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Political education means preparing citizens to accept social roles and perform political duties in society. Wise political education is one of the educational models that is rooted in the philosophical tradition of ancient Greece and has been considered by thinkers in different historical periods. In this educational model, the institutionalization of political and social values and norms is followed in three individual, family and social areas of education. In this process, the physical and mental education of individuals begins from childhood and they are taught political and social skills and awareness on the path to development. Teaching moral virtues and avoiding moral vices is the basis of wise political education. The institution of the family has the task of institutionalizing values and norms such as love, affection, courage, friendship, cooperation and rule of law in children. And in the process, individuals are prepared to accept and play political and social roles. ; La educación política significa preparar a los ciudadanos para que acepten los roles sociales y desempeñen los deberes políticos en la sociedad. La educación política sabia es uno de los modelos educativos que hunde sus raíces en la tradición filosófica de la antigua Grecia y ha sido considerada por pensadores de diferentes periodos históricos. En este modelo educativo se sigue la institucionalización de los valores y normas políticas y sociales en tres ámbitos de la educación: individual, familiar y social. En este proceso, la educación física y mental de los individuos comienza desde la infancia y se les enseña las habilidades y la conciencia política y social en el camino del desarrollo. Enseñar las virtudes morales y evitar los vicios morales es la base de una sabia educación política. La institución de la familia tiene la tarea de institucionalizar en los niños valores y normas como el amor, el afecto, el valor, la amistad, la cooperación y el imperio de la ley. Y en el proceso, los individuos están preparados para aceptar y ...

In the age of globalization, policy texts in, inter alia, the European Union emphasize the value and importance of enabling human beings to render themselves not merely flexible, movable, employable, and competitive as citizens on the market in knowledge-based societies, but also loyal and morally committed to European Union citizenship through education. It has also become common to stress -- for example, in policy texts issued by the United Nation and OECD -- the importance of enabling human beings to cultivate their creative capacity through education in order to promote economic growth in the world. However, these policy texts do not necessarily emphasize the need and value of enabling students to become cosmopolitan citizens in, inter alia, moral educational terms. On the contrary, there is a lack of focus on responding responsibly to the challenges we face in terms of globalization from a cosmopolitan perspective. The response to globalization in policy texts is, or at least seems to be, to educate people chiefly for the job market, promoting economic growth and creating the conditions for education, including teacher education, so that students render themselves efficacious, flexible, movable and creative on the job market within policy defined territories. However, how students should be educated as cosmopolitan beings on earth in imaginative, reflective, critical and moral terms in societies at large is not clear. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to develop an analytical framework for understanding the context in which a process of de-professionalisation exists within an employment culture dominated by capitalism, globalisation and inequality. It specifically focuses upon experiences arising in health, social care and education sectors typifying that found within the British Welfare State during late modernity. Different theoretical definitions are presented to introduce an argument for a multi-dimensional approach. For example de-professionalisation may cover the removal from professional control, influence, manipulation or a destabilisation of a conventional mode of professionalisation and professional ties. Alternatively it may embody causation to appear unprofessional; or to discredit or deprive of professional status; also privately may be experienced as a weakening of status, respect or tendency away from a position of strength or equal status and be associated with measures for lessening the need for specialist knowledge and expertise. This analysis is based on a review of recent policy and practice evidence to support the notion that de-professionalisation may be defined through a lens of 'cuts to services' and job insecurity. It includes a case study covering the strike by NHS junior doctors which it is argued has had an impact on the image of 'doctors as professionals', resulting in a potential loss of public trust. De-professionalisation may be defined by financial cuts to staff training and through critiquing models of current training; or by a lowering of morale, a demoralisation or pervasive denigration of the workforce. Lastly this process may be considered as an outcome of low productivity in the workplace where a rise in low-skilled jobs becomes blamed for static wages. Increases in productivity come about as a result of deploying better raw materials, better trained or educated labour or better machines. Ordinary workers seem to have enjoyed few of the benefits of economic growth. Keywords: ideological roots of de-professionalisation; neo-liberalism, Taylorism/Post-Fordism; health, social care and education providers; service cutbacks; reductions in training; workforce morale and productivity

When thinking about the purpose of the university, we often think about such things as knowledge, critical thinking, new ideas, rigorous science, scholarly development, and recently also employability, productivity, and academic citizenship. However, the future university might carry an equally important, but perhaps more disturbing purpose within it – that of resistance, transgression, and otherness. In other words, the purpose of the university might be the ability and will to push against standardization of education and thinking, to make room for different people and voices, to embrace otherness, strangeness and things that seem intelligible and of no use at first glance. But nurturing this not-yet-ness of our thinking, doing and being is at the heart of the university, partially through an insistence on careful listening to and for otherness, on creating room for seeming non-sense, and on revolting against limiting or oppressing hegemonies. In On Resistance: A philosophy of Defiance (2013) Howard Caygill calls attention to the importance of resisting and defying the urge for conformity, appropriation and consistency within every system of power. This is however not easily done as Henry Jenks points out in Transgression (2003), given that the 'systematization' and 'ordering' of thinking going on in institutions such as the university, pushes back and demands loyalty, agreement and shared 'norms' and 'values'. In a productive struggle between revolt and systematization in thinking at the university new ideas, innovative viewpoints and radical advances are nurtured. Unfortunately, looking across the higher education landscape today resistance and defiance are often suppressed as unproductive or even dangerous by the university itself. The university has become afraid and concerned with its own financial and political survival and, thus, absorbed in delivering clear comprehensible and evident proofs of its worth to society. In the face of neoliberalism and the political endorsement of the 'Mode 2-university' we might ask what is the fate of the future university and the people within it when an anxious university eradicates its places of resistance and spaces of transgression? What happens when room for and tolerance with revolting thinking, wicked ideas and transgressive actions is diminishing? Is there any hope for the university to offer itself as an open ethical room for staff and students living there in ways that are welcoming to the Other and resistant to the conformity of the Same (Levinas, 1999)? Importantly, here, resistance and transgression does not entail a breaking down or demolition of the university, knowledge or HE practice, but rather, an acknowledgement and insistence on the inclusion of other forms, voices, and rooms for thinking. Consequently, boundaries are needed to ensure ethical and meaningful education – the purpose of HE is also an insistence on universal ethical imperatives and academic virtues as Nixon attests in Towards the Virtuous University: The moral bases of academic practice (2008). Transgressive thinking and defiant behavior in HE does not deny limits or boundaries, rather it engages them through dialogue to complete them. As such, transgression is not the same as disorder, and resistance not the same as riot, but the insistence on breaking into new territory, on caring for otherness, and on revolting against marginalization and exclusion of thinking into comfortable familiarity (Jenks, 2003). Thus, the university creating places of resistance and spaces for transgression, is also the university that dares to insist on being an ethical, caring and democratic university. For the future university to keep on thinking, it must include and embrace unsettled and heterotopic spaces for transgression and caring places for resistance in the form of revolt as 'a commitment to freedom' and 'an invitation to alterity' (Jenks, 2003). It is a purposeful offering of places and spaces where people can gather, experiment, explore, and think in radical democratic ways along the lines described by Jacques Ranciére's Hatred of Democracy (2005). Taken together, such a conceptualization of the purpose of the university is an invitation for staff and students to dare to be thinking on the other side of the known through reinserting possibilities for revolt, in a dissident thinking that haunts established knowledge hegemonies, constantly unsettling the already settled (Kristeva, 1996). In this view, the university must establish itself as vibrant matter that never allows thinking to sediment or become instrumental tools in the service of society. Here, the university must reclaim itself as a place of resistance and a space for transgression – as what Kristeva (1998) calls a 'space of life' that comes into being as an affectionate place through allowing and embracing defiance and revolt. Such a notion of the purpose of the university entails a university capable of defiance and able to resist the pressure for uniformity and consensus-seeking in thinking. It is a purposeful university unafraid and daring and insisting on staying polyphonic and heterotopic in both mood and mode. Even when its rationale, purpose, and worth is questioned as intelligible, valuable, viable, or reasonable it will strive to foster and promote Otherness of both knowing, doing, and being through nurturing and harboring what Kristeva (1998) and Peters (2016) call dissident thought. That is, thinking that aims at critical questioning, unruly subversion and transgression of hegemonies. Explicating the purpose of the university through the lens of a philosophy of resistance and transgression, we see the place of the future university as a place for vibrant and vital defiance and as offering spaces of revolting and revolutionary disturbance. It is, however, not a violent or belligerent university as some of the narrower understandings of transgression, revolt and resistance might suggest – but a call for a university of care and affection for the Other and seemingly non-sensical. The future university rises from the mongrel collective, the polyphonic voice, the heterotopic space, and the ethical transgression. It is not the sole virtuous trumpet calling the world but rather a cacophony of torn trumpets singing the ethical song of revolting Otherness. Can such a howl of torn trumpets make itself heard in a world overcome with trumpism, neoliberalism, fake news and the alt-right? Is there any place and space for the university to be defiant through insisting on doing philosophy through embracing Otherness? And can the future university simultaneously be a non-violent, affectionate, and caring place of resistance and space for transgression without losing its dangerousness, disorderliness, and disobedience? This paper offers thinking on what a future university that promotes places of resistance and spaces of transgression might bring about as it contests the lazy, marketable, useful university that has accidently dulled its own thinking through becoming opportunistic, utilitarian, and afraid of its own future.

The study of the phenomenon of the Motorcycle Gang known as Klithih in Yogyakarta at this time is very important and urgent to conduct in order to find various shifts in moral and religious values experienced by adolescents who are members of the Klithih Gang, especially from the perspective of social and religious studies. Thus, this research is expected to provide a solution, especially for the Yogyakarta local government, to overcome various motorcycle gang behavior models, mostly carried out by the school-age youth community. The differences between the previous study and this study are; First, this research focused on the Motorcycle Gang case in Yogyakarta, which has not been studied much by other researchers. Second, this study used a qualitative approach with a phenomenological framework to get a deeper picture of the motor gang involvement process in social and educational aspects. Third, the research locus was in the city of Yogyakarta. Fourth, this study used a combined theoretical conception of social theory and moral values to analyze the interpretation of the research results. The findings of this study are described as follows. First, the Motorcycle Gang's behavior occurs because of the failure to internalize moral and religious education in the family. Psychological and physical violence that occurs in the families of motorcycle gang perpetrators affects children's brain and psychological development. The condition of the two parents who experienced a divorce (broken home) made the children feel traumatized, so they look for an environment that accepts them outside. Second, the influence of their friendly environment is very dominant in triggering teenagers to join the Motor Gang group. Third, the community's social and religious lack control in preventing activities of Motorcycle Gangs around their places of residence. Fourth, students or alumni who are involved in the Motorcycle Gang network indicated a lack of preventive action from schools. Fifth, the shift in socio-religious values in the Gang Motor community occurred because of an appeal for the Klithih group to get recognition from other Motorcycle Gang groups by showing the level of their mental strength among the Gang members.

International audience ; Nowadays with other internal problems formation of those value-based world outlook issues, activity of state-public-political institutions becomes a priority in Armenia, which can assure nation's spiritual-moral unity, therefore security. Collective monograph "Spiritual-moral problems of the national security concept of the Republic of Armenia" is devoted to the study of above-mentioned issues.The first chapter presents the definitions of "national security", "moral-spiritual security", "value", "value system", "culture", main moral-spiritual values. Main concern is being announced that modern Armenian society is in the phase of loss of spirit and values, which has become a serious threat to nation's moral and spiritual security. Latest and current cultural policy doesn't form a new cultural thinking, new strategy, especially in terms of national security. The second chapter discusses education and science issues, the activity of educational and scientific institutions, intellectuals, public and political structures, church in terms of nation's spiritual and moral security and stipulates that educational system is involved in such processes the results of which are not yet clear. Meanwhile the school and the university are facing serious problems.The university fails in man-specialist-citizen trinity assurance and stopped being the holder of national values. Unfortunately there are no intellectual individuals with high reputation and public recognition, heard by society.Though the presence of sole intellectuals, we have not intellectual group as the face of the nation's intellectual and moral characteristics. Referring to the public and political structures and church's activities in terms of nation's spiritual and moral security, the security, meanwhile today it has become one of the most concerning spheres. During last twenty years also Armenian people faces the social squalor and legal exposure. Despair, national pessimism became dominant trends, which promote the emigration and ...

International audience ; Nowadays with other internal problems formation of those value-based world outlook issues, activity of state-public-political institutions becomes a priority in Armenia, which can assure nation's spiritual-moral unity, therefore security. Collective monograph "Spiritual-moral problems of the national security concept of the Republic of Armenia" is devoted to the study of above-mentioned issues.The first chapter presents the definitions of "national security", "moral-spiritual security", "value", "value system", "culture", main moral-spiritual values. Main concern is being announced that modern Armenian society is in the phase of loss of spirit and values, which has become a serious threat to nation's moral and spiritual security. Latest and current cultural policy doesn't form a new cultural thinking, new strategy, especially in terms of national security. The second chapter discusses education and science issues, the activity of educational and scientific institutions, intellectuals, public and political structures, church in terms of nation's spiritual and moral security and stipulates that educational system is involved in such processes the results of which are not yet clear. Meanwhile the school and the university are facing serious problems.The university fails in man-specialist-citizen trinity assurance and stopped being the holder of national values. Unfortunately there are no intellectual individuals with high reputation and public recognition, heard by society.Though the presence of sole intellectuals, we have not intellectual group as the face of the nation's intellectual and moral characteristics. Referring to the public and political structures and church's activities in terms of nation's spiritual and moral security, the security, meanwhile today it has become one of the most concerning spheres. During last twenty years also Armenian people faces the social squalor and legal exposure. Despair, national pessimism became dominant trends, which promote the emigration and ...

International audience ; Nowadays with other internal problems formation of those value-based world outlook issues, activity of state-public-political institutions becomes a priority in Armenia, which can assure nation's spiritual-moral unity, therefore security. Collective monograph "Spiritual-moral problems of the national security concept of the Republic of Armenia" is devoted to the study of above-mentioned issues.The first chapter presents the definitions of "national security", "moral-spiritual security", "value", "value system", "culture", main moral-spiritual values. Main concern is being announced that modern Armenian society is in the phase of loss of spirit and values, which has become a serious threat to nation's moral and spiritual security. Latest and current cultural policy doesn't form a new cultural thinking, new strategy, especially in terms of national security. The second chapter discusses education and science issues, the activity of educational and scientific institutions, intellectuals, public and political structures, church in terms of nation's spiritual and moral security and stipulates that educational system is involved in such processes the results of which are not yet clear. Meanwhile the school and the university are facing serious problems.The university fails in man-specialist-citizen trinity assurance and stopped being the holder of national values. Unfortunately there are no intellectual individuals with high reputation and public recognition, heard by society.Though the presence of sole intellectuals, we have not intellectual group as the face of the nation's intellectual and moral characteristics. Referring to the public and political structures and church's activities in terms of nation's spiritual and moral security, the security, meanwhile today it has become one of the most concerning spheres. During last twenty years also Armenian people faces the social squalor and legal exposure. Despair, national pessimism became dominant trends, which promote the emigration and ...

Historic and rationalistic methods are for Schiller the only valid to truly understand the humanbeing. The great merit of Schiller was to have broken the subjectivity and the abstract nature of kantian thought and to have dared, under them, trying to catch by the thought the unity and the conciliation as constituent elements of the truth, and trying to artistically accomplish this conception. Schiller well-combines these three faculties of the spirit and offers an image of the whole man. These faculties, in Schiller, are converted in dynamic dialectic entities, those finally are combined in a higher harmony. So with this maybe built a state. Schiller comes to the conclusion that to solve the political question is necessary to passimmediately by the universe of the art because the way of liberty passes through the beauty. ; Schiller se convence que los métodos históricos y racionalistas son los únicos válidos parala auténtica comprensión del hombre. El gran mérito de Schiller radica en haber roto la subjetividad yla naturaleza abstracta del pensamiento kantiano y de haber osado, bajo ellas, intentar agarrar, a travésdel pensamiento, la unidad y la conciliación como elementos constitutivos de la verdad, y de intentarrealizar artísticamente esta concepción. Schiller armonizó las tres facultades del espíritu y ofrecióuna imagen de hombre total. Estas facultades, en Schiller, se convierten en entidades dinámicas, dialécticas,que llegan finalmente a combinarse y a cristalizar en una armonía superior con la que puedanconstituir un estado. Schiller llega a la conclusión que para resolver la cuestión política es necesariopasar de inmediato por el universo del arte puesto que el camino de la libertad pasa por la belleza. Porello, la influencia schilleriana tiene sus más ilustres epígonos en los movimientos contraculturales delsiglo XX y en la estética lúdica.

The article is devoted to explaining the differences between legal educational systems in states with a positivist understanding of law and states where the system of law is based on the natural understanding of law. Law education has a value orientation. The educational process at higher law schools aims not only to transfer information about law but also to involve the student into the legal values. The purpose of law education under the positivist understanding of law is to provide the student with encyclopaedic knowledge of current legislation. The purpose of legal education under the natural understanding of law is the preparation of a critically minded lawyer, who is characterized by devotion to the idea of law and who meets advanced ethical requirements. An important direction for improving law education is the introduction of legal clinical education. ; Стаття присвячена висвітленню відмінностей між правовими освітніми системами в державах із позитивістським розумінням права та державами, де система права базується на природному розумінні права. Юридична освіта має ціннісну спрямованість. Навчальний процес у вищих правничих школах спрямований не лише на передачу інформації про право, а й на залучення студента до правових цінностей. Метою юридичної освіти за позитивістського розуміння права є надання студенту енциклопедичних знань чинного законодавства. Метою юридичної освіти за природного розуміння права є підготовка критично налаштованого юриста, якому властива відданість ідеї права і який відповідає сучасним етичним вимогам. Важливим напрямком вдосконалення юридичної освіти є запровадження юридичної клінічної освіти.

Partiendo de la idea de que la educación ha de ser integral, es decir, que debe atender todos los ámbitos de la persona (en su doble faceta individual y social), este ensayo aborda un aspecto que consideramos clave para el desarrollo de la competencia social y ciudadana: la competencia comunicativa, entendida como promotora de la convivencia en las sociedades democráticas, plurales y multiculturales, como medio para resolver los conflictos interpersonales y de posibilidad de participación ciudadana. En este sentido, partiendo de los recursos de la argumentación, el diálogo y la discusión, se señalan las características metodológicas y las principales técnicas que pueden ser empleadas para su trabajo en el aula. Based on the idea that education must be integral, that is, must address all areas of the person (in his dual role individual and social), this paper addresses a key aspect to consider in developing social and civic competence: communicative competence, understood as a promoter of coexistence in a democratic society, pluralism and multiculturalism, as a means of resolving interpersonal conflicts and the possibility of participation. In this sense, based on the resources of the argument, dialogue and discussion, addressing t

AbstractThe history of American public education has generally been considered as a steady transition from religious and sectarian to secular and pluralist, with the role of science in education increasing as the role of religion decreased. This article examines a conception of the role of religion in education that does not fit this narrative, the "social religion" of theorists of moral and character education in the 1920s. Relying on ideas of religious naturalism and with an orientation toward the practical effects of religious belief, this community of scholars asserted a concept of religion that would allow it to be at the heart of the common school project, uniting all under the common morality of the social good. Influenced both by liberal Protestant humanism and the scientific worldview pervasive in education reform at the time, these character educationists' ideas remind us of the historical contingency of categories like "religious" and of the antiquity of ideas we might classify under the heading of spirituality in American culture.

Purpose. The study aims to translate, culturally adopt and explore psychometric properties of Moral Injury Symptoms Scale – Military Version – Short Form (MISS-M-SF) in civilian population during war. Evidence consistently suggests, that moral injury was common among veterans and active duty military with PTSD symptoms. However, recent findings show that moral injury could occur in civilian population and professional staff, who are at high risk situations. Methods. Teachers and students of Lutsk pedagogical college and teachers (n=111) from the program "State Support of Teachers during the War" were recruited via State Education Quality Assurance Service and participated in the study during 26 April-15 May 2022, mean age is 21,93±8.58, representatives of Volyn, Lviv and Rivne oblasts. The study applies the guidelines of WHO for translation and cultural adaptation of psychodiagnostic instruments and follows four stages, namely direct translation (3 translators, who are familiar with psychological terminology), group of experts for back translation (2 translators), pre-testing and cognitive interview, and the final version. Results. Reliability was assessed through the internal consistency using Cronbach's α= .70 (n = 111), and the test–retest reliability in 8 days, r=.67, p≤.01 (n=32). The study assesses discriminant validity of MISS-M-SF through association with PCL-5, which is r=.04 and MISS-M-SF through association with GAD-7, which is r=.07, p≥.05. Convergent validity is expressed by the correlation of MISS-M-SF and other measures of emotional distress, namely PQH (r=.28 p≤.05). Construct validity is in the range of 0,45-0,71. Descriptive statistics were performed to describe average and median scores, standard deviations (SD), and ranges on the MISS-M-SF and its individual items for which IBM SPSS Statistics, version 22, was used. Conclusions. The obtained results indicate the cultural appropriateness and psychometric properties of MISS-M-SF, which allow to assess moral injury in civilian population during ...

In "Challenging Freedom: Neoliberalism and the Erosion of Democratic Education," the author suggests that the presumed decline of democratic learning in public schooling follows from two primary forces: (a) the metaphysical implications of Cartesian psychophysical dualism that support an ontological understanding of the self as distinct from social influence and (b) a corresponding concept of freedom emerging from this ontology that exonerates individuals from any meaningful level of social moral responsibility. Although we agree in large part with the general argument advanced in the essay, there are some theoretical and historical gaps that we attempt to bridge in this response. We initially entertain the author's proposed relationship between Cartesian ontology and the neoliberal conception of freedom. We then consider whether this understanding of freedom is coherent with a political commitment to democracy. Next, we expand on the article's discussion of the relationship between democracy and education by suggesting that public schools since their inception have served primarily as instruments to disseminate capitalist ideology. Finally, we propose several principles of learning to advance democratic education in schools.

In formal education, the rhetoric of moral values is very common, however, it usually dispenses with an in-depth analysis of their meanings. For this reason, this essay aims to analyze the value of humility and its possible contribution to the pedagogical process. Specifically, from the perspective of intellectuals Max Scheler and Paulo Freire. In this way, it has been recognized that both philosophers associate humility with the act of love and, in turn, by accepting the valuable aspects that transcend the person himself. That is, an antithesis of the pride of moral being and intellectual arrogance. In this sense, this virtue would foster a pedagogical environment consistent with democratic dialogue. ; En la educación formal, la retórica de los valores morales es muy común; sin embargo, suele prescindir de un profundo análisis de sus significados. Este ensayo tiene por objetivo analizar el valor de la humildad y su posible contribución al proceso pedagógico; en concreto, desde la perspectiva de los intelectuales Max Scheler y Paulo Freire. De esta forma, se ha reconocido que ambos filósofos asocian la humildad al acto de amar y, a su vez, al aceptar los aspectos valiosos que trascienden a la propia persona. Es decir, una antítesis del orgullo del ser moral y de la arrogancia intelectual. En este sentido, dicha virtud propiciaría un entorno pedagógico coherente con el diálogo democrático.