Suchergebnisse

'Mit der EU-Afrika-Strategie strebt die Europäische Union eine umfassende Partnerschaft mit Afrika an, deren wichtigstes Ziel Frieden und Sicherheit sind. Zeithorizont ist das Jahr 2015. Um Konflikte vorherzusehen, sie zu verhindern und im Konfliktfall zu vermitteln, soll die EU mit der AU, den subregionalen Organisationen und den einzelnen Ländern zusammenarbeiten. Es stellt sich auch die Frage, welche Eigenleistung die afrikanischen Länder im Rahmen von Friedensmissionen erbringen können. Mit Gründung der Afrikanischen Union (AU) im Jahr 2002 und der Einrichtung des Peace and Security Council (PSC) im März 2004 haben sich die afrikanischen Länder eine sicherheitspolitisch relevante Plattform geschaffen. Es wurde ein zweistufiger Zeitplan erarbeitet, der bis 2010 die Aufstellung einer für Peacekeeping-Einsätze geeigneten African Standby Force (ASF) vorsieht. In jeder der fünf Regionen (Nord-, Ost-, Südliches, West- und Zentralafrika) soll je eine Brigade für Friedensmissionen geschaffen werden. Wie sieht die gegenwärtige Sicherheitsarchitektur der AU aus, und wie weit sind die fünf Regionen bei der Umsetzung des selbstgesteckten Zeitplans vorangekommen? Welche Defizite bestehen, und wo liegen die Schlüsselfähigkeiten von Friedensmissionen in Afrika? Welche Chancen ergeben sich für die internationale Gemeinschaft und damit auch Deutschland, zur Verbesserung der Krisenmanagement-Fähigkeiten beizutragen? Da sich der Aufbau einer voll einsatzfähigen afrikanischen Standby Force über das Zieldatum 2010 hinaus verzögern wird, werden in dieser Studie verschiedene Ansätze herausgearbeitet, wie die internationale Geberschaft einschließlich Deutschlands den Aufbau der AU zu einem effizienten Instrument des Krisenmanagements unterstützen kann.' (Autorenreferat)

Intro -- Title -- Legal Notices -- Preliminary -- Foreword -- Preface -- Summary -- Author -- Dedication -- Bibliography -- From the same author -- 1. African States of the continent and Overseas Territories -- 2. Constitution of the United States of Africa -- ARTICLE ONE -- ARTICLE II -- ARTICLE III -- ARTICLE IV -- ARTICLE V -- ARTICLE VI -- ARTICLE VII -- SUGGESTED AMENDMENTS -- ARTICLE I -- ARTICLE II -- ARTICLE III -- ARTICLE IV -- ARTICLE V -- ARTICLE VI -- ARTICLE VII -- ARTICLE VIII -- ARTICLE IX -- ARTICLE X -- ARTICLE XI -- ARTICLE XII -- ARTICLE XIII -- ARTICLE XIV -- ARTICLE XV -- ARTICLE XVI -- ARTICLE XVII -- ARTICLE XVIII -- ARTICLE XIX -- ARTICLE XX -- ARTICLE XXI -- ARTICLE XXII -- ARTICLE XXIII -- ARTICLE XXIV -- 3. The starry golden spiral, the flag, and its meaning. -- The United States of Africa flag -- This meaning -- 4. The anthem of the Light carriers -- 5. The motto, the seal and the crest of this gathered Africa -- The seal of Union -- the solar seal -- 6. PanAfrican emergencies -- Anticipation -- Anticipation 1: Symbolic creation of the United States of Africa -- Anticipation 2 : Creation of African gold reserves -- Anticipation 3. Dissemination of Knowledge in African languages -- Anticipation 4 and 5. Fresh water and arable Lands resources -- Anticipation 6 -- Anticipation 7 -- 7. Backbone and foundations of the federal state -- 8. Action taken to build the desirable future for Humanity -- Appendix -- 1. Press Release -- 2. The Gold Reserve of Africa Bank, through a call to encourage savings -- 3. The African Fresh Water Project -- 4. The search engine with African content -- 5. The huge energy potential that needs to be promoted -- 6. On-site refining of African minerals -- Rough sketches of blast furnaces to keep in mind -- Operation principle -- Runway light -- 7. The 50,000 km railway system to be built.

"African Foreign Policies" published on by Oxford University Press.

A review essay on books by (1) Jean-Francois Bayart [Ed], La Greffe de l'Etat ([Transplant of the State] Paris: Karthala, 1996); (2) Mamadou Dia, Africa's Management in the 1990s and Beyond: Reconciling Indigenous and Transplanted Institutions (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1996); (3) Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (NJ: Princeton U Press, 1996); & (4) William Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (England: Cambridge U Press, 1995). Each of these texts acknowledges the significance of the fact that contemporary sub-Saharan African states are European rather than African & rarely meet the state criteria of monopolistic power, effectiveness, & legitimacy. Dia refers to the "disconnected state" in his interpretation of economic management problems as an incongruency between formal & indigenous institutions. Bayart speaks of the "rhizome state," but differs from the others in that his examination of African political stability concludes that exogenous institutions have become substantially Africanized. Reno uses the term "shadow state" in his analysis of the informal sector & its relationship to the state in Sierra Leone. Mamdani argues that colonialism resulted in a bifurcation of the state &, in contrast to Dia, interprets even so-called indigenous or native authority as derived from colonialism. All four books offer excellent, though very different, statements on the development-related significance of the state in Africa. E. Blackwell

A review essay covering books by: 1) African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Countries' Position on Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) (2014); 2) Perspectives on the Trade-Development Nexus in the European Union (2014); 3) Silke Trommer, Transformations in Trade Politics: Participatory Trade Politics in West Africa (2014).

Broad terms such as Black, African, or Black African are entrenched in scientific writings although there is considerable diversity within African descent populations and such terms may be both offensive and inaccurate. This paper outlines the heterogeneity within African populations, and discusses the strengths and limitations of the term Black and related labels from epidemiological and public health perspectives in Europe and the USA. This paper calls for debate on appropriate terminologies for African descent populations and concludes with the proposals that (1) describing the population under consideration is of paramount importance (2) the word African origin or simply African is an appropriate and necessary prefix for an ethnic label, for example, African Caribbean or African Kenyan or African Surinamese (3) documents should define the ethnic labels (4) the label Black should be phased out except when used in political contexts.

A personal account of the difficulties & opinions of African S's in the UK. Reference is made to the accommodation problems, African S-couples with children, relations with English workers, U qualifications as a status symbol, the existence of color prejudice, soc relations with English F's, & the effect of living in the UK on religious beliefs. It is seen that there is no reason for the African S to blame his misfortunes on the British. D. Cooperman.

Negotiations on Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the EU and African governments have dragged on since 2002. They were confined by the framework of the Cotonou Agreement, a cornerstone of ACP–EU development cooperation on the one hand and limiting WTO rules on the other. The EPAs were meant not just to liberalize trade but also to promote development in Africa. However, high-flying expectations of creating a win-win situation in a partnership of equals were apparently dashed. Agenda-setting by Brussels left it with grandiose declarations about partnerships between equals , development orientation, promotion of inclusive growth and regional integration with due attention to WTO-compatible regulations. According to the EU's Roadmap 2014 to 2017 (EU 2014), all this should be realized by 2017 by way of exemplary EPAs. The major issues at stake have been especially pronounced in the ongoing negotiations on West African EPAs. Contentious issues were legion.