Suchergebnisse

Purpose
This study aims to explore how the boundary between science and society can be addressed to support the transformation of higher education towards sustainable development (HESD) in the sense of the whole institution approach. It analyses students' learning experiences in self-led sustainability projects conducted outside formal curricula to highlight their potential contribution to HESD. The students' projects are conceived as learning spaces in "sustainability-oriented ecologies of learning" (Wals, 2020) in which five learning dimensions can be examined.


Design/methodology/approach
Using an iterative, grounded-theory-inspired qualitative approach and sensitising concepts, 13 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted exploring students' learning experiences. Interviews were categorised in MAXQDA and analysed against a literature review.


Findings
Results revealed that students' experiences of non-formal learning in self-led projects triggered deep learning and change agency. Trust, social cohesion, empowerment and self-efficacy were both results and conditions of learning. Students' learnings are classified according to higher education institutions' (HEIs) sustainability agendas, providing systematised insights for HEIs regarding their accommodative, reformative or transformative (Sterling, 2021) path to sustainable development.


Originality/value
The education for sustainable development (ESD) debate focuses mainly on ESD competences in formal settings. Few studies explore students' learnings where formal and non-formal learning meet. This article investigates a space where students interact with different actors from society while remaining rooted in their HEIs. When acting as "change agents" in this hybrid context, students can also become "boundary agents" helping their HEIs move the sustainability agenda forward towards a whole institution approach. Learning from students' learnings is thus proposed as a lever for transformation.

The article discusses in detail thepossibilities for lexicographic description of nonstandard mineral vocabulary, i.e. those names of minerals, colloid minerals, geological materials and related objects and phenomena that do not fall under official international mineralogical terminology.The author is develop-ing a project of an explanatory dictionary based on field materials from the card index on stone vocabulary, toponymy and ethnography (the index is created by the staff of the Department of Russian Language, Gen-eral Linguistics and Verbal Communication, Ural Federal University).The material was collected in2019–2023 during expeditions in the Middle and South Urals. It was gathered through interviews with geologists, stonecutters, jewellers, and other groups of stone lovers. The article describes the advantages of the explana-tory dictionary as the type of dictionary appropriate for the vocabulary in question, explains the objectives of the dictionary and special aspects of material selection, describes the dictionary contents and the structure of dictionary entries, provides sample entries. These are devoted to the following thematic groups: 'low-quality mineral, non-precious mineral', 'imitative, artificial mineral', 'non-productive, barren lode'. Special atten-tion in the dictionary entries is paid to motivational and etymological data. The article appears to be an im-portant contribution to lexicography and to the study of the new, little-explored vocabulary layer. The card index will further be supplemented. It is hoped that the nonstandard mineral vocabulary dictionary will be published and prove to be useful both for specialists (linguists and geologists) and for the general reader, cur-rently having poor access to verified academic information on stone vocabulary.

The article discusses the functioning of accentuators (means of emphasis) in political tele-vision discourse and their core-periphery distinction. Accentuators are defined as language, speech, and non-verbal means that accentuate fragments of speech being the most significant from the author's point of view. An accentuator is recognized as core or peripheral depending on two factors: its being intended for semantic emphasis and the frequency of its use in a specific type of speech. Core accentuators are divided into three groups. The center of the core of the accentuation category includes the most emphasis-targeted and frequent means of emphasis –logical and emphatic sentence stress as well as gestural stress (baton gestures). Less emphasis-targeted core units are represented by lexical-semantic emphasis, hypophora, a performative utter-ance, inversion, an emblematic gesture 'attention', and expressive vocabulary. Core units that are least in-tended for emphasis include lexical repetitions, some modal particles, and adverbs of degree and measure. Peripheral means of emphasis are language, speech, and non-verbal units that are contextual and occasional. They are divided into two groups: the close periphery (introductory and parenthetical constructions, illustra-tive gestures, some modal particles, emblematic gestures, parallel syntax, direct and free indirect speech, some facial expressions, etc.) and the far periphery (comparatives, pauses, interjections, some structures of a complex sentence and supra-phrasal units, etc.). The research reveals some significant regularities in the use of accentuators: there are patterns of compatibility of their certain types; the usage frequency of accentuators depends on functional and semantic types of speech or the personal characteristics of communicants.

The international (non)recognition of governments is a composite macro practice that has grown in visibility in recent years in response to contentious domestic political processes such as coups d'état, revolutions, and civil wars, yet it remains understudied in international relations. Doctrinal debates in international law and foreign policy reveal the normative vacuum and normative competition that have long surrounded this phenomenon, but say little about its specific operation and effects. This article brings together insights from recognition theory and international practice theory, and uses post-2011 Libya as an in-depth case study, drawing on elite interviews with diplomats, international officials, and other practitioners. The aim is to sketch a new research agenda by building a generalizable typology of smaller-scale government recognition micro practices (declaratory, diplomatic, informal engagement, intergovernmental cooperation, and support practices), and uncovering their guiding logics and consequences. I argue that, first, the international (non)recognition of governments is endowed with a distinct generative power, as it produces its own creatures through a range of micro practices that have identity formation and change, material empowerment, political legitimation, and sovereignty line-drawing effects. Secondly, it is geopolitically inevitable, as external actors involved in a country cannot ultimately avoid engaging with territorially grounded domestic political actors. Thirdly, it is not a black-and-white situation, as it involves a broad variety of practices guided by different, often contradictory logics. Finally, international government recognition practices are likely to run into three dilemmas stemming from three tensions: international versus domestic recognition, legitimacy versus effectiveness, and coherence versus inclusivity in conflict mediation.

This paper studies female "singleness", which is defined as the status of being non-married, in the cities of Perm Province. Emphasis is placed on the two largest cities — Perm and Ekaterinburg — compared with the entire urban and rural population. The authors refer to aggregates from the city censuses taken in Perm and Ekaterinburg as well as the national censuses of 1897 and 1926 as the main sources. The study quantitatively analyses women's marital status in relation to age, place of residence, ethno-religious, and social affiliation, and calculates the rate of women who never married and singulate mean age at marriage. During the second half of the nineteenth century, in Perm and Ekaterinburg, the authors observe stability in the marriage structure among the female population. Over 50% of urban women and 33.6% of rural women aged 15 and older were not married: in the group under 30 years old, female "singleness" was determined by the fact that some girls were unable to marry. By the age of 40, a significant part of those "single" women were widows, and in the age group of 40–49, they made up the majority. Divorce was significantly less likely to be the cause of female "singleness" than non-marriage while still fertile. The differences in the level of female "singleness" in the Perm cities were influenced by the in-migration of female servants, whose background was often rooted in the peasant class, and the presence of a large monastery. During the new Soviet reality, renunciation of marriage as a life trajectory became infrequent, while the proportion of divorced people among those "single" increased noticeably.

This article analyses non-calendar Karelian anthroponyms identified in archival documents from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries on the Zaonezhye Peninsula and testifying to the Karelian heritage of this marker for the culture of the Russian North. The analysis draws upon materials of written books, as well as sources of Zaonezhye Volost self-government, which rarely come to the attention of philologists. The sources were compiled on the site with the support of information from residents, consequently, in them, more often than in written books, there are names that used to be found in the national environment. Among them, there are so-called family patronymics and nicknames. At the same time, in accordance with the universal pattern characteristic of nicknames, they reflect the negative characteristics of a person, i.e. laziness, silliness, talkativeness, etc. Many new etymologies of Karelian non-calendar anthroponyms are proposed in the analysis. For etymology, the author extensively uses data of modern Karelian anthroponyms. The value of this anthroponymy is that it significantly expands the fragmentary knowledge of traditional Karelian nouns, especially existing outside Ladoga Karelia. Additionally, it contributes to the reconstruction of the Karelian page in the history of Zaonezhye, as it contains the names of the Karelians who lived there. For the history of the Karelian language, it is significant that in the situation of almost complete absence of Karelian writing dating back to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, this material contains some features of the language of that time, albeit blurred by Russian adaptation. Some structural markers for distinguishing Finnic anthroponyms by their roots are also proposed.

Abstract Purpose: This study aims to measure the religio-spiritual insights of consumers during religious festivals and compare the results considering the stimuli of two advertisements, i.e., religious and irritating advertisements. When the religio-spiritual insights of the consumers are neglected in the designing of a TV advertisement for a religious festival, in particular, it can lead to irritation and affect the consumers' attitude toward advertising. Based on the theory of reasoned action (TRA), the mediating effect of religio-spiritual insights was measured between consumers' attitude toward advertising and independent variables (irritation, credibility, information, good for the economy, and entertainment). Originality/value: This study uses the newly developed instrument of religio-spiritual insights to measure their influence on consumers' attitudes toward advertising and confirms the mediating effect of religio-spiritual insights between the consumers' attitude and other constructs, such as credibility, entertainment, information, irritation, and good for the economy. Design/methodology/approach: Two hundred and fifty-five household consumers were selected using the non-probability convenience sampling techniques to collect the responses using the survey method. Each respondent was asked to fill out two questionnaires after watching the attached stimulus advertisement, i.e., one religious and one irritating advertisement. The partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) approach was used to test the hypothesis based on the bootstrapping test. Findings: The results show that religio-spiritual insights significantly mediate attitude toward advertising and other constructs when there was a religious advertisement that depicted religious cues, symbols, and visuals. Contrarily, a non-significant effect of irritation was identified on religio-spiritual insights when there was an irritating advertisement.

Health is a fundamental aspect of many scientific disciplines and its definition and measurement is the analytical core of many empirical studies. Comprehensive measures of health, however, are typically precluded in survey research due to financial and temporal restrictions. Self-rated health (SRH) as a single indicator of health, on the other hand, exhibits a lack of measurement invariance by age and is biased due to non-health influences. In the three-item Minimum European Health Module (MEHM), SRH is complemented with questions on chronic health conditions and activity limitations, thus providing a compromise between single indicators and comprehensive measures.
Methods: Using data from the German Ageing Survey (2008 & 2014; n = 12,037), I investigated the feasibility to combine the MEHM into a generic health indicator and judged its utility in comparison to SRH as a benchmark. Additionally, I explored the option of an extended version of the MEHM by adding information on multimorbidity and the presence and intensity of chronic pain.
Results: The analyses showed that both versions of the MEHM had a good internal consistency and each represented a single latent variable that can be computed using generalized structural equation modeling. The utility of this approach showed great promise as it significantly reduced age-specific reporting behavior and some non-health biases present in SRH.
Conclusion: Using the MEHM to measure generic (physical) health is a promising approach with a wide array of applications. Further research could extend these analyses to additional age groups, other countries, and establish standardized weights for greater comparability.

Gourguen Mahari (1903–1969) est l'un des écrivains les plus marquants de la littérature de l'Arménie soviétique. Dans sa jeunesse, il participa activement aux mouvements intellectuels de la capitale, brièvement présentés dans ce travail, avant de tomber en disgrâce, en 1936, et d'être déporté dans les camps du Goulag, d'où il ne put rentrer qu'après la mort de Staline. Cet article porte sur Barbelés en fleurs, une œuvre écrite en 1965 et issue des longues années passées par l'écrivain dans les camps. Censurée en Arménie soviétique, elle fut publiée pour la première fois en diaspora (Beyrouth et Paris), en 1971–1973, et seulement en 1988 en Arménie, dans le contexte de la perestroïka. Cet article analyse les plans narratifs de Barbelés en fleurs et les procédés d'écriture employés par Mahari en les comparant avec les choix d'écriture adoptés par d'autres écrivains, non arméniens, pour « écrire les camps ». Une lecture croisée avec une deuxième œuvre majeure de Mahari, Vergers en feu, sur l'autodéfense de la ville de Van en 1915, s'est révélée fondamentale. Dans les deux ouvrages, l'auteur fait recours au dialogisme et à la réfraction pour faire entendre une pluralité de voix et de perspectives. L'article rappelle aussi quelques aspects des interdictions qui ont frappé la littérature arméno-soviétique, non seulement au nom de l'idéologie du Parti, mais aussi du discours officiel arménien sur l'histoire de la libération des Arméniens de l'Empire ottoman. La censure arménienne ne pardonna pas à Mahari d'avoir montré le mouvement révolutionnaire arménien, dans Vergers en feu, sous l'angle de la déshéroïsation et de la désacralisation.

The Semiology of Emmanuel Macron's Gesture
ABSTRACT: This work deals with the semiotic analysis of the semiology of gesture in the communications of French President Emmanuel Macron, particularly during the Yellow Vests movement or during the Covid 19 pandemic. The semiology of gesture is an approach that encompasses the functionings of verbal signs during an act of communication. Gesture becomes a language that complements verbal language. This study of gestural language addresses synergology and gestural grammar in discourse. The semiotic analysis of discourse now makes it possible to raise all the non-verbal discursive mechanisms such as the discourse of the hands, the gaze and the representation of the body which are fundamental in the speeches of the French president. It also highlights the link between rhetoric and gesture but the pragmatic dimension of gesture in Macron's speech.
RÉSUMÉ : Dans ce travail, il est question d'analyse sémiotique de la sémiologie du geste dans les communications du président français Emmanuel Macron, notamment durant les mouvements des gilets jaunes ou lors de la pandémie Covid 19. La sémiologie du geste est une approche qui englobe les fonctionnements des signes verbaux au cours d'un acte de communication. Le geste devient en effet un langage qui complète le langage verbal. Cette étude du langage gestuel aborde la synergologie et la grammaire gestuelle dans le discours. L'analyse sémiotique du discours permet aujourd'hui de soulever l'ensemble des mécanismes discursifs non verbaux tels que les discours des mains, du regard et de la représentation du corps qui sont fondamentaux dans les discours du président français. Il met par ailleurs en évidence le lien entre rhétorique et geste mais la dimension pragmatique du geste dans le discours de Macron.

The article analyses the concept of emptiness (śūnyatā) of the Buddhist Mahāyāna school Madhyamaka. By way of introduction, some fundamental questions are asked regarding the possible meaning of that concept as well as the possible context within which that concept should be viewed. The article then moves on to the evaluation and reception of the theory of emptiness within some classical systems of Indian Buddhist and non-Buddhist philosophy, which were all negative, identifying the concept of emptiness with the concept of non-existence (abhāva). As, historically, the Mahāyāna concept of emptiness appears for the first time in the so-called Prajñāpāramitāsūtras, part of the article is devoted to the analysis of this concept in those texts, which are traditionally considered the original inspiration of the Madhyamaka philosophy. In fact, the Madhyamaka philosophy represents precisely the systematic philosophical elaboration of those texts, primarily of the concept of emptiness as it appears there. The central part of the article comprises the analysis of this concept in the Madh­yamaka system, with a brief account on the general methodological and doctrinal framework within which Madhyamaka philosophical thinking operates. Then two key philosophical conceptions of Madhyamaka are presented and analysed, without which it is impossible to understand the concept of emptiness – the conception of two truths (satyadvaya) and the conception of "co-arising in dependence" (pratītyasamutpāda). In the context of these two conceptions, the concept of emptiness of Madhyamaka is finally situated in the horizon of a specific semantic and epistemological understanding of reality (experience) that is completely devoid of any ontological connotations.

Today the system of social services is being transformed, the number of social service providers is growing, and new forms of interaction with recipients of social assistance are being introduced. A special role in the new configuration of the social service system is given to socially oriented non-profits and social entrepreneurs. This article presents the results of a study of the social service system from the viewpoint of recipients of social services. The main method for collecting information was an all-Russian online survey among social service clients or their representatives. The research methodology involved distinguishing 5 clusters according to type of settlement (megacities, cities with a million-plus population, large cities, small towns and rural areas). The sample consisted of 2267 people. Based on the results of the study, main groups of social services in various types of settlements were proposed. The results showed a lack of development of the non-state service sector in all identified clusters. Barriers preventing the involvement of NGOs in the social services system are associated, on the one hand, with the conviction of the citizens themselves (especially the older generation) that only state institutions can provide quality and free services. On the other hand, many NGOs do not want to be listed in regional registries of social service providers, primarily due to low tariffs, reporting mechanisms and cost recovery. Residents of small towns and rural areas often face a lack of choice, the dominance of one type of provider, underdeveloped social infrastructure in their area, and a limited list of services available to them free of charge.

Misuse of digital platforms for the dissemination of fake news and disinformation online is becoming an increasingly serious problem both for individual states and multilateral organizations. Alternative facts presented under the veil of awakening critical thinking, or false and purported information placed in the social media environment by state and non-state actors for their own purposes, have been disturbing the credibility of traditional fact-checking media outlets to present actual information to the public. Grasping the notion of parrhesia as part of the democratic free expression in a liberal society via social networks is now seriously questioning the common objective standards of truth. Deliberate interference with fake news and disinformation in contemporary democracies, especially during election campaigns, the use of anti-NATO narrative, particularly in countries with former communist regimes, and recent promotion of a false sense of security or insecurity about the Covid-19 pandemic, became an issue of major concern for the entire Alliance and its field work. Although in essence being a military organization with the aim to secure peace and stability in its wider area and promote its values globally, what the NATO has witnessed in the last decade is that peace and security in the traditional sense cannot be taken for granted. The emergence of modern non-military tactics by adversaries to destabilize member and partner countries require specific methods and approaches for deterrence and defense. This paper will analyze how these alternative facts affect both state and overall Alliance stability, possible implications on the diminishing public trust in state institutions, and actions needed to mitigate their effects.

AbstractWe explored the viability of using air quality as an alternative to aggregated location data from mobile phones in the two most populated cities in Uganda. We accessed air quality and Google mobility data collected from 15th February 2020 to 10th June 2021 and augmented them with mobility restrictions implemented during the COVID-19 lockdown. We determined whether air quality data depicted similar patterns to mobility data before, during, and after the lockdown and determined associations between air quality and mobility by computing Pearson correlation coefficients ($$R$$
R
), conducting multivariable regression with associated confidence intervals (CIs), and visualized the relationships using scatter plots. Residential mobility increased with the stringency of restrictions while both non-residential mobility and air pollution decreased with the stringency of restrictions. In Kampala, PM2.5 was positively correlated with non-residential mobility and negatively correlated with residential mobility. Only correlations between PM2.5 and movement in work and residential places were statistically significant in Wakiso. After controlling for stringency in restrictions, air quality in Kampala was independently correlated with movement in retail and recreation (− 0.55; 95% CI =  − 1.01– − 0.10), parks (0.29; 95% CI = 0.03–0.54), transit stations (0.29; 95% CI = 0.16–0.42), work (− 0.25; 95% CI =  − 0.43– − 0.08), and residential places (− 1.02; 95% CI =  − 1.4– − 0.64). For Wakiso, only the correlation between air quality and residential mobility was statistically significant (− 0.99; 95% CI =  − 1.34– − 0.65). These findings suggest that air quality is linked to mobility and thus could be used by public health programs in monitoring movement patterns and the spread of infectious diseases without compromising on individuals' privacy.

La manière dont les gouvernements infranationaux élaborent et mettent en œuvre des politiques distinctes est essentielle pour comprendre les systèmes efficaces de gouvernance à plusieurs niveaux. La littérature existante se concentre sur l'autonomie institutionnelle et les pouvoirs formels accordés aux gouvernements subnationaux, mais ce n'est qu'un aspect de la question. Le succès dépend également de la manière dont les acteurs politiques déploient leurs pouvoirs, leurs ressources et leur légitimité. Cet article présente une analyse empirique de deux tentatives contrastées de développer des cadres politiques distincts au niveau infranational. Il démontre l'importance de regarder au-delà des pouvoirs institutionnels formels et de prêter attention aux compétences politiques et à la visibilité des décideurs, ainsi qu'aux stratégies et tactiques qu'ils emploient pour déployer les compétences formelles. Il souligne notamment la nécessité pour les gouvernements infranationaux de se concentrer sur les questions où ils peuvent faire la différence et d'exploiter leur nodalité au sein des réseaux politiques pour favoriser la collaboration avec les acteurs étatiques et non étatiques qui apportent des ressources complémentaires. Remarques à l'intention des praticiens La capacité des gouvernements infranationaux à appliquer des programmes stratégiques distincts dépend des questions sur lesquelles ils décident de se concentrer et de la manière dont ils choisissent de déployer les compétences et les ressources formelles dont ils disposent. Il est inutile d'investir du temps et des efforts dans des questions sur lesquelles les gouvernements nationaux ne sont pas disposés à céder le contrôle. Toutefois, lorsqu'ils bénéficient d'un certain degré d'autonomie, les gouvernements infranationaux doivent exploiter leur position centrale dans les réseaux politiques pour favoriser la collaboration avec une série d'acteurs étatiques et non étatiques qui apportent des ressources complémentaires.