suite des règlementations adoptées en Europe pour limiter les émissions de polluants. Avant 1875, les concentrations de HAP étaient très basses: les concentrations observées dans la glace datant d'avant les années 1750 représentent très probablement le niveau de bruit de fond de ces composés. Les concentrations cumulées des HAP au cours de la décennie 1945-1955 sont supérieures d'un facteur dix aux valeurs de bruit de fond, alors que les concentrations cumulées de HAP* sont environ 40 à 50 fois plus élevées. A partir des années 1900, les concentrations de HAP augmentent de façon très importante, atteignant un maximum vers 1920. Pendant les années 1920, après la première guerre mondiale, la récession économique en Europe conduit à une chute des activités industrielles. A partir du milieu des années 1930, les concentrations de HAP doublent rapidement, atteignant un maximum pendant les années 1940. La concentration cumulée des HAP* les plus lourds décroit ensuite d'un facteur cinq de 1950 à 1975 alors que la concentration cumulée des HAP décroit d'un facteur deux. De 1975 à 2003, la concentration totale des HAP augmente à nouveau, approchant les valeurs des années 1910. De manière globale, les variations temporelles observées pour les HAP sont fortement corrélées aux variations des émissions anthropiques. Cependant, les variations détaillées sont difficiles à interpréter et pourraient être influencées par divers paramètres. Le Plutonium est présent dans l'environnement par suite des essais nucléaires atmosphériques des années 1960, de la production des armes nucléaires et des rejets par l'industrie nucléaire au cours des 50 dernières années. Le profil de variations du Plutonium dans la neige et la glace du Colle Gnifetti met en évidence les trois périodes principales d'essais nucléaires atmosphériques. Le rapport isotopique 206Pb/207Pb est compris entre 1.18 et 1.20 pour la glace datant d'avant 1700, en accord avec la composition des roches locale. Bien que les retombées de Plomb au Colle Gnifetti après les années 1900 soient presque entièrement dues à des apports anthropiques, on n'observe pas de variations importantes du rapport isotopique jusqu'en 1975. Ceci est lié au fait que la composition isotopique moyenne du Plomb dans l'essence et le pétrole utilisés était très semblable à la composition isotopique des roches et des sols locaux. Après 1975, on observe une décroissance brutale et forte du rapport isotopique 206Pb/207Pb, jusqu'à des valeurs proches de 1.11 en 1979-1980. Cette décroissance brutale est liée à une expérience réalisée entre 1975 et 1980 dans la région du Piémont au Nord-Ouest de l'Italie (Isotopic Lead Experiment).
Viime vuosiin asti kansalaisten osallistumisen on uskottu toteutuvan kahta tietä: joko edustuksellisen demokratian kautta tai ihmisten konkreettisella toiminnalla oman ja lähiyhteisön terveyden vaalimisessa. Suomessa ei kuitenkaan ole tutkittu riittävästi yhteisön ja kansalaisten osallistumista ja terveyteen liittyvien prosessien käytännön hallintaa. Ei tiedetä miten ihmisten ja yhteisöjen osallistuminen terveyttä koskevaan päätöksentekoon toteutuu paikallistasolla ja miten sitä voidaan edistää. Myös Suomen Terveyttä kaikille vuoteen 2000-yhteistyöohjelmassa kansalaisten osallistumista terveyden edistämiseen pidettiin 1990-luvun haasteena. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli paikallisten kokeiluhankkeiden avulla selvittää miten ihmiset ja yhteisöt voidaan saada itse aktiivisemmin mukaan terveyden edistämiseen ja miten yhteisölähestymistapa voidaan ottaa siinä paremmin huomioon. Tutkimuksen teoreettisessa osassa tarkastellaan kansalaisten, ammattiauttajien ja kunta/valtiohallinnon suhteiden kehitystä 1900-luvulla. Tutkimus pyrkii kuvaamaan ja ymmärtämään kehitystä vuorovaikutuksessa, jossa päämääränä on yhteisön kansalaishallinta terveysasioissa. Tutkimus analysoi miten osallistumisen ja terveyden kansalaishallinnan käsitteet ja lähestymistavat ovat kehittyneet sekä kansainvälisesti että kansallisesti. Terveyden kansalaishallinnalla (empowerment) tässä tutkimuksessa tarkoitetaan prosessia, jossa vahvistetaan ihmisten mahdollisuutta tehokkaasti osallistua ja vaikuttaa sellaisten rakenteiden synnyttämiseen ja terveyspolitiikan ja -ohjelmien kehittämiseen, joiden päämääränä on yhteisön itsensä määrittelemien tarpeiden tyydyttäminen. Ihmiset osallistuvat tähän kehittämisprosessiin ja jakavat siitä saavutetut hyödyt. Tutkimuksen empiirisessä osassa analysoidaan kansalaisten osallistumista ja terveyden kansalaishallinnan kehittymistä vuosina 1992-1996 toimintatutkimus -tyyppisesti toteutetuissa Terve Somero- ja Terve Järvenpää -hankkeissa tutkimuksen teoreettisessa osassa kehitetyillä indikaattoreilla ja menetelmillä. Tutkimusaineistona olivat vuosina 1992, 1994 ja 1996 toteutetut kyselyt hankkeeseen osallistuneille ja teemahaastattelut vuodelta 1996, osallistuvasta havainnoinnista syntyneet päiväkirjamerkinnät ja muistiot sekä kuntalaisten omat toimintasuunnitelmat ja -kertomukset. Analyysimenetelminä olivat kvalitatiivinen evaluaatio ja sisällönanalyysi. Somero-Järvenpää -hankkeiden tarkoituksena oli määräajoin toistuvien koulutustilaisuuksien, konsultaation ja muun tuen keinoin vahvistaa terveyttä edistäviä verkostoja, yhteistyötä ja terveyden kansalaishallintaa. Alkuvaiheessa keskityttiin vahvistamaan yhteisöllisyyttä ja sitouttamaan osallistujat pitkäjänteiseen kehittämistyöhön, jossa kuntalaiset itse selvittivät oman kuntansa terveystilannetta haastattelemalla asukkaita ja terveyden ammattilaisia sekä tekemällä tilasto- ym. selvityksiä. Hankkeen ulkopuoliset kouluttajat eivät antaneet vastauksia kysymyksiin, vaan tukivat yhteistyötä ja asukkaiden omien toimintasuositusten valmistelua. Hankkeseen osallistuneet virittivät käytännön toimintaa ja kävivät vuoropuhelua terveysasioista kaupungin päättäjien kanssa. Tutkimus osoitti että ihmiset ovat kiinnostuneita terveyden edistämisestä ja haluavat vaikuttaa kuntansa terveyttä koskevissa asioissa. Kokeiluohjelmat Somerolla ja Järvenpäässä onnistuivat hankkeeseen osallistuneiden terveyden kansalaishallinnan tunteen ja valmiuksien sekä yhteisöllisyyden synnyttämisessä. Kumpaankin kuntaan muodostui noin parinkymmen hengen ydinryhmä, joka osallistui ja toimi aktiivisesti koko kehittämishankkeen ajan. Vuoteen 1996 mennessä Terve Somero hankkeesta muotoutui kansalaisten toimintafoorumi, jonka päätarkoituksena oli uusien ideoiden ja projektien synnyttäminen. Järvenpäässä hankkeesta muotoutui kansalaisjärjestöjen ja viranomaisten yhteistyö- ja suunnitteluryhmä. Tutkimus osoitti, että kummassakin kunnassa oli hyvät edellytykset yhteisön kansalaishallinnan kehittymiselle ja että osallistumiseen perustuva terveyden edistäminen kuntatasolla on mahdollista, mutta että tällaisen toiminnan vakiinnuttamiseksi tarvitaan suunnitelmallista ja monivuotista yhteistyötä sekä ulkoista tukea, kouluttajia ja muutoksia vallitsevissa organisaatiokulttureissa. Mikäli tuki ja koulutus lopetetaan liian aikaisessa vaiheessa on seurauksena toiminnan hiipuminen. Tutkimuksessa käytetty osallistumisen ja terveyden kansalaishallinnan malli antaa käytännön osviittoja siitä miten tällaista toimintaa voidaan ylipäätään saada aikaan ja ylläpitää kunnissa. Lisäksi tukimus tarjoaa tietoa siitä miten terveyden edistämiseen tähtääviä projekteja voidaan arvioida laadullisilla menetelmillä. ; At the beginning of the 1990's the move towards a greater autonomy at the local level in Finland required that citizens assume an increasing activity in managing their own affairs. However, when the Finnish Health for All 2000 programme (launched in 1986) was evaluated in 1991 by WHO, a low degree of citizen participation in planning and implementing the programme was pointed out. Starting form this critical comment the Finnish Centre for Health Promotion (FCHP= Terveyden edistämisen keskus ry., a national non-governmental organization representing ca. 100 other non-governmental bodies) initiated community action programmes in two towns, Somero (agricultural small town with 10 000 inhabitants) and Järvenpää (small urban town near the capital with 30 000 inhabitants) in 1992. The goal of the Somero-Järvenpää Programme was to enhance control over health of the community (community competence) through citizens' active participation in health policy formulation, evaluation and implementation. The Programme was implemented during 1992- 1996. Regular education occasions and consultation meetings using critical consciousness raising education strategies introduced by Freire (1970), were the main means. Formulation of theme groups was the first step of the intervention. The theme groups consisted of members of local non-governmental organizations, authorities and other citizens, who then selected the health promotion themes they wanted to work with. The purpose of the theme groups was to act as the first "structure" for action and to strengthen the sense of community, which have been discovered as essential elements in building up collaboration, and in making the people commit themselves to the process. The Programme was continuously assessed during its life in order to give feedback to the project organization and to the oarticipants. The study in hand was believed to produce understanding, concepts, and theoretical considerations applicable in the Finnish practice of health promotion and furthermore in developing empowerment and control over health. The principal objective of the present study was to develop instruments to assess empowerment both at individual and community levels, and furthermore, through using these tools in the analysis of empirical data to elaborate a model for empowerment practice, and finally to develop the theory of empowerment. The theoretical part of the study consisted of a literature review on the development of the concepts of citizen participation, empowerment in health, and community organisation, and an elaboration of the empowerment approach and evaluation instruments used in this study. The literature review revealed that the empowerment process of the 90s and beyond is not only a politital question, but also a methodological question. Empowermet approach requires action-orientation (the philosophical basis of which rises from critical theory) and qualitative research methods favouring theme interviews, observation and participstory methods. Citizen participation (Zimmerman and Rappaport 1988), sense of community (Chavis and Wandersman 1990) and empowerment (e.g. Zimmerman and Rappaport 1988, Wallerstein 1992) were selected as the main focus of the evaluation of the Healthy Somero and Järvenpää Programme. Empirical data was collected during the life of the Somero-Järvenpää Programme (observation notes, surveys [n=lOO in 1992, n=75 in 1994 and n=73 in 1996) and theme interviews of participants [n=36 in 1996), and various written documents). The overall method was triangulation - combination of several theories and approaches including both quantitative and qualitative measures. Qualitative programme evaluation, content analysis, hermeneutic understanding and grounded theory were used in the analysis. The main focus was on the development of community empowerment. The results revealed that about a "core group" of about 20-30 people participated as actors all the time during the first three years, planning and implementing different activities within the programme. In Somero the majority of the participants represented NGOs, whereas in Järvenpää a little less than a half of the participants represented authorities and the second half others. The Programmes were successful in strengthening psychological empowerment, sense of community and decision making skills of the participants. In summer 1996 the Healthy Somero was characterized as a publit health movement, the most important role of which was to initiate new projects and team groups at the local level. It had recruited in some extent more people into health promotive action. The main meaning of the existence of the programme was to function as an arena of social relations and social action. The role of health services remained minor. The Healthy Järvenpää Programme had taken the shape of a joint planning and co-operation arena of authorities and NGO's by the summer of 1994. Tasks and duties were shared and coordinated between the counterparts. The role of health services in the process had been major until the year 1994. However, the core croup shrank to about 10 people by the year 1996, and no new people entered the Programme. In the beginning the interest of the local population towards the Programme was greater than expected and there were good prerequisites for proceeding to the community level of empowerment in 1994. However, the strategy of decreasing the consultation and education support by the organizers of the Programme in 1994 followed by an almost total withdrawal in 1995 leaving the communities to manage on their own, showed to lead to a collapse of the development of empowerment. The conclusion was that the period of 1992-1996 was too short for generating community empowerment. The process of empowerment proved to need continuous training and practice in which new roles and ways of action, as well as working as a group can be exercised for several years. Furthermore, to be sustainable empowerment must be built up step by step, strengthening the psychological level of empowerment long enough before proceeding to the next stage. Consultancy and project leaders are necessary for guiding and assessing the development process. The programme indicated that health promotion based on participation of people is possible in general, but generating community empowerment calls for long lasting external supportive mechanisms, as well as changes in the prevailing organisation structures. The results of the study led to a theory labelled as a "Model of Reasoned Empowerment Action". The theory comprises a typology of four different roles, which are hypothesised to be existing and necessary elements in the empowerment process and, which characterize those supposed to be empowered and engaged as actors in the process.
AIMS: To examine cross-national patterns of 12-month substance use disorder (SUD) treatment and minimally adequate treatment (MAT), and associations with mental disorder comorbidity. DESIGN: Cross-sectional, representative household surveys. SETTING: Twenty-seven surveys from 25 countries of the WHO World Mental Health Survey Initiative. PARTICIPANTS: A total of 2446 people with past-year DSM-IV SUD diagnoses (alcohol or illicit drug abuse and dependence). MEASUREMENTS: Outcomes were SUD treatment, defined as having either received professional treatment or attended a self-help group for substance-related problems in the past 12 months, and MAT, defined as having either four or more SUD treatment visits to a health-care professional, six or more visits to a non-health-care professional or being in ongoing treatment at the time of interview. Covariates were mental disorder comorbidity and several socio-economic characteristics. Pooled estimates reflect country sample sizes rather than population sizes. FINDINGS: Of respondents with past-year SUD, 11.0% [standard error (SE) = 0.8] received past 12-month SUD treatment. SUD treatment was more common among people with comorbid mental disorders than with pure SUDs (18.1%, SE = 1.6 versus 6.8%, SE = 0.7), as was MAT (84.0%, SE = 2.5 versus 68.3%, SE = 3.8) and treatment by health-care professionals (88.9%, SE = 1.9 versus 78.8%, SE = 3.0) among treated SUD cases. Adjusting for socio-economic characteristics, mental disorder comorbidity doubled the odds of SUD treatment [odds ratio (OR) = 2.34; 95% confidence interval (CI) = 1.71-3.20], MAT among SUD cases (OR = 2.75; 95% CI = 1.90-3.97) and MAT among treated cases (OR = 2.48; 95% CI = 1.23-5.02). Patterns were similar within country income groups, although the proportions receiving SUD treatment and MAT were higher in high- than low-/middle-income countries. CONCLUSIONS: Few people with past-year substance use disorders receive adequate 12-month substance use disorder treatment, even when comorbid with a mental disorder. This is largely due to the low proportion of people receiving any substance use disorder treatment, as the proportion of patients whose treatment is at least minimally adequate is high. ; The World Health Organization World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative is supported by the United States National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; R01 MH070884), the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Pfizer Foundation, the United States Public Health Service (R13‐MH066849, R01‐MH069864 and R01 DA016558), the Fogarty International Center (FIRCA R03‐TW006481), the Pan American Health Organization, Eli Lilly and Company, Ortho‐McNeil Pharmaceutical Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, and Bristol‐Myers Squibb. We thank the staff of the WMH Data Collection and Data Analysis Coordination Centres for assistance with instrumentation, fieldwork and consultation on data analysis. None of the funders had any role in the design, analysis, interpretation of results, or preparation of this paper. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the authors and should not be construed to represent the views of the World Health Organization, other sponsoring organizations, agencies, or governments , and do not necessarily represent the views, official policy or position of the US Department of Health and Human Services or any of its affiliated institutions or agencies. M.D.G.'s role in this study is through his involvement as a Science Officer on U01‐MH60220. He had no involvement in the other cited grants. The 2007 Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing is funded by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing. The Argentina survey—Estudio Argentino de Epidemiología en Salud Mental (EASM)—was supported by a grant from the Argentinian Ministry of Health (Ministerio de Salud de la Nación). The São Paulo Megacity Mental Health Survey is supported by the State of São Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) Thematic Project Grant 03/00204–3. The Bulgarian Epidemiological Study of common mental disorders EPIBUL is supported by the Ministry of Health and the National Center for Public Health Protection. The Chinese World Mental Health Survey Initiative is supported by the Pfizer Foundation. The Colombian National Study of Mental Health (NSMH) is supported by the Ministry of Social Protection. The Mental Health Study Medellín—Colombia was carried out and supported jointly by the Center for Excellence on Research in Mental Health (CES University) and the Secretary of Health of Medellín. The ESEMeD project is funded by the European Commission [Contracts QLG5–1999‐01042; SANCO 2004123, and EAHC 20081308) (the Piedmont Region (Italy)], Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria, Instituto de Salud Carlos III, Spain (FIS 00/0028), Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología, Spain (SAF 2000–158‐CE), Generalitat de Catalunya (2017 SGR 452; 2014 SGR 748), Instituto de Salud Carlos III (CIBER CB06/02/0046, RETICS RD06/0011 REM‐TAP) and other local agencies and by an unrestricted educational grant from GlaxoSmithKline. Implementation of the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS) and data entry were carried out by the staff of the Iraqi MOH and MOP with direct support from the Iraqi IMHS team with funding from both the Japanese and European Funds through the United Nations Development Group Iraq Trust Fund (UNDG ITF). The Israel National Health Survey is funded by the Ministry of Health with support from the Israel National Institute for Health Policy and Health Services Research and the National Insurance Institute of Israel. The World Mental Health Japan (WMHJ) Survey is supported by the Grant for Research on Psychiatric and Neurological Diseases and Mental Health (H13‐SHOGAI‐023, H14‐TOKUBETSU‐026, H16‐KOKORO‐013, H25‐SEISHIN‐IPPAN‐006) from the Japan Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. The Lebanese Evaluation of the Burden of Ailments and Needs Of the Nation (L.E.B.A.N.O.N.) is supported by the Lebanese Ministry of Public Health, the WHO (Lebanon), National Institute of Health/Fogarty International Center (R03 TW006481–01), anonymous private donations to IDRAAC, Lebanon and unrestricted grants from Algorithm, AstraZeneca, Benta, Bella Pharma, Eli Lilly, Glaxo Smith Kline, Lundbeck, Novartis, OmniPharma, Pfizer, Phenicia, Servier and UPO. The Mexican National Comorbidity Survey (MNCS) is supported by The National Institute of Psychiatry Ramon de la Fuente (INPRFMDIES 4280) and by the National Council on Science and Technology (CONACyT‐G30544‐ H), with supplemental support from the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO). Te Rau Hinengaro: the New Zealand Mental Health Survey (NZMHS) is supported by the New Zealand Ministry of Health, Alcohol Advisory Council, and the Health Research Council. The Nigerian Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (NSMHW) is supported by the WHO (Geneva), the WHO (Nigeria) and the Federal Ministry of Health, Abuja, Nigeria. The Northern Ireland Study of Mental Health was funded by the Health and Social Care Research and Development Division of the Public Health Agency. The Peruvian World Mental Health Study was funded by the National Institute of Health of the Ministry of Health of Peru. The Polish project Epidemiology of Mental Health and Access to Care—EZOP Project (PL 0256) was supported by Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway through funding from the EEA Financial Mechanism and the Norwegian Financial Mechanism. The EZOP project was co‐financed by the Polish Ministry of Health. The Portuguese Mental Health Study was carried out by the Department of Mental Health, Faculty of Medical Sciences, NOVA University of Lisbon, with the collaboration of the Portuguese Catholic University, and was funded by Champalimaud Foundation, Gulbenkian Foundation, Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) and Ministry of Health. The Romania WMH study projects 'Policies in Mental Health Area' and 'National Study regarding Mental Health and Services Use' were carried out by National School of Public Health and Health Services Management (former National Institute for Research and Development in Health), with technical support from Metro Media Transilvania, the National Institute of Statistics–National Centre for Training in Statistics, SC, Cheyenne Services SRL, Statistics Netherlands and were funded by Ministry of Public Health (former Ministry of Health) with supplemental support of Eli Lilly Romania SRL. The Psychiatric Enquiry to General Population in Southeast Spain—Murcia (PEGASUS–Murcia) Project has been financed by the Regional Health Authorities of Murcia (Servicio Murciano de Salud and Consejería de Sanidad y Política Social) and Fundación para la Formación e Investigación Sanitarias (FFIS) of Murcia. The US National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS‐R) is supported by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH; U01‐MH60220) with supplemental support from the National Institute of Drug Abuse (NIDA), the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF; Grant 044708) and the John W. Alden Trust. J.M. is supported by NHMRC Project grants (APP 1007677, APP 1099709) and a John Cade Fellowship (APP1056929). J.M. was supported by a Niels Bohr Professorship from the Danish National Research Foundation. L.D. is supported by an NHMRC Senior Principal Research Fellowship (no. 1135991) and NIDA NIH grant R01 DA044170‐02. L.D. and C.B. are supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) project grant (no. 1081984). NDARC is supported by funding from the Australian Government Department of Health under the Drug and Alcohol Program. A complete list of all within‐country and cross‐national WMH publications can be found at http://www.hcp.med.harvard.edu/wmh/.
From a philosophical standpoint, this article analyses the historical formation of the concept of the «Basque Working People» in the Basque armed organization ETA (Basque Country and Freedom, for its acronym in Basque). To accomplish this, we will study the imaginaries of the Basque Nationalists Youths during the 1940s and the official ideology of ETA in the 1960s. We have used primarily the ideological periodicals (journals such as Beti Gazte, Zabaldu, Kemen or Zutik) of these collectives as well as other relevant books (for example Federico Krutwig´s Vasconia) and documents which helped in the formation of ETA's imaginary. Considering this historical formation of the concept of the «Basque Working People», we have reinterpreted the strategic approach of the organization since 1959. Tentatively, we have affirmed that ETA adopted a very specific use of violent methods, which were specifically oriented not to reach the goal of an independent and socialist Basque Country, but in the idea of making visible the concept of the «Basque Working People» in social reality. Thus, we have described this use of political violence as constative (and not performative). The non-violent strategic approaches of ETA were precisely focused on social spreading and implementation of its alternative imaginary: the achievement of independent and socialist Basque Country. ; Las siguientes páginas estudian a partir de un enfoque interpretativo la formación histórica del concepto del Pueblo Trabajador Vasco en la organización ETA. Para ello desarrollamos un análisis que va desde el estudio de los imaginarios de las primeras juventudes nacionalistas vascas durante los años 40 a la ideología oficial de este colectivo armado en la década de los 60. Las fuentes utilizadas han sido fundamentalmente las publicaciones periódicas de estas agrupaciones (boletines como Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen o Zutik) así como distintas obras ajenas a ellas, pero relevantes para la formación de su corpus doctrinal (por ejemplo, el libro de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir del análisis de la historia formativa del concepto de Pueblo Trabajador Vasco como sujeto al que apelaba ETA, hemos conseguido realizar una relectura de la estrategia desarrollada por este grupo desde su nacimiento y hasta el desarrollo de su Quinta Asamblea entre los años 1966-1967. De modo tentativo, hemos descrito el uso de la violencia por parte de ETA como una estrategia constatativa. Es decir, su uso se orientaba a hacer visible el concepto subjetivo concebido por el colectivo armado como el reverso de todo lo afirmado en el régimen franquista. De forma paralela, las secciones no armadas de la organización se determinaron por realizar el proyecto político de ETA, la independencia y el socialismo del País Vasco, tratando de extender esa alternativa política entre la población. ; Les pages suivantes étudient, à partir d'une approche interprétative, la formation historique du concept de peuple basque travailleur dans l'organisation ETA. Pour ce faire, nous développons une analyse qui va de l'étude des imaginaires des premiers jeunes nationalistes basques dans les années 1940 à l'idéologie officielle de ce groupe armé dans les années 1960. Les sources utilisées ont été principalement les publications périodiques de ces groupes (bulletins tels que Beti Gazte !, Zabaldu, Kemen ou Zutik) ainsi que différents ouvrages extérieurs à ceux-ci, mais pertinents pour la formation de leur corpus doctrinal (par exemple, le livre de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir de l'analyse de l'histoire formative du concept de Peuple Ouvrier Basque comme sujet auquel l'ETA a fait appel, nous avons réussi à relire la stratégie développée par ce groupe depuis sa naissance jusqu'au développement de sa Cinquième Assemblée entre 1966-1967. Nous avons provisoirement décrit l'utilisation de la violence par l'ETA comme une stratégie de constatation. C'est-à-dire que son utilisation visait à rendre visible le concept subjectif conçu par le collectif armé comme l'inverse de tout ce qui était affirmé dans le régime franquiste. Dans le même temps, les sections non armées de l'organisation étaient déterminées à réaliser le projet politique de l'ETA, l'indépendance et le socialisme du Pays basque, en essayant de diffuser cette alternative politique parmi la population. ; Le pagine seguenti studiano da un approccio interpretativo la formazione storica del concetto di Popolo Lavoratore Basco nell'organizzazione dell'ETA. Per farlo, sviluppiamo un'analisi che va dallo studio degli immaginari dei primi giovani nazionalisti baschi durante gli anni 40 fino all'ideologia ufficiale di questo gruppo armato negli anni 60. Le fonti utilizzate sono state principalmente le pubblicazioni periodiche di questi gruppi (bollettini come Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen o Zutik) così come diverse opere esterne ad essi, ma rilevanti per la formazione del loro corpus dottrinale (per esempio, il libro di Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). Dall'analisi della storia formativa del concetto di Popolo Lavoratore Basco come soggetto a cui ETA si appellava, siamo riusciti a rileggere la strategia sviluppata da questo gruppo dalla sua nascita fino allo sviluppo della sua V Assemblea tra il 1966-1967. Tentativamente, abbiamo descritto l'uso della violenza da parte dell'ETA come una strategia costitutiva. Cioè, il suo uso era volto a rendere visibile il concetto soggettivo concepito dal collettivo armato come il contrario di tutto ciò che si affermava nel regime franchista. Allo stesso tempo, le sezioni non armate dell'organizzazione erano determinate a portare avanti il progetto politico dell'ETA, l'indipendenza e il socialismo dei Paesi Baschi, cercando di diffondere questa alternativa politica tra la popolazione. ; As páginas seguintes estudam a partir de uma abordagem interpretativa a formação histórica do conceito do povo trabalhador basco na organização da ETA. Para o fazer, desenvolvemos uma análise que vai desde o estudo dos imaginários dos primeiros jovens nacionalistas bascos durante os anos 40 até à ideologia oficial deste grupo armado nos anos 60. As fontes utilizadas foram principalmente as publicações periódicas destes grupos (boletins como Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen ou Zutik) bem como diferentes obras fora deles, mas relevantes para a formação do seu corpus doutrinário (por exemplo, o livro de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir da análise da história formativa do conceito do Povo Trabalhador Basco como um tema ao qual a ETA apelou, conseguimos reler a estratégia desenvolvida por este grupo desde o seu nascimento até ao desenvolvimento da sua Quinta Assembleia entre 1966-1967. Tentativamente, descrevemos o uso da violência pela ETA como uma estratégia constatativa. Ou seja, a sua utilização visava tornar visível o conceito subjectivo concebido pelo colectivo armado como o inverso de tudo o que se afirmava no regime franquista. Ao mesmo tempo, as secções não armadas da organização estavam determinadas a realizar o projecto político da ETA, a independência e o socialismo do País Basco, tentando difundir esta alternativa política entre a população. ; As páginas seguintes estudam a partir de uma abordagem interpretativa a formação histórica do conceito do povo trabalhador basco na organização da ETA. Para o fazer, desenvolvemos uma análise que vai desde o estudo dos imaginários dos primeiros jovens nacionalistas bascos durante os anos 40 até à ideologia oficial deste grupo armado nos anos 60. As fontes utilizadas foram principalmente as publicações periódicas destes grupos (boletins como Beti Gazte!, Zabaldu, Kemen ou Zutik) bem como diferentes obras fora deles, mas relevantes para a formação do seu corpus doutrinário (por exemplo, o livro de Federico Krutwig, Vasconia). A partir da análise da história formativa do conceito do Povo Trabalhador Basco como um tema ao qual a ETA apelou, conseguimos reler a estratégia desenvolvida por este grupo desde o seu nascimento até ao desenvolvimento da sua Quinta Assembleia entre 1966-1967. Tentativamente, descrevemos o uso da violência pela ETA como uma estratégia constatativa. Ou seja, a sua utilização visava tornar visível o conceito subjectivo concebido pelo colectivo armado como o inverso de tudo o que se afirmava no regime franquista. Ao mesmo tempo, as secções não armadas da organização estavam determinadas a realizar o projecto político da ETA, a independência e o socialismo do País Basco, tentando difundir esta alternativa política entre a população.
Researchers often only have access to aggregated statistics about people and businesses rather than individual data. This means that research into the relationships between labour market outcomes for geographic areas and demographic characteristics often has to rely on the analysis of statistics for areas rather than for individuals. This presents a problem as the results of the analysis of aggregated, areal data often lead to different results depending on the geographic scale of aggregation. When areal statistics are available for different geographic scales then researchers building statistical models have to choose which geographic scales to include in their models. When areal statistics are not available for different geographic scales then researchers have to consider whether the results of their research would have been different if areal statistics had been available for a different geographic scale to the one that they were forced to use. That different geographic scales can give rise to different results is important if the results are to be used to inform policies (to improve labour market outcomes for example). That researchers and those using their research are aware that different geographic scales in statistical models can give rise to different results is important as it may focus attention on the importance of choosing which scales to use. It may also help explain differences between different results from similar research projects. The specific aim of this project was to assess which geographic scales are the most appropriate and useful to include in the statistical modelling of selected UK labour market statistics and which geographic scales provide unhelpful or misleading information. The wider aim of this project was to develop an approach built using one set of labour market statistics that could subsequently be applied to other labour market statistics or other business or socioeconomic statistics in order to provide guidance to researchers on the effects of using different geographic scales for the analysis of areal data. The intention was to create transferable guidance on levels and methods of analysis rather than solely to analyse a single data set. This project contributes to knowledge by providing some original information about which geographic scales to include in models of various labour market outcomes. Moreover, it contributes to professional practice by describing the different stages used in choosing the geographic scales to include in the modelling of labour market outcomes. The research described in this report was conducted using multilevel modelling. The R statistical programming environment, R Cran Project (2019), was used to build the models and produce all the figures in the final report. Earlier model building was carried out using both MLwiN software and R. Whilst MLwiN produces user-friendly output which helps in understanding multilevel models, R was chosen for the main modelling as it allowed model building and the creation of charts in one language which could be documented and replicated easily in the form of R scripts, examples of which are included in the Annex to the report. The scripts did not contain functions written as part of the research. Instead, they contained sections of code that built models using parameters named 'Output_variable' and 'Predictor_variable' which could be set to each of the variables required for the models using an earlier section of the script. The data used by the R scripts were read in from csv files stored separately to the scripts rather than being contained in packages. The use of scripts rather than packages simply evolved as the code was written and was sufficient to produce and run the models required for the research. If the work were developed further, then the writing of packages containing code and data to make it easier for other researchers to run the models could be considered. The data used in the research were all downloaded from official UK government statistics websites. The dataset used for the main section of model building described in chapters 4 and 5 of this thesis consists of outcome variables at local authority level for the 326 English local authority districts and unitary authorities in existence up until early 2019 together with predictor variables mainly at local authority level. The research presented in chapter 5 of this thesis consisted of three stages, investigating the geographic scale of variation in the outcome variables, choosing the geographic scale to use for predictor variables, and choosing the geographic scales to include as levels in multilevel models. Many of the multilevel models contained one or more of The Europewide 'Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics' (NUTS) geographic scales (Eurostat, 2018) as model level(s). This nomenclature provides a set of hierarchical areas for the collection and analysis of statistics. In the UK, the NUTS 1 areas are Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the nine former government office regions in England. NUTS 2 areas in the UK generally consist of one or more counties depending on county population sizes. Single NUTS 3 areas in the UK can be either a single unitary authority, a group of local authorities or a single county depending on local population sizes, or a single London borough. The amount of variation at different geographic scales is important as it helps to show how similar units within the same areas are to each other and how different units in different areas tend to be from each other. The geographic scale at which units within areas are similar to each other and units in different areas are different to each other is important in finding which geographic scales it is helpful to have in multilevel models. The main conclusions from investigating the geographic scale of variation in the outcome variables were that: • for local authority unemployment rates there were higher proportions of variance at NUTS 1 and NUTS 3 areas levels than at NUTS 2 area levels; • for local authority employment rates and workplace earnings there were broadly similar proportions of variance at NUTS 1, NUTS 2 and NUTS 3 area levels; • for local authority mean hours and median hours variables there were negligible amounts of variance at NUTS 3 areas level; • for job density there was a negligible amount of variation at NUTS 1; • for the median residents' earnings variable there were equal proportions of variance at NUTS 2 and NUTS 3 areas levels and twice that proportion at NUTS 1 areas level. The main finding from the investigation into the geographic scale to use for predictor variables in models of local authority level outcomes was that it was usually better to use local authority level predictor variables rather than predictors calculated at higher geographic scales and that it was unnecessary to use predictors calculated at multiple geographic scales. For that reason, the main modelling part of the project was devoted to multilevel models of local authority level outcomes using only local authority level predictors. The research consisted of building a large number of models for each outcome variable using different predictor variables all measured or calculated at local authority level but within multilevel models that grouped the local authorities at different geographic levels. The models were then analysed to see which ones fitted the data better by comparing the AIC values for groups of the models that used the same outcome and predictor variables in different ways. This found the following models to be among the best for the various outcome variables: • four-level random intercept models for models of unemployment rates, residents' earnings and workplace earnings; • two-level random intercept models with grouping by NUTS 2 areas for models of mean hours worked and models of job density; • a variety of models for employment rates depending on the predictor variable used. An overall finding from the results was that there was often a choice to be made between complex, i.e. random coefficient, models with just two levels and simpler, i.e. random intercept, models with four levels. Given that this choice may have to be made, it was suggested that consideration should be given to what sort of information is sought from the model in order to help choose which geographic levels to include. To learn about influences coming from different geographic scales a random intercept model with many different levels is likely to be appropriate. However, to learn about different strengths of effects in different parts of a study area a random coefficient multilevel model with just two levels or a four-level model with random coefficients at just one level may be more useful. The recommendations of this project include guidance to researchers on how to choose which geographic scales to include in models. The guidance is presented in the form of a set of steps. The steps cover choosing outcome variables that have distributions suitable for linear modelling, dealing with outliers, building null models to investigate the proportion of variance of the outcome variables that occurs at different geographic scales, considering the intended purpose of the model to determine whether a random coefficient model would be helpful and being aware that the geographic scales to use for random coefficient models may be different to those to use for null or random intercept models, comparing the AIC values of models that include different geographic scale levels to assess which fit the data better, and where appropriate checking for any spatial patterns in the random coefficients estimated by a model.
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In einer Bevölkerung mit immer älteren und auch kränkeren Patienten nimmt die Zahl der Menschen mit Demenz deutlich zu. Damit stellen sie eine zunehmende Herausforderung an die Betreuung aller Beteiligten dar, sowohl in medizinischer als auch in pflegerischer sowie ethischer und sozialmedizinischer Sicht. Wie stellen wir uns dieser Herausforderung? Wie sehen wir diese Menschen in unserer Mitte? Inwieweit werden und können sie in unsere Gesellschaft integriert werden? Wie gehen wir mit ihnen in Praxis und Krankenhaus um? Wie behandeln wir sie, wie müssten, wie sollten wir sie behandeln? Der 6. Ärztetag am Dom will versuchen, aus medizinischer, medizinisch-psychologischer, sozialer und ethischer Sicht hierzu die Fragen einzugrenzen und erste Antworten zu geben.Grußworte (Bischof Dr. Franz-Peter Tebartz-van Elst, Limburg)Der Blick des Gläubigen führt die notwendige Differenzierung der wissenschaftlichen Fachdisziplinen wieder zusammen: Der ganze Mensch, in jedem Stadium des Lebens, ist einmalig; er besitzt einen Namen, nicht nur ein Krankheitsbild. Ungeachtet seiner körperlich-geistigen Einbußen besitzt er eine Würde, die in seiner Bundespartnerschaft mit Gott wurzelt. Alle Menschen sind aufgerufen, demente Personen als selbstverständlichen Teil unserer Gemeinschaft anzunehmen. Auch Demenz ist Leben.Medizinische Grundlagen und Behandlungsmöglichkeiten der Demenz (Prof. Dr. med. Johannes Pantel und Dr. rer. nat. Julia Haberstroh, Arbeitsbereich Altersmedizin mit Schwerpunkt Psychogeriatrie und klinische Gerontologie, Institut für Allgemeinmedizin der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main)Die Demenzen zählen zu den häufigsten neuropsychiatrischen Erkrankungen des höheren Lebensalters. Demenz ist ein klinisch definiertes Syndrom, dessen Leitsymptomatik eine chronische und zumeist im Alter erworbene organisch bedingte Beeinträchtigung der intellektuellen Leistungsfähigkeit darstellt. In den fortgeschrittenen Stadien geht diese mit einem erheblichen Verlust an Autonomie und der Fähigkeit zur ...
La tesis doctoral El buen vivir en Ecuador. Dimensiones políticas de un nuevo enfoque de Economía Política del Desarrollo, elaborada como compendio de publicaciones está conformada por siete artículos, que se centran en el impacto del concepto del buen vivir (sumak kawsay) sobre el ámbito académico de la Economía Política del Desarrollo, en especial desde que éste fue incluido en las Constituciones de Ecuador y Bolivia. A partir de aquí ha surgido una Economía Política del Buen Vivir, como propuesta alternativa al desarrollo surgida desde el pensamiento de los pueblos andino- amazónicos. Nuestro objeto de estudio es la Economía Política del Buen Vivir, delimitado en cada una de las publicaciones. Así, nuestros objetos delimitados de estudio fueron: los debates abiertos sobre el sumak kawsay desde 2008 en América Latina, y especialmente en Ecuador y Bolivia; las corrientes de pensamiento sobre el buen vivir que desde el 2000 existen en América Latina, y especialmente en Ecuador y Bolivia; el origen del sumak kawsay como fenómeno social alternativo al desarrollo; el trans- desarrollo, que incluiría el decrecimiento y el buen vivir, como manifestación de la trans-modernidad en diferentes países del mundo desde principios del siglo XXI; los fundamentos teórico-normativos que deben servir de base para una posible construcción del buen vivir en América Latina; la deconstrucción de! concepto de buen vivir y la genealogía de sus diversos manantiales intelectuales en América Latina ; y la genealogía de los discursos ecuatorianos del buen vivir desde 1992 hasta 2016. Para documentar los mismos se ha realizado una intensa labor de arqueo bibliográfico, aplicando la técnica de la bibliografía recursiva y filtrando los resultados por medio de la técnica de las referencias cruzadas. Además, una vez localizados los principales referentes intelectuales sobre este tema, se han revisado sus principales contribuciones. Dicha recopilación de información ha sido complementada con la realización de entrevistas sem¡estructuradas grabadas a diez intelectuales especialistas en el buen vivir. Esta información ha sido analizada por medio de técnicas de investigación cualitativa (algunas de ellas de corte post-racionalista), tales como la agrupación de conceptos en categorías analíticas, los mapas cognitivos, el análisis de contenido de bibliografía gris, la identificación de marcos epistemológicos, el análisis sintético de contenidos, la construcción de propuestas normativas, la deconstrucción de conceptos y la qenealoqía de conceptos.Las conclusiones de estas publicaciones pueden concretarse en siete. La primera es que la corriente de pensamiento y el marco cultural determinan el posicionamiento de cada autor respecto de los seis debates abiertos sobre el buen vivir (significado; traducción; origen; cosmovisión; relación con el desarrollo; y futuro). La segunda es que las corrientes dé pensamiento sobre el buen vivir se corresponden con tres marcos epistemológicos diferentes, la cosmovisión andina, la modernidad y la post-modernidad. La tercera es que el sumdk kawsay es un fenómeno social existente en las comunidades indígenas amazónicas ecuatorianas {kichwa, achuar y shuar), más allá de otras existencias y que su difusión llevó dicho concepto hasta las Constituciones de Ecuador y Bolivia. La cuarta es que en el siglo XXI coexisten cuatro cosmovisiones (pre-modernidad; modernidad; post¬modernidad; y trans-modernidad), cada una de ellas con su propio paradigma de bienestar (subsistencia; desarrollo; post-desarrollo; y trans-desarrollo), y que dentro del trans-desarrollo existen dos grandes grupos de aportaciones trans-modernas a los Estudios del Desarrollo (decrecimiento y buen vivir). La quinta es que el buen vivir latinoamericano, definido de manera sintética como forma de vida en armonía con uno mismo (identidad), con la sociedad (equidad) y con la naturaleza (sustentabilidad), puede entenderse como una propuesta de transformación de los sistemas socioeconómicos latinoamericanos para construir una sociedad pluri-naciona!, post-capitalista y sociedad bio-céntrica. La sexta es que el buen vivir tiene diversas influencias intelectuales, entre las que se pueden destacar el socialismo del siglo XXI, la economía social y solidaria, la economía comunitaria, el post-extractivismo, el decrecimiento, la ecología profunda, súmale kawsay - suma qamaña - allin kawsay, la cosmovisión andina, el post-desarrollo y la colonialidad, entre otras. Y la séptima es que el buen vivir fue interpretado en Ecuador de manera impostada por el movimiento indígena, el gobierno y Alianza PAÍS y ios movimientos sociales desde 2007 hasta 2016. ; The doctoral dissertation, titled Good living in Ecuador. Politicaf dimensions of a new approach to Political Economy of Development and written as compendium of papers, consists of seven articles. Their topic is the impact of the concept of good living {sumak kawsay) at the academic field of Political Economy of Development, especially since it was included in the Constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia. Then Political Economy of Good Living has emerged as an alternative proposal to the development, as a proposal arisen from the thought of the Andean-Amazonian peoples. Our subject is the Political Economy of Good Living, delimited in each of the papers. Moreover, our delimited subjects are seven. The first are open debates on sumak kawsay s\nce 2008 in Latin America and especially in Ecuador and Bolivia. The second are thought schools about the good living since 2000 in Latin America and especially in Ecuador and Bolivia. The third is origin of sumak kawsay as social phenomenon alternative to development. The fourth is trans-development, included degrowth y good living, as manifestation of trans-modernity in different countries since the beginning of the twenty-first century. The fifth are theoretical-normative foundations of a possible construction of good living in Latin America. The sixth are deconstruction of good living's concept and its genealogy in Latin America. And, the seventh is genealogy of the Ecuadorian discourses of good living from 1992 to 2016. To document these subjects, we have done an intense bibliographic search, applying recursive bibliography technique and filtering the results through cross references technique. In addition, once we have located the main intellectual referents on this topic, we have reviewed their main contributions. We have supplemented this collection of information by semi-structured interviews to ten specialists in good living. We have analyzed this information through qualitative research techniques (some post-rationalist); we have grouped concepts into analytical categories; we have builds cognitive maps; we have done analysis of gray literature content; we have identified epistemological frameworks; we have done synthetic analysis of contents; we have make normative proposals; we have deconstructed concepts; and we have done genealogy of concepts. We can summary these papers of in seven conclusions. The first is that thought school and cultural framework establishes the position of each author regarding the six open debates on good living (meaning, translation, origin, worldview, relationship with development, and future). The second is that thought schools about good living correspond to three different epistemological frameworks, the Andean worldview, modernity and post-modernity. The third is that sumak kawsay is a social phenomenon existing in the Ecuadorian Amazonian indigenous communities (Kichwa\ Achuar and Shuar), beyond other existences and that its diffusion brought the concept to the Constitutions of Ecuador and Bolivia. The fourth is tnat four worldviews coexist in the twenty-first century (pre-modernity, modernity, post-modernity, and trans-modernity), each with its own paradigm of well-being (subsistence, development, post-development, and trans-development), and that within trans-development there are two large groups of trans-modern contributions to Development Studies (degrowth and good living). The fifth is that we can understand Latin American good living, synthetically defined as a way of life in harmony with oneself (identity), with society (equity) and with nature (sustainability), as a proposal for the transformation of Latin American systems to create a pluri-national, post-capitalist and bio-centric society. The sixth is that good living has many different intellectual influences, among which we can highlight socialism of the 21st century, social and solidarity economy, community economy, post-extractivism, degrowth, deep ecology, sumak kawsay - suma qamana - allin kawsay, Andean worldview, post-development and coloniality, amoncj others. In addition, the seventh is that the indigenous movement, the government and Alianza PAIS, and other alternative social movements of have interpreted good living in a fake way in Ecuador from 2007 to 2016.
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Earlier this month, Democratic Texas congressman Henry Cuellar was indicted by the U.S. Department of Justice on charges of "bribery, unlawful foreign influence, and money laundering." The accusations revolve around a set of deals in which Cuellar allegedly accepted money from a state-owned Azerbaijani oil company and a Mexican bank in exchange for an agreement to push U.S. foreign policy in their favor.As concerning as this may be, it's not even the first such indictment against a sitting member of Congress this year. In March, Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) received a superseding indictment which expands further upon earlier accusations that the former Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman took bribes to advocate on behalf of the Egyptian and Qatari governments. These cases make it clear that foreign bribery, in which representatives of one country pay money to manipulate the representatives of another, is still a serious problem in the United States. As the world's most powerful and interventionist nation, no other government has more influence over the rest of the world's affairs — influence which can be bought. The recent charges against Rep. Cuellar and Sen. Mendendez show how significant of a problem bribery and undue influence has been for the U.S. congress, while also drawing attention to the ongoing efforts to prevent this corruption from continuing.Bribes offered in exchange for political favors are nothing new in Congress. The first congressional bribery investigation on record took place in 1854, when a lobbyist attempted to bribe members of Congress into extending the patent for the Colt revolver handgun. The question of bribery across borders, however, did not receive much attention in Congress until fairly recently. Concerns about foreign bribery emerged most forcefully in the mid-1970s as a result of the Watergate investigation and the Church Committee, which investigated abuses by U.S. intelligence agencies. These investigations identified slush funds run by large companies that could be used for illegal political donations and undisclosed foreign payments, including several U.S.-based corporations with overseas operations. In the words of then-committee chairman Sen. Frank Church (D-Ida.), the Church Committee was "concerned with the foreign policy consequences of these payments by U.S.-based multinational corporations… It is no longer sufficient to simply sigh and say that is the way business is done. It is time to treat the issue for what it is: a serious foreign policy problem."There are two types of foreign bribery: attempts by foreign figures to bribe U.S. officials, and attempts by U.S. figures to bribe foreign officials. The Church Committee began by looking into the latter, focusing on political contributions that U.S.-based oil and defense companies had made abroad. What they found was shocking: oil companies were funding politicians in South Korea and Italy; Northrop was paying off a Saudi general; and Lockheed spent millions on bribes to foreign officials in Japan, the Netherlands, Indonesia, and more. Lockheed even sought to claim tax deductions for its bribes, a practice which was legal until 1975.These and other revelations caused major scandals abroad. Congress was rattled by the way that some countries reacted to the corruption, including the Peruvian government's expropriation of assets belonging to a corrupt U.S. oil company. Combined with the American public's disgust towards the corruption of the Watergate scandal, conditions were ripe for serious reform. In 1977, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) was signed into law, making it illegal for U.S. citizens to bribe foreign officials. Until this rule was turned into a treaty 20 years later, the U.S. was alone in the world in adopting this form of anti-corruption policy.For much of the U.S.'s history, political corruption was both common and partially normalized, explained away as a necessity to achieve political and business goals. When a corrupt middleman helping U.S. weapons companies make deals in Saudi Arabia explained his role to Pentagon officials in 1973, one official present described the activities as "an inexpensive economic aid program." It was the fallout from Watergate and the Church Committee that turned bribery into a proper taboo. This sharp cultural change caught some off guard: one key Lockheed executive who was ejected from the company due to the bribery scandal complained that "all of a sudden, there's a different set of standards… I looked at these payments as necessary to sell a product. I never felt I was doing anything wrong." The public's attention next turned to the flip side of foreign bribery: foreign representatives paying off U.S. officials. While the FCPA criminalized foreign bribery committed by U.S. citizens, it did not fully criminalize foreign bribery aimed at U.S. citizens. New investigations into bribes directed at members of the U.S. congress helped to demonstrate the scale of this issue.In the "Koreagate" scandal of the late 1970s, a well-connected South Korean businessman offered bribes to U.S. members of Congress in exchange for favorable treatment of the nation's dictatorship. Many lawmakers were implicated, and one was sent to jail. Congress launched investigations into alleged bribery campaigns by Iranian and South African officials in 1979 and 1980, respectively, but ultimately found "no evidence of intentional misconduct." Little did they know that something much larger was brewing beneath the surface.In 1980, NBC News revealed that the Federal Bureau of Investigation had conducted a large-scale sting operation against corrupt politicians. "Abscam," short for "Arab scam," involved FBI agents posing as the agents of a wealthy Middle Eastern sheikh and offering bribes to seven members of Congress, all of whom were eventually convicted. This investigation, controversial for the use of tactics which many might consider entrapment, formed the basis of the 2013 comedy film "American Hustle."Abscam was the last major entry in this burst of investigations, but new scandals continued to emerge over the years. After congressman Jay Kim (R-Cal.) narrowly won his 1992 reelection campaign, it was revealed that more than a third of his campaign contributions were illegal, including money with its origins in South Korea and Taiwan. Five years later, Rep. Corrine Brown (D-Fla.) pressured Turkemenistan's ambassador to the U.S. on behalf of a Florida-based company seeking a natural gas deal with the country; the same company had previously paid for her trips overseas. She also was accused of accepting a car from a Malian businessman as a gift for her daughter.The next large scandal came in the form of congressman William J. Jefferson (D-La.), who was convicted of a litany of crimes in 2009. Jefferson accepted large bribes from U.S. companies in exchange for promoting their business interests across western Africa. He was finally caught after accepting a $100,000 cash bribe from a woman who instructed him to pass it on to the vice president of Nigeria. What he didn't know was that the woman was an FBI asset wearing a wire; the Bureau raided his Capitol Hill apartment days later.These issues have continued into the 2020s, even before the bombshell indictments of Rep. Cuellar and Sen. Menendez. In 2022, congressman Jeff Fortenberry (R-Neb.) was convicted of lying to the FBI about illegal campaign money which originated from a Nigerian billionaire. His conviction was later reversed on technical grounds, but new charges were filed against him earlier this month.Recent efforts have helped to strengthen U.S. laws against foreign bribery. President Biden signed the Foreign Extortion Prevention Act into law late last year, making it illegal for foreign officials to demand or accept bribes from U.S. citizens. This reform directly addresses the "demand side" of the bribery issue which the FCPA left untouched. In addition, the Securities and Exchange Commission has stepped up its enforcement of the FCPA ever since creating a "specialized unit" to enforce the law in 2010. However, there is more that can be done to strengthen the law. For example, Congress could repeal the 1988 amendment to the law which creates an exception for "facilitating or expediting payments."Other reforms can help in fighting corruption. Congressional ethics committees need to be strengthened in order to identify and address ethics violations more quickly. Stronger enforcement of the Foreign Agents Registration Act could make it harder for middlemen acting as agents of foreign governments to hide in the shadows.Members of Congress must also have a zero tolerance policy for their colleagues who are caught engaging in foreign bribery. Senator Menendez has already faced calls for resignation from the majority of senators from his own party; although he gave up his leadership role on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he continues to cling to office. Rep. Cuellar, on the other hand, has faced little opposition from his Democratic colleagues so far.Finally, these scandals should lead Washington to reconsider U.S. foreign policy more generally. The United States frequently intervenes in the affairs of other nations, even in contexts where it makes little sense. Members of Congress can use this global reach to line their own pockets; simultaneously, this same power makes them prime targets for foreign interests who wish to manipulate the way that the United States interacts with the rest of the world. A foreign policy that turns away from coercive interventionism while still encouraging international cooperation would provide fewer opportunities for foreign bribery to occur in the first place.U.S. foreign policy should be dictated by the interests of the American people, not the personal financial interests of politicians, wealthy businessmen, and foreign governments. The cases of Rep. Cuellar and Sen. Menendez are only the most recent in a substantial history of such behavior. To fix U.S. foreign policy, we need to clean up Congress and put an end to foreign bribery.
El mitoSiempre que hablemos de secularismo (o secularización) o laicidad, no es posible escribir sobre la cuestión sin hacer referencia a la crítica recurrente que alimenta el debate; a saber, que la neutralidad entre las esferas pública y privada (y particularmente en el caso de la laicidad) tan sólo sería oficial, pero que en la práctica esta neutralidad no sería más que una ficción ya que el Estado privilegiaría la religión históricamente dominante o, como hemos discutido previamente, favorecería los valores morales seculares por sobre los valores religiosos.En referencia a los Estados Unidos, país que reconoce su voluntad secular en la primera enmienda de su Constitución1, Bader (1999: 603) relata la particularidad del secularismo estadounidense "The legal prohibition of the establishment of a national church had little effect on the political, social, and cultural or symbolic power of de facto establish Protestant Christianity" y un poco más lejos (1999: 605): "Strict neutrality reproduces impossible fictions and ignores the patterns of co-operation between church and state created by our history of civic piety and the expanding regulatory role of the welfare state". La separación secular no podría entonces ignorar el desarrollo conjunto de los vínculos históricos tejidos entre la Iglesia y las instituciones públicas. Al mismo tiempo, la cuestión es saber cuál es el límite en el apoyo a la religión mayoritaria o dominante y en qué medida el reconocimiento de esta diferencia no se transforma en discriminatorio hacia las religiones minoritarias. Para Bader, un sistema justo sería el de rechazar las nociones de separación total y de confinamiento al ámbito privado de los argumentos religiosos, ya que esto no haría más que acentuar las diferencias de trato entre las minorías y la religión dominante (visto que ésta se encuentra intrínsecamente incorporada en los valores sociales y en el sistema político y jurídico). La solución, compleja, obligaría a tomar en cuenta las desigualdades entre la religión mayoritaria y las minoritarias y a desarrollar e implementar políticas destinadas a colmatar esas desigualdades estructurales. Pero, en este aspecto, parece claro que ya no estamos hablando de secularismo, y aún menos de laicidad. El reconocimiento de las desigualdades y la acción pública pueden producir un efecto perverso, donde, en lugar de asegurar la igualdad o la neutralidad, la multiplicación de excepciones religiosas conduciría a reposicionar la religión y lo sagrado en el centro de la acción pública. La ventaja de la laicidad constitucional es que tiene el cometido de evitar este rompecabezas identitario.No obstante lo antes expuesto, el poder político a menudo padece las peores dificultades para asegurar los principios de laicidad, siendo presa por momentos de agendas políticas particulares. Por ejemplo, cuando el presidente de la República Francesa Nicolas Sarkozy subraya y reafirma públicamente las raíces cristianas de Francia (de manera similar a lo que acontece en el discurso político en los Estados Unidos), con un trasfondo de debate sobre el Islam y de identidad nacional, ataca abiertamente los principios republicanos y laicos. Independientemente de la concepción de laicidad que se adopte, de neutralidad, de autonomía o de comunidad, ninguna sale ilesa de un tal ataque. La neutralidad del Estado no sería ya por lo tanto asegurada si éste reconoce abiertamente los vínculos indivisibles que unen al país y a la nación con una religión particular (la católica en el caso francés o uruguayo hasta la Constitución de 1918). La obligación de asegurar la autonomía y el libre albedrío individual sufriría si se favorece una concepción del mundo basada en valores cristianos con respecto a otros valores, sean estos religiosos o no. En definitiva, el vínculo comunitario supremo, definido como la pertenencia a la república, se resquebrajaría si se reconoce una lealtad alternativa hacia los valores de la iglesia católica. Asimismo, esto abriría las puertas a todos los particularismos, a todas las religiones y creencias minoritarias basándose en la exigencia (justificada) del tratamiento igualitario (aunque este tratamiento igualitario quedaría lógicamente invalidado de facto por el abandono de la laicidad de Estado al promover abiertamente un vínculo histórico, religioso y cultural, primigenio). Si el principio cardinal sigue siendo el respeto de los valores republicanos para asegurar la igualdad ante la ley, entonces comentarios de esta índole anuncian un retroceso histórico en la construcción republicana -y laica- de un estado como Francia. Otra lectura de este asunto consistiría en reconocer que esta polémica ejemplifica las dificultades inherentes de cohabitación e integración de las sociedades multiculturales.Si consideramos que la laicización fue un proceso que históricamente se llevó adelante en sociedades relativamente homogéneas, la afluencia de nuevas poblaciones sobre una estructura socio-cultural y política ya establecida no podía más que provocar tensiones. Si Francia conoció dos grandes olas de laicización (de combate y de Estado), una en 1880 y una a partir de 1905, podríamos pensar que se encuentra actualmente en una tercera ola de laicización en respuesta a la inmigración masiva africana a partir de los años 60. Esto implica que la laicización, a diferencia del secularismo, obliga al Estado y a las instituciones públicas a realizar un esfuerzo permanente de educación y transmisión de estos valores. El secularismo, si debemos creer lo que dice Kucuradi (1998), al estipular lo que está permitido, mas no lo que está prohibido, está más abierto al pluralismo en la esfera pública.En referencia a esta relación entre Iglesia y Estado, en particular en los Estados seculares donde existe una iglesia oficial o de Estado, principalmente en Europa del norte (donde por ejemplo los obispos son designados por el jede de Estado), Ferrari (2005: 12) presenta una explicación para esta fusión de géneros: "In these countries the autonomy of religious denominations is also increasingly considered a necessary consequence of the principle of collective religious freedom and therefore a limit exists before which the authority of the state has to stop". El Estado reconocería entonces, en estas sociedades seculares, los límites impuestos a su alcance debido a la necesidad de asegurar la libertad de culto y la autonomía de las instituciones religiosas.DiscusiónPor lo antes expuesto, es posible afirmar que ni el secularismo ni la laicidad se imponen como conceptos fácilmente abordables y claramente diferenciados. Lo que es aún más importante es que ambos son blanco de críticas y de crecientes ataques, dogmáticos o racionales, por parte de aquellos que defienden sociedades multiculturales y pluralistas. Esto es aún más evidente en el caso de la laicidad "a la francesa", a menudo percibida (de manera incorrecta a mi entender) como un esfuerzo político de uniformización y sofocamiento de las diferencias culturales. Conviene por lo tanto, en esta última sección, discutir algunas de las críticas dirigidas a estos dos conceptos e incorporar una última noción en un intento de síntesis: el pluralismo.Una crítica importante concierne directamente a la tesis de la secularización y el rol de la religión en las sociedades modernas. Según esta contra-tesis, denominada de transformación "religion has not so much vanished as rather evolved and adapted itself in novel ways to the requirements of post-industrial society" (Dallmayr , 1999:719). El vínculo causal y mecánico entre modernización y secularización no estaría tan fuertemente correlacionado como argumentan los defensores de la tesis de la secularización. Esta idea es ahora defendida por Peter Berger, quien se retractó en parte de su defensa inicial de la tesis de la secularización: "…by the late 70s or early 80, most, but not all sociologist of religion came to agree that the original secularization thesis was untenable in its basic form…today you cannot plausibly maintain that modernity necessarily leads to secularization : it may. And it does in certain parts of the world among certain groups of people, but not necessarily"2El "resurgimiento" de la religión en el plano nacional e internacional parece haber sido producto del fin de la guerra fría, cuando nuevas formas de pertenencia y de autodeterminación eran más que nunca necesarias, aunque no fuese más que para poder diferenciar entre lo propio y lo ajeno, entre lo nacional y lo extranjero, entre nosotros y ellos. Bajo esta perspectiva, el secularismo y las fuerzas laicas sufren los ataques de los movimientos que defienden el regreso de lo religioso al centro del debate público, político y social, mientras que el fenómeno contrario, a saber: la secularización de sociedades religiosas, en particular en el mundo musulmán, no parece imponerse ni como una evidencia ni como un modelo de gestión político ni de integración cultural exitoso. Los resultados de la "Primavera árabe" así lo demuestran, con un movimiento que se inició desde una perspectiva de contestación liberal y terminó con un violento "retour de flamme" reaccionario, identitario, intolerante y antidemocrático. Y es precisamente para evitar estas derivas peligrosas y reaccionarias y garantizar la tolerancia y la libertad de culto que un Estado secular (si no laico) es necesario. Como lo expone An Na´im (2008: 23): "It is precisely because notions of self and the other, as well as the meanings of values and construction of cultural memories, are all open to contestation and reformulation that I emphasize the critical importance of safeguarding the space in which that process can take place. The fact that proponents of the dominant interpretations of the presumed or perceived aspects of cultural or religious identity would represent them as the only authentic or legitimate positions of the culture on a given issue simply emphasizes the importance of ensuring every possibility for dissent and freedom to assert alternative views or practices". De acuerdo a esta visión, si quisiéramos aceptar las diferencias culturales e históricas, entonces sería necesario reflexionar en términos de una sociedad pluralista.En su cambio de opinión, Berger reconoce que la modernidad conduciría finalmente al pluralismo (y no al secularismo), definiendo el pluralismo como: "…the coexistence in the society of different worldviews and value systems under conditions of civic peace and under conditions where people interact with each other"3. Es innegable que esto introduce un cambio radical, ya que la multiplicidad de culturas y religiones puede conducir a opciones no seculares, sino religiosas, como las motivadas por los movimientos fundamentalistas. Vemos entonces que las sociedades pluralistas no cohabitan particularmente bien con el secularismo y peor aún con la laicidad constitucional. Estas fuerzas pueden conducir, si no se encuentran subordinas a un orden normativo común (jurídico y social), a la implosión y a la fragmentación social. Para evitar esto, Bader (2003: 206) delimita una serie de principios destinados a incorporar la religión, de manera práctica y no-conflictiva, ya que, considera el autor, la religión no está en retroceso en las democracias occidentales, a pesar de su defensa de los principios seculares, ni totalmente limitada a la esfera privada.El primer principio es el de prioridad a la democracia, que estipula que los principios constitucionales y la moralidad pública deben primar y excluir todas las prácticas culturales incompatibles con los principios democráticos. El segundo principio, de neutralidad relacional, se inscribe como crítica a la neutralidad estricta y formal, que ignoraría las realidades sociales, legales o económicas. En lo que concierne a la diversidad cultural y religiosa, Bader sostiene que la neutralidad absoluta del Estado no sólo es imposible, sino que también es indeseable. La eliminación de las referencias culturales e ideológicas del debate público no contribuirá a reducir los conflictos y las tensiones religiosas o ideológicas. Sería necesario, en lugar de negar el debate, aceptar, de manera justa, los diferentes particularismos y las diversas dimensiones culturales y religiosas. En relación a esta idea de justicia, Carens (1997: 818) propone que la justicia no reside en el trato igualitario, sino el trato equitativo: "Now being fair does not mean that every cultural claim…will be given equal weight, but rather that each will be given appropriate weight under the circumstances and given a commitment to equal respect for all". Las preguntas fundamentales a hacernos entonces son ¿quién será responsable de realizar esa valoración, de realizar ese ajuste entre lo que es justo y lo que es equitativo? ¿Quién será el encargado de valorar de manera justa lo que es equitativo? ¿Quién asegurará la construcción de ese orden moral y religioso, donde cada cultura y religión tendrá el lugar (¿qué lugar?) que le otorga el derecho (¿qué derecho?)? ¿Cómo prevenir que las fuerzas que se beneficiarán de tal poder de justicia no sucumbirán a la tentación de establecer o favorecer sus propias preferencias, bajo el impulso de una agenda privada o bajo la presión de grupos de interés?El debate no se limita, es cierto, a una visión maniquea que opondría posturas filosóficas u ontológicas diferentes, a una lucha entre de un lado las fuerzas seculares o laicas y del otro las construcciones pluralistas que militarían a favor de la inclusión y reconocimiento de las diversas particularidades culturales y religiosas. Sería incorrecto, y peligroso, pensar que el secularismo o la laicidad no reconocen la existencia de una sociedad plural. Pero, la primer diferencia, en particular en el secularismo, es que el Estado no se otorga el derecho de elegir y determinar los valores y la razón de ser de estos diferentes particularismos, sino que no hace más que asegurar la libertad de culto, sin favorecer una religión sobre otra. Aceptar las diferencias y, aún más importante, categorizar dichas diferencias, implica introducir una parte de arbitrariedad y parcialidad en toda elección. Es el riesgo de introducir una visión sesgada, ya sea por razones históricas, sociológicas, económicas o sencillamente por la ignorancia del otro y su cultura.Para concluir, en todo debate sobre el secularismo, la laicidad o el pluralismo, no debe olvidarse que la tolerancia es una virtud, pero también un límite, ya que reconoce la diferencia y fija los límites de lo que es aceptable (tolerable) y lo que no lo es. Como bien explica Habermas: "…toleration must circumscribe the range of behavior everybody must accept, thereby drawing a line for what cannot be tolerated…And as long as this line is drawn in an authoritarian manner, that is, unilaterally, the stigma of arbitrary exclusion remains inscribed in toleration" , y sobre la relación entre tolerante y tolerado: "the act of tolerance retains an element of an act of mercy or of doing a favor. One party allows the other a certain amount of deviation from normality under one condition: that the tolerated minority does not overstep the threshold of tolerance" (en Thomassen, 2006: 440). El problema de reconocer la diferencia, es que siempre hay uno que reconoce y otro que es reconocido. Al menos la laicidad republicana, a pesar de todas sus críticas, evita ese problema, ya que por principio somos todos iguales antes de ser diferentes. 1- 1era enmienda de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances".2- An Interview with Peter Berger, por Charles T. Mathewes. Disponible en : http://iasc-culture.org/THR/archives/AfterSecularization/8.12PBerger.pdf.3- An Interview with Peter Berger. Pág. 2. *Este artículo fue presentado en la 5° sesión el Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2014, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay.*Germán Clulow es Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales por la Universidad ORT –Uruguay, Master en Ciencia Política por la Université de Genève – Suiza, y Master en Estudios de Desarrollo por el Instituto de Altos Estudios Internacionales y de Desarrollo (IHEID-The Graduate Institute) Ginebra, Suiza