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AbstractNational identity is widely used to explain anti‐immigrant attitudes and thus the appeal for right‐wing (populist) parties. Yet, consensus on how to capture national identity is lacking. This article identifies ideal‐typical patterns of national boundary making across 42 countries and more than 25 years beyond the ethnic–civic dichotomy and addresses the multidimensionality of national identity. Using latent class analysis and cluster analysis, four ideal‐typical conceptions of nationhood are identified and shown to be differently related to national attachment, national pride, and national chauvinism. Overall, the results close the methodological–empirical gap between classical approaches and recent inductive approaches to national identity and demonstrate that national identity is a cross‐cultural phenomenon with distinct types.

This article presents a new approach to the comparison of the meaning of social or political key terms in different national contexts. Instead of relying on classical statistical instruments such as t-tests of the mean attitudes, the author proposes to analyze value conflicts between the mentioned groups. In international surveys like the European Values Study (EVS) the related conflict data are not directly available but can be generated by microsimulation: for this purpose the article proposes to look at the value differences of randomly matched artificial pairs of respondents. The resulting dyadic data-records correspond to simulated virtual encounters of persons with the same or different opinions about a political issue. In this way it becomes possible to measure the amount and the thematic focus of the value conflicts between the protagonists of a key term in different countries: the absence of conflicts between these groups points to the same meaning of the key term, whereas dissent about its attributes is an indicator of semantic differences. The benchmark for assessing these international inter-group conflicts are the national intra-group conflicts, which are generally underestimated. Consequently, an application of the proposed method to an artificial dataset with systematically varying statistical properties suggests that the traditional t-tests of mean attitudes overestimate the international group differences. By considering the internal ideological variation of the compared groups we probably get a more realistic assessment of their international similarities and differences. Thus we dare to tackle with the proposed virtual encounter method a real world problem: the comparative analysis of the values of the political left in Sweden, France, and the UK on the basis of attitudes gathered in the European Values Study (2008). A major result is that income equality is revealed to be an important common value of the political left in the three countries mentioned. Finally, the article points to the possibility of comparing different intra-national groups with regard to their ideologies. By the virtual encounter method it is possible to focus the analysis on a particular country and compare e.g. its national parties or different generations of partisans.

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1981-1984. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is available for both downloading and online-analysis at http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1999-2004. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1990-1994. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1995-1998. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 2005-2009. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

Ungleichheiten der Einkommens- und Vermögensverteilung führen zu gravierenden Diskrepanzen von direkten Teilhabeindikatoren der Mittelverwendung. Während bei reicher Ressourcenausstattung ungefähr das 1,5fache des Gesamtdurchschnitts für Konsumzwecke ausgegeben wird und zudem etwa ein Fünftel der Einnahmen für die Vermögensbildung bleibt, kann die Gruppe in materieller Armut für den Konsum nur etwa die Hälfte des Gesamtdurchschnitts aufbringen. Dabei zeigt sich, dass die Konsequenzen materieller Armut wesentlich einschneidender sind als aus gängigen Indikatoren ersichtlich: Da in den unteren Wohlstandsschichten an Ausgaben für Grundbedarfe nicht oder kaum gespart werden kann, wirken sich real oder gar nominal sinkende Einkommen umso stärker einschränkend auf die soziale Teilhabe aus.

PurposeThis paper analyzes the role that the climate change concern (CCCi) has on the willingness to accept an environmental tax. The author aims to grasp how individual general tax preferences can differ with respect to the specific (environmental) tax. He focuses attention to the Italian case since it has been argued that the potential acceptability of a carbon tax in Italy is relatively high, and this topic has been scarcely explored so far among Italian citizens (Rotaris and Danielis, 2019).Design/methodology/approachThe author conducted an online survey among 514 Italian economics students.FindingsThe CCCi positively influences the environmental tax morale (ETMi). The general tax morale (TMi) positively affects the specific (environmental) TMi. The CCCi alters individual tax preferences. The author evidenced that also subjects with low TMi turned out to be willing to pay an environmental tax if aware of the environmental issues.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough the author used a common methodology in this strand of research, he is aware that in an online survey individuals can be influenced by the self-reporting and hypothetical choice bias (see Swamy et al., 2001), that in turn can characterize their reported preferences. Moreover, even if economics university students are commonly used as a subject pool in experimental economics settings, and although several studies showed that the behavioral responses of students are largely the same as those of nonstudents in identical experiments (for a discussion see Alm, 2012; Choo et al., 2016), there is awareness that in this case, they are not taxpayers yet (Barabas and Jerit, 2010).Practical implicationsThe author's results remark the importance of increasing climate change awareness among people to let them be more willing to pay the environmental tax, for instance through investments in sensibilization campaigns on the importance of energy source usage and climate-related topic. Then, an increase in the general TMi leads to an increase in the specific (environmental) TMi. The author's evidence showed that people with high tax morale logically recognize the positive impact of paying an environmental tax when the CCCi increases, since the more the theme becomes important, the larger the willingness to pay the specific tax. For this reason, policymakers should carry on campaigns to increase the general level of TMi to increase the overall tax compliance level and the relative tax revenues, following the guidelines given by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2019) to support taxpayer education programs, such as including TMi research and analysis into education programs, improving the ease of paying taxes or strengthening revenue–expenditure links to build the social contract.Social implicationsIt should be paramount to increase awareness about environmental topics among people in general and among those who are relatively tax immoral. The author's results remark on the importance of targeting energy and environmental tax policies to groups rather than to individuals. According to this evidence, we support the use of nonmonetary tools to nudge people in the environmental transition by changing their behavior in energy use, for instance through the taxation on fuel and other nonrenewable energy resources.Originality/valueIt is the first empirical study that analyzes the impact of CCCi on the environmental TMi in Italy, in particular controlling for the role of the general willingness to pay taxes (TMi). To obtain individual attitudes toward tax payment, most of the empirical studies in behavioral economics employ international surveys. For studies across citizens living in European countries, the European Social Survey (ESS) and European Values Study (EVS) represent the most used ones (see, for instance, Martinez-Vazquez and Torgler (2009) in Spain; Torgler and Werner (2005) in Germany; Nemore and Morone (2019) in Italy). However, these surveys do not allow to study the relationship between the environmental and general TMi across the same subject pool. In fact, despite the ESS (2016) provides individual responses about the willingness to pay an environmental tax, it does not provide information about the general individual attitude toward tax payment (this information is contained only in the ESS wave of 2004, hence referring to a different subject pool). On the contrary, each wave of the EVS (i.e. 2008, 2017) provides information about the general individual attitude toward tax payment, but this survey does not provide a question regarding the willingness to pay an environmental tax. Therefore, to obtain information about the willingness to pay both general and environmental taxes, across the same subject pool, it is needed to carry out a survey.

In this study, we investigate morality in relation to the public good in post-socialist Europe. Public good morality is defined as the (non)acceptance of behaviour that contravenes the law and harms society and the greater good of the collective, such as cheating on taxes if one has the chance, paying cash to avoid taxes, not paying one's fare in public transport, and claiming state benefits one is not entitled to. Using data from the European Values Study in 2008 on more than 30,000 respondents in 23 post-socialist states, we find that on average the level of public good morality is quite high: 8.4 on a ten-point scale. However, there are marked differences between individuals and between countries, which we attempt to explain by looking at the legacy of communist rule, processes of democratization and compliance attitudes. We find that individuals living in former Soviet states are more 'lenient' when it comes to actions that harm the collective. However, those who lived under communist rule for a longer time display higher (and not lower) levels of public good morality. The level of democracy in a country does not seem to add any explanatory power, but individuals who hold more democratic values appear to be morally less strict. Finally, compliance attitudes such as interpersonal trust and confidence in government do not seem to mediate the observed relationships between communist rule and democracy on the one hand and public good morality on the other hand.

Since Tocqueville linked the quality of democracy in America to its vibrant civic culture, studies have explored the relationship between social capital and the quality of governance. Yet, few have examined the mechanisms between individual components of social capital and democracy in depth. This study focuses on the link between one component of social capital, civil society engagement, and the linkage between public opinion and policy. It argues that engagement in associations with an interest in the policy issue may stimulate correspondence between public opinion and policy through their ability to collect and disseminate information to policy makers and the public. The analysis of 20 specific policy issues from 30 European countries confirms these expectations: Issues that experience a high level of associational engagement display a stronger relationship between public opinion and policy. The findings underline the role civil society organizations can play in policy representation beyond engaging in interest advocacy.

Comparing employment rates of mothers and childless women over the life course across the birth cohorts from 1940 to 1979 in Austria, we address the question of whether the parenthood effect on employment has declined. By following synthetic cohorts of mothers and childless women up to retirement age, we can study both the short-term and long-term consequences of having a child. We consider employment participation as well as working time and also perform analyses by educational level. Our study is based on the Austrian microcensus, conducted between 1986 and 2016, and uses descriptive methods, logistic regression models, and decomposition analysis. The results show that the increase in the proportion of part-time work has led to a declining work volume of mothers with young children, despite employment rates of mothers having increased across cohorts. Return to the workplace is progressively concentrated when the child is 3-5 years old, but the parenthood effect has become weaker only from the time children enter school. Part-time employment is primarily adopted (at least with younger children) by highly educated mothers and often remains a long-term arrangement.

Left-right partisan conflict has been a key driver of welfare state expansion and retrenchment over time and across countries. Yet, we know very little about how left-right differences in party appeals vary across social policy domains. Why are some issues contentious while there is broad consensus on others? This paper starts from the simple premise that partisan conflict is a function of how popular a certain policy is. Based on this assumption, it argues that the left-right gap should be (1) larger for revenue-side issues than for expenditure-side issues, (2) larger for policies targeted at groups that are viewed as less deserving and (3) larger for more redistributive programs than less redistributive ones (e.g. means-tested versus earnings-related benefits). These expectations are tested on fine-grained policy data coded from 65 Austrian party manifestos issued between 1970 and 2017 (N = 18,219). The analysis strongly supports the revenue-expenditure hypothesis and the deservingness hypothesis, but not the redistribution hypothesis.