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Since the last Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC) meeting, the PA has continued to strengthen its institutions, delivering public services and promoting reforms that many existing states struggle with. The quality of its public financial management (PFM) has further improved. Education and health in the West Bank and Gaza (WB&G) are highly developed, comparing favorably to the performance of countries in the region as well as globally. Ultimately, sustainable economic growth in WB&G can only be underpinned by a vibrant private sector. The latter will not rebound significantly while Israeli restrictions on access to natural resources and markets remain in place, and as long as investors are deterred by the increased cost of business associated with the closure regime. Education and health indicators for WB&G are impressive and reflect extensive coverage of the population, but a focus on improving the quality of these services remains warranted. Similarly, education investments take time to mature. While the PA is already implementing an education sector plan that highlights the importance of improving the quality of education, the relevance of graduates' skills remains an area requiring further attention. This report will therefore reflect on recent growth trends but also on the future trade regime and employability of the WB&G labor force.

The assessment of accounting and auditing (A&A) practices in Sudan is part of the joint initiative of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to prepare Reports on the Observance of Standards and Codes (ROSC). The ROSC A&A assessment focuses on strengths and weaknesses of the corporate accounting and auditing environment that influence the quality of corporate financial reporting and involves a review of both mandatory requirements and actual practices. It uses International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS) and International Standards on Auditing (ISA) as benchmarks and draws on recent global experiences and good practice in the field of corporate financial reporting and auditing. This assessment used a diagnostic template developed by the World Bank to facilitate collection of information, which was complemented by findings of a due diligence exercise based on meetings with key stakeholders conducted by World Bank staff. The assessment was carried out ensuring participation from the in-country major stakeholders such as regulators of corporate entities, banks and similar financial institutions, professional accountants, bankers and investment analysts, preparers of financial statements, auditors, academics, and representatives from the leading trade bodies. The main purpose of this ROSC A&A assessment is to assist the Government of Sudan in strengthening the private sector's accounting and auditing practices, along with enhancing financial transparency in the corporate sector.

The RAND corporation's Samuel Charap and Johns Hopkins University professor Sergey Radchenko published a detailed timeline and analysis of the talks between Russian and Ukrainian negotiators just after the Russian invasion in February 2022 that could have brought the war to an end just weeks after it had begun.
Much of the piece confirms or elucidates parts of the narrative that had previously been reported. In the spring of 2022, the two sides appeared relatively close to a deal, one that, according to the authors, would "have ended the war and provided Ukraine with multilateral security guarantees, paving the way to its permanent neutrality and, down the road, its membership in the EU."
But due to a combination of changing battlefield dynamics that convinced Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky that he could win the war militarily, Western allies' hesitance to engage diplomatically with Russia and simultaneous ramping up of military support for Ukraine, and the discovery that Russian forces had committed atrocities in Bucha, the talks eventually fell apart.
On some of these points, the authors contend that earlier accounts have been overstated. The idea that the U.S. and the UK "forced" Zelensky to back out of peace talks is "baseless," say Charap and Radchenko, though they acknowledge that "the lack of Western enthusiasm does seem to have dampened his interest in diplomacy."
On the suggestion that the discovery of war crimes convinced the Ukrainian president to abandon negotiations, the authors note discussions "continued and even intensified in the days and weeks after the discovery of Russia's war crimes, suggesting that the atrocities at Bucha and Irpin were a secondary factor in Kyiv's decision-making."
But taken together, these factors, along with certain details of the agreement that were never finalized, were enough to imperil the negotiations.
In the two years since Ukrainian and Russian interlocutors last convened, the realities on the ground have changed. By April 2022, Vladimir Putin had likely realized that he would fail to achieve his most maximalist war aims. Now, with Western aid stalled and the war tilting in Moscow's favor, Ukraine is in a less favorable negotiating position than it was and Russia may be less inclined to enter talks.
But, as George Beebe and Anatol Lieven detail in a recent Quincy Institute paper, all sides still have a reason to pursue a diplomatic solution, one that could both end the war and provide for a new European security architecture once the fighting ceases.
As Charap and Radchenko note in their Foreign Affairs piece, one of the reasons the original talks broke down was because the two sides were more focused on the broader endgame rather than on shorter-term solutions.
"A final reason the talks failed is that the negotiators put the cart of a postwar security order before the horse of ending the war," they write. "The two sides skipped over essential matters of conflict management and mitigation (the creation of humanitarian corridors, a cease-fire, troop withdrawals) and instead tried to craft something like a long-term peace treaty that would resolve security disputes that had been the source of geopolitical tensions for decades."
The two years of war have only increased distrust between Russia, Ukraine, and Kyiv's Western backers, and diplomacy appears to be more difficult today than it was in 2022. But, say Charap and Radchenko, Zelensky and Putin surprised us once before with the concessions they may have been willing to make, and perhaps they will do so again. The consequences of that failed first effort at diplomacy are clear, as Thomas Graham, former senior director for Russia on the National Security Council staff, argued this week.
"The great tragedy of the Russian-Ukrainian war is that it will ultimately prove to have been futile. The likely outcome — territorial adjustments in Moscow's favor, security guarantees for Ukraine and Russia — could have been peaceably negotiated beforehand had leaders had a firmer grasp of the real balance of power or greater political courage," he wrote in the Hill. "The cost of failed diplomacy is already hundreds of thousands of lives lost and hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of property destroyed."
In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine:
— After months of waiting, the House may hold a vote to give Ukraine another tranche of aid over the weekend. On Wednesday, Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) introduced four separate bills, including one that will provide approximately $60 billion in aid for Kyiv. The House Speaker is already facing backlash from members of his own party, but the legislation is likely to have enough bipartisan support to pass if it is brought to the floor for a vote.
— There are reportedly increasing points of tension between Washington and Kyiv as Ukraine awaits more aid and its war effort falters. Zelensky was frustrated that Washington has not offered his country the same missile defense help as it provided to Israel during Iran's strikes over the weekend. "European skies could have received the same level of protection long ago if Ukraine had received similar full support from its partners in intercepting drones and missiles," Zelensky wrote in a post on X. "Terror must be defeated completely and everywhere, not more in some places and less in others."
Moreover, Kyiv has expressed frustration over Washington's recommendations that Ukraine not strike Russian oil refineries, according to The Washington Post. Vice President Kamala Harris reportedly privately made the suggestion to Zelensky in February at the Munich Security Conference.
"The request, according to officials familiar with the matter, irritated Zelensky and his top aides, who view Kyiv's string of drone strikes on Russian energy facilities as a rare bright spot in a grinding war with a bigger and better-equipped foe. Zelensky brushed off the recommendation, uncertain whether it reflected the consensus position of the Biden administration, these people said." according to the Post. "Instead of acquiescing to the U.S. requests, however, Ukraine doubled down on the strategy, striking a range of Russian facilities, including an April 2 attack on Russia's third-largest refinery 800 miles from the front."
— Russia and Ukraine nearly struck a deal late last month to renew the agreement that allowed for the safety of shipping in the Black Sea before Kyiv suddenly pulled out, according to Reuters.
"A deal was reached in March 'to ensure the safety of merchant shipping in the Black Sea', and though Ukraine did not want to sign it formally, Kyiv gave its assent for Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan to announce it on March 30, the day before critical regional elections, the sources said," reports Reuters. The reason for Kyiv's withdrawal is unclear. Russia and Ukraine previously struck a deal to allow for safe shipping in June 2022 but Moscow withdrew from that agreement after one year.
U.S. State Department News
In a press briefing on Wednesday, State Department spokesman Vedant Patel urged the House to pass the aid bill for Ukraine quickly.
"So it certainly would not be hyperbole to say that every day matters, and the House, we believe, needs to act this week to support Ukraine and Israel as they respectively defend against Putin and the Russian Federation and the Iranian regime. And so this is something that we need Congress to provide urgently," Patel said.

Politics in the Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu, located east of Australia, can be turbulent, with constant chessboard moves among parliamentary members with fluid party ties and frequent no confidence motions. But the strategic importance of the country to the U.S.-Australia alliance and China was a factor in the recent abrupt expulsion of the 10-month-old government led by then-Prime Minister Alatoi Ishmael Kalsakau.In late August, Kalsakau lost a vote of no confidence against him by opposition leader Bob Loughman, who has for years backed China's increasing influence in the Pacific nation. After disputes about the vote result, Loughman was appointed deputy prime minister in the new government under Prime Minister Sato Kilman, who took the helm on September 4. The sudden change in administration came a year after Loughman, a former prime minister, ceded his leadership after parliament was dissolved and he avoided a vote of no confidence against himself. The snap election which followed in October last year saw Kalsakau take the top job.While the government is contending with domestic issues, such as a struggling economy, unemployment and contentious debates about the minimum wage, the main trigger for the latest political crisis was a security agreement with Australia signed by Kalsakau in December last year and due for parliamentary ratification. Vanuatu is one of many Pacific Island states that do not have their own armed forces and depend on military assistance from bilateral partners when needed.For Loughman, the unratified bilateral pact, which would increase military and law enforcement, but also disaster and humanitarian relief and cybersecurity co-operation with Australia, could have risked Vanuatu's relations with China. New Prime Minister Kilman claimed there had been a lack of consultation about the pact with ministers. Yet it was not an unknown or hasty development. Discussions about the agreement had been occurring between Australia and successive governments in Vanuatu for five years. "Australia respects Vanuatu's sovereign decision-making processes, including in relation to the bilateral security agreement that began in 2018 and was signed in 2022," Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs responded. The signing of the pact followed deep concerns by the U.S. and its allies about China's security agreement with the Solomon Islands that was announced last April.Soon after taking office, Kilman vehemently denied any geopolitical reasons for the crisis, claiming that the country had always and will continue to be "neutral" in big power contests. "We are not pro-West and we are not pro-Chinese," he said. "We adopt a non-aligned policy." Indeed, Vanuatu has a spectrum of development and aid relations with Australia, New Zealand, China and Japan, and its mobile paramilitary police force has also received support from Australia, New Zealand and China.Yet, in being non-aligned, Vanuatu was swift in 2016 to declare its support for China's territorial claim to islands in the South China Sea that are at the center of a heated sovereignty dispute and military provocation between the East Asian powerhouse and several of its Southeast Asian neighbors. And, for U.S. commentators, a high-risk site for potential conflict.Despite the Pacific nation remaining outside of any direct military involvement in U.S.-China geopolitics, it has, under some political leaders, become increasingly receptive to China's political influence. Last year, Loughman signed an array of agreements with China on technology, energy, infrastructure, health and economic development and, the year before, a multi-million dollar bilateral grant agreement on economic and technical cooperation. In 2018, Chinese funding and construction of a massive port development in the provincial, but geographically strategic, coastal town of Luganville, attracted international attention. Security experts speculated that, due to its exceptional size, it could potentially be used as a warship base.In contrast, Kalsakau has been publicly critical of China's penetration of Vanuatu's political life for several years. In 2018, he told the Australian media there wasn't enough internal scrutiny of the massive inflow of Chinese loans, businesses and influence and "he feared China was pursuing its strategic interests by showering Vanuatu with largesse and deepening its influence in the country." Last year, Vanuatu's public debt totalled 40 percent of GDP. China, its largest foreign creditor, is owed more than one third of its total external debt, which totals about $314 million and constitutes 32 percent of GDP.French President Emmanuel Macron expressed additional concerns during a visit to Vanuatu in July. "There is in the Indo-Pacific, and particularly in Oceania, new imperialism appearing and a power logic that is threatening the sovereignty of several states; the smallest, often the most fragile,"Macron said.Vanuatu, like many Pacific Island states, is a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. But its statecraft is heavily influenced by norms of Melanesian customary governance that have prevailed for centuries. The power of traditional clan leaders in island societies is determined by their ability to acquire and distribute wealth and resources to their constituencies, rather than adherence to an ideology or party-driven policies. While political cultures in the Pacific are evolving, this legacy makes politicians particularly vulnerable to China's strategies of economic largesse and coercion which entails reciprocity.During his recent tenure as prime minister, Kalsakau attempted to broaden his country's international relations, bringing in other development partners, such as Saudi Arabia, and working for wide-ranging global support of its legal probe of climate justice at the UN General Assembly. He also took steps to reform Vanuatu's controversial citizenship-selling program in response to security concerns by the EU which has had a visa waiver arrangement with the nation.There is no doubt that Pacific Island leaders are opposed to being parties in the regional U.S.-China rivalry and are reasserting their rights of sovereignty above all else. At a meeting in August of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, an inter-governmental organization of southwest Pacific Island states, leaders emphasized their refusal to take sides in geopolitical battles.But regional analysts also point to Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands and Samoa being located on a key geographical axis, which is crucial to maritime access into and across the Pacific Ocean by the U.S., Australia and China.Yet, despite the political upheaval, the new prime minister has not dismissed closer security ties with Australia; only that the pending agreement won't be ratified in its current form. "My view would be to revisit the agreement with both sides, the Australians and the Vanuatu government, and see if there's any sticking points and then address that," Kilman was quoted on September 4.Some Australian strategists support Vanuatu's greater scrutiny of the pact, claiming that it is a sign of democratic processes at work. But, in terms of a timeline, it is unlikely to be an immediate priority for the new leadership.

[eng] Understanding what drives individuals to vote for parties or individuals who have often used violent rhetoric toward women and minorities and enacted discriminatory laws is critical. At the same time, it is crucial to comprehend what tools these forces use to gain consensus and, even more relevant, the consequences of having these political forces in power. This thesis attempted to help provide answers to the points listed above. Using different empirical techniques and analyzing different European settings, I aimed to enlarge the knowledge on the causes and consequences of the political success of far-right parties, how the new media influence citizens' opinions, and which political parties have been advantaged (or harmed) from the recent paradigm shift in the communication process. The unifying theme of the chapters was the focus on immigration -- and, more specifically, on the relationship, analyzed in various aspects, between natives and immigrants. I started by asking whether the ability to access a potentially unlimited and relatively affordable medium of information -- the Internet -- changed the knowledge that natives have about migration patterns in their own country. Indeed, surveys and academic literature have found a strong misperception of natives, who vastly overestimate the number of foreigners in the country; besides, natives think immigrants are culturally and religiously more distant from them and are economically weaker -- less educated, more unemployed, and more reliant on and favored by government transfers -- than is the case. The second chapter of my thesis, Does the Internet change the attitude towards migrants? Evidence from Spain, showed that people exposed to the early Internet (from 2008 to 2012) are associated with a better knowledge of the (national) migration trends; additionally, the possibility to go online is responsible for an overall improvement in attitudes toward immigrants. The analysis, set in Spain, exploited a unique and confidential survey dataset and combined a difference-in-differences method with an instrumental variable approach. In the second part of the analysis, I demonstrated, using both survey data and real electoral outcome, that access to the Internet generates a decrease in the political support for the traditional Spanish right-wing party. Having extreme parties (or individuals) in power is no longer a remote possibility but a reality. This is the case both at the national and local levels. Understanding the effects on economic and social outcomes of these governments is both essential and underdeveloped in the literature. In the third chapter of my thesis, Do far-right mayors increase the probability of hate crimes? Evidence from Italy, I aimed to contribute to this emerging research area by focusing on the effect of electing local politicians on hate crimes against immigrants. Indeed, hate crimes are soaring in many countries, and many argue that a close relationship exists between the increased support for extremist parties and acts of violence toward immigrants and other minorities. Using an RD approach and focusing on the Italian context, where the presence of candidates belonging to anti-immigrant parties is significant and widespread in the territory, I showed that in municipalities where an extreme right-wing mayor is elected, the probability that a hate crime occurs is significantly higher. Municipalities with higher Internet access drive this effect; additionally, I demonstrated that the election of an extreme right mayor generates a change in behavior also in the surrounding municipalities. One element that many argue has contributed to the success of far-right parties is the recent refugee crisis that European countries have faced, primarily as a result of the Arab Springs and the violence that has resulted from them. Anti-immigrant parties have exploited this abnormal arrival of asylum seekers to increase the fear of natives and gain votes. However, this technique has not always proven successful. In the fourth chapter of this thesis, Is this the real-life or just fantasy? Refugee reception, extreme-right voting, and broadband internet, we studied the effect of a specific policy of relocation of asylum seekers in Italy (SPRAR) that involves opening medium-small centers and offering refugees the opportunity to interact with members of the local community. This micro-exposure to refugees had significant consequences on the voting choices of natives: using an instrumental variable approach, we showed that support for far-right parties is reduced in municipalities where a SPRAR center has been opened. However, this micro-exposure effect is smaller in higher macro-exposure areas to migrant news - i.e., in higher Internet exposure areas. There are some takeaways from this thesis. First, it is essential to point out how easily the Internet can convert from an information medium (Chapter 2) to an echo chamber that raises citizens' fears (Chapter 4) and pushes them to behave violently (Chapter 3). If this has been proven to be true for traditional media, such as newspapers and TV, this issue is even more delicate with the possibility of going online, considering the highly self-segregated news platform provided by the Internet. This opens the door to potential strands of research on the supply of extremist parties and the characteristics of their representatives. A natural question is why non-extremist parties have failed lately to offer equally charismatic leaders. Besides, since there is an emerging consensus that populists have pursued successful communication strategies, often via social media and the Internet, an additional related question is why mainstream parties are not able to follow suit. Second, as we expect more and more extremist parties to come to power in the near future, careful analyses of their governments' impact are crucial. These should focus on traditional economic outcomes, such as investments, trade, and wages; however, as demonstrated by the third chapter, these analyses should assess the effect of extremist governments on elements that ensure freedoms essential to democracies, such as the independence of media and judicial bodies and the quality of their bureaucrats. It is pivotal to monitor whether these administrations are responsible for discrimination in labor access, health care, and education. At the same time, future research should focus on how mainstream governments can defend themselves against the threat of the arrival of extremist parties. Lastly, a final thought on the management of refugees and, more generally, migration policies in Europe is necessary. The evidence suggests that the aggregate economic impact of immigration on receiving countries is likely to be positive. However, to dismantle extremist parties' rhetoric, which associates the presence of migrants with negative social repercussions related to crime, the drain of social welfare benefits, and cultural differences, two elements are necessary. First, increase the level of awareness among the local population. Second, as highlighted by chapter four, implement reception policies that generate integration and interaction between natives and immigrants.

Context. The BL Lac object S5 0716+714, a highly variable blazar, underwent an impressive outburst in January 2015 (Phase A), followed by minor activity in February (Phase B). The MAGIC observations were triggered by the optical flux observed in Phase A, corresponding to the brightest ever reported state of the source in the R-band. Aims.The comprehensive dataset collected is investigated in order to shed light on the mechanism of the broadband emission. Methods. Multi-wavelength light curves have been studied together with the broadband spectral energy distributions (SEDs). The sample includes data from Effelsberg, OVRO, Metsähovi, VLBI, CARMA, IRAM, SMA, Swift-UVOT, KVA, Tuorla, Steward, RINGO3, KANATA, AZT-8+ST7, Perkins, LX-200, Swift-XRT, NuSTAR, Fermi-LAT and MAGIC. Results. The flaring state of Phase A was detected in all the energy bands, providing for the first time a multi-wavelength sample of simultaneous data from the radio band to the very-high-energy (VHE, E > 100 GeV). In the constructed SED, the Swift-XRT+NuSTAR data constrain the transition between the synchrotron and inverse Compton components very accurately, while the second peak is constrained from 0.1 GeV to 600 GeV by Fermi+MAGIC data. The broadband SED cannot be described with a one-zone synchrotron self-Compton model as it severely underestimates the optical flux in order to reproduce the X-ray to -ray data. Instead we use a two-zone model. The electric vector position angle (EVPA) shows an unprecedented fast rotation. An estimation of the redshift of the source by combined high-energy (HE, 0.1 GeV < E < 100 GeV) and VHE data provides a value of z = 0:31 ± 0:02 ± 0:05, confirming the literature value. Conclusions. The data show the VHE emission originating in the entrance and exit of a superluminal knot in and out of a recollimation shock in the inner jet. A shock-shock interaction in the jet seems responsible for the observed flares and EVPA swing. This scenario is also consistent with the SED modeling. © ESO 2018. ; We would like to thank the Instituto de Astrofisica de Canarias for the excellent working conditions at the Observatorio del Roque de los Muchachos in La Palma. The financial support of the German BMBF and MPG, the Italian INFN and INAF, the Swiss National Fund SNF, the ERDF under the Spanish MINECO (FPA2015-69818-P, FPA2012-36668, FPA2015-68378-P, FPA2015-69210-C6-2-R, FPA2015-69210-C6-4-R, FPA2015-69210-C6-6-R, AYA2015-71042-P, AYA2016-76012-C3-1-P, ESP2015-71662-C2-2-P, CSD2009-00064), and the Japanese JSPS and MEXT is gratefully acknowledged. This work was also supported by the Spanish Centro de Excelencia "Severo Ochoa" SEV-2012-0234 and SEV-2015-0548, and Unidad de Excelencia "Maria de Maeztu" MDM-2014-0369, by the Croatian Science Foundation (HrZZ) Project IP-2016-06-9782 and the University of Rijeka Project 13.12.1.3.02, by the DFG Collaborative Research Centers SFB823/C4 and SFB876/C3, the Polish National Research Centre grant UMO-2016/22/M/ST9/00382 and by the Brazilian MCTIC, CNPq and FAPERJ. The Fermi-LAT Collaboration acknowledges generous ongoing support from a number of agencies and institutes that have supported both the development and the operation of the LAT as well as scientific data analysis. These include the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the Department of Energy in the United States, the Commissariat a l'Energie Atomique and the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique/Institut National de Physique Nucleaire et de Physique des Particules in France, the Agenzia Spaziale Italiana and the Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare in Italy, the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), High Energy Accelerator Research Organization (KEK) and Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA) in Japan, and the K. A. Wallenberg Foundation, the Swedish Research Council and the Swedish National Space Board in Sweden. Additional support for science analysis during the operations phase is gratefully acknowledged from the Istituto Nazionale di Astrofisica in Italy and the Centre National d'Etudes Spatiales in France. This research was supported by an appointment to the NASA Postdoctoral Program at the Goddard Space Flight Center, administered by Universities Space Research Association through a contract with NASA. We thank the Swift team duty scientists and science planners. ; The Metsahovi team acknowledges the support from the Academy of Finland to our observing projects (numbers 212656, 210338, 121148, and others). The VLBA is an instrument of the Long Baseline Observatory. The Long Baseline Observatory is a facility of the National Science Foundation operated by Associated Universities, Inc. The Sub-millimeter Array is a joint project between the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory and the Academia Sinica Institute of Astronomy and Astrophysics and is funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the Academia Sinica. The OVRO 40-m monitoring program is supported in part by NASA grants NNX08AW31G, NNX11A043G and NNX14AQ89G, and NSF grants AST-0808050 and AST-1109911. The St. Petersburg University team acknowledges support from Russian Science Foundation grant 17-12-01029. The BU group acknowledges support by NASA under Fermi Guest Investigator grant NNX14AQ58G and by NSF under grant AST-1615796. Part of this work was done with funding by the UK Space Agency. The VLBA is an instrument of the National Radio Astronomy Observatory. The National Radio Astronomy Observatory is a facility of the National Science Foundation operated under cooperative agreement by Associated Universities, Inc. The PRISM (Perkins Re-Imaging SysteM) camera at Lowell Observatory was developed by K. Janes et al. at BU and Lowell Observatory, with funding from the NSF, BU, and Lowell Observatory. This paper makes use of data obtained with the 100m Effelsberg radio-telescope, which is operated by the Max-Planck-Institut fur Radioastronomy (MPIfR) in Bonn (Germany). Part of this work is based on archival data, software or online services provided by the ASI Science Data Center (ASDC). PYRAF is a product of the Space Telescope Science Institute, which is operated by AURA for NASA. This paper is partly based on observations carried out with the IRAM 30 m. IRAM is supported by INSU/CNRS (France), MPG (Germany) and IGN (Spain). IA acknowledges support by a Ramon y Cajal grant of the Ministerio de Economia, Industria y Competitividad (MINECO) of Spain. The research at the IAA-CSIC was supported in part by the MINECO through grants AYA2016-80889-P, AYA2013-40825-P, and AYA2010-14844, and by the regional government of Andalucia through grant P09-FQM-4784. The Liverpool Telescope is operated by JMU with financial support from the UK-STFC. ; Peer Reviewed

Перед економікою України постали складні й важливі проблеми, від вирішення яких залежить майбутнє держави: які функції повинна виконувати держава, які форми і методи регулювання вона має для цього застосовувати, якою має бути специфіка управління розвитком соціально-економічних процесів в аграрному секторі, особливо щодо розвитку сільських територій. У сукупності це свідчить про те, що основні проблеми змінили вектор у бік сфери управління і, зокрема, в площину її економічних методів на цифровихзасадах.У середині 1990-х років, із розвитком технологій, виник термін «цифрова економіка». Він покликаний пояснити систему економічних відносин, що виникли, та були засновані на використанні цифрових інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій. Сьогодні ініціативою Євро­пейсь­кого Союзу є запровадження цифрової економіки, що є надзвичайно важливим для соціального розвитку, традиційних секторів економіки та сфери державного управління країни і є сферою з нереалізованим потен­ціалом як в Євросоюзі, так і в Україні. Перспективним є створення Цифрового співтовариства із поєднанням комунікаційних ринків 28 країн-членів ЄС та країн не-членів ЄС задля спрощення процесу обміну інформацією, підвищення надійності захисту систем та даних, розширення бізнес-можливостей країн-учасниць цифрової спільноти. У статті визначено зміст та складові цифрової економіки, досліджено та проаналізовано передумови її запровадження в Україні. Узагальнено характерні особливості та показники рівня розвитку та проникнення інформаційно-телекомунікаційних технологій, зокрема в аграрній сфері економіки.Наголошено на можливості реалізації прискореного сценарію цифрового розвитку, як найбільш релевантного для України з точки зору викликів, потреб та можливостей. Визначені складові сценарію, передусім, зменшення асиметрії можливостей доступу до інтернету на усій території. Сьогодні Україна знаходиться на унікальному етапі розвитку, коли це можливо ще здійснити, при креативній культурі та вмінні генерувати ідеї, про що свідчать високі показники у рейтингу Global Innovation Index.Ключові слова: цифрова економіка, інфокомунікації, цифрові технології, цифровий розвиток, цифровий ринок, інформація, IT-компанії, цифровізація, кіберфізичний простір ; Introduction. The rapid development of digital infrastructures as well as the European Union's initiative have contributed to the implementation of the digital economy, which is extremely important for the social development of the traditional sectors of the economy and public administration sphere, and is an area with unrealized potential both in the European Union and Ukraine. The Concept for the Development of the Digital Economy and Society of Ukraine for 2018-2020 has recently been approved and a plan of measures for its implementation has been ratified. The prospect is to create a digital community with a combination of communication markets of EU member states and non-EU countries in order to simplify the process of information exchange, improve the reliability of systems and data protection, and expand the business capabilities of the participating countries of the digital communityPurpose. Theoretical substantiation of the content and components of the digital economy, to study and analyze the preconditions for its implementation inUkraine. To generalize the characteristic features and indicators of the level of development and penetration of information and telecommunication technologies, in particular in the agrarian sector of the economy. To highlight issues related to the competitiveness of the digital economy inEurope. Identify the main goals and directions of the digital development of the economy and priorities of the agrosphere. To argue that digital technology is both a huge market and industry as well as a platform for the efficiency and competitiveness of all other markets and industries.Methods. System analysisResults. The main factor in the introduction of the digital economy in 2001, according to T. Messenburg and in the scenario of accelerated digitalization ofUkraine, is the development of digital technology infrastructure in all sectors of the economy and public life.An important component of the formation of the information society and digital economy inUkraineis the use of opportunities of modern information and telecommunication technologies for the creation of information and new knowledge, as well as goods and services, and effective exchange of them. Information and telecommunication technologies in the conditions of intensive development of market relations is one of the most important elements of the strategy of development of the agrarian sphere ofUkraine.Special attention in the Concept for the Development of the Digital Economy and Society of Ukraine for 2018-2020 is given to the areas of digital development of the agrarian sector, which will have a positive effect on the digitalization of rural infrastructure, in particular, with the connection of villages to high-speed Internet access networks. The level of development of information and telecommunication technologies is the basis of implementation of projects of digital economy. The state and prospects ofUkraineand the agrarian sector of the capital region regarding the readiness for introduction of the digital economy by the National system of indicators for assessing the level of development of the information society have been analyzed.Taking into account the analysis of the Ukrainian economy in terms of attracting information and telecommunication technologies, the unevenness of "informatization" was determined depending on industries and sectors. Thus, the financial sector is most developed in this direction, and, for example, the governmental sector lag far behind. Separate digital solutions inUkrainehave been operating for a long time. However, they are concentrated mainly in large cities. And only where there is a high-quality Internet coverage. Therefore, the digital gap inUkraineis, first of all, in unequal access to the Internet throughout the territory.In accordance with the strategy of development of the agrarian sector, the task is to reorganize the management system of such a sector of the economy as the agrarian sector in terms of its content and form, with the use of more effective methods of economic regulation in the market conditions and the democratic influence of the state on the development of agro-industrial production, using the latest information technologies, in particular the digital economy.Undoubtedly, the digital economy opens up new opportunities both in creating a product and in representing its potential buyer. Moreover, the competitive advantages in this area receive new forms of cooperation - the so-called "technological platforms". Bright examples of such platforms are international Alibaba, Amazon, eBay or domestic olx, rabota.ua. and pokupon. Discussion. The Concept for the Development of the Digital Economy and Society of Ukraine for 2017-2020 ("Digital Agenda") is the first step towards stimulating domestic markets for consumption, introduction and production of digital technologies. The opportunity to implement an accelerated digital development scenario, as the most relevant forUkraine in terms of challenges, needs and opportunities, is emphasized. Identified components of the script, first of all, to reduce the asymmetry of access to the Internet throughout the territory. Today,Ukraine is at a unique stage of development, when it is still possible to do so, with creative culture and the ability to generate ideas, as highlighted by the Global Innovation Index.The connection of Ukrainian scientific digital infrastructures to the European cloud of open science and European data infrastructure will give an impulse to solving urgent Ukrainian scientific problems with minimal use of state resources.Keywords: digital economy, infocommunications, digital technologies, digital development, digital market, information, IT companies, digitalization, cyber-physics space

The dissertation is devoted to the research and reasoning of new theoretical provisions on legal regulation of business activity in Ukraine; taking into account the systematic analysis of regulation experience of specified socio-economic phenomena in the Republic of Poland; as well as the preparation of proposals to improve domestic legislation.The work substantiates the clarification of such entrepreneurship features in Ukraine; which is carried out by an entrepreneur; as «profit» and «systematicity» developed the notion of quasi-entrepreneurship. It is proposed to divide the economic activity of individuals depending on the level of profit into quasi-entrepreneurial and entrepreneurial. The periodization of legal regulation development has been carried out and the legislative basis of business activity in Ukraine and the Republic of Poland has been analyzed. The list of criteria for the division of business entities into: micro; small; medium and large has been supplemented. The improvement of the legal form of a limited liability company in Ukraine has been argued; based on the analysis of the legal regulation of a simple joint stock company in the Republic of Poland. It is proposed to introduce in Ukraine the business activity suspension institution at the initiative of the business entity; with the definition of conditions; procedure and maximum/minimum term of such suspension. The peculiarities of legal regulation of business activity of foreign individuals in Ukraine and the Republic of Poland have been researched. The introduction into the legislation of Ukraine; among other grounds for the termination of business entity activities; a separate ground such as; the termination of a separate division activity (branch or representative office) of a foreign business entity has been argued. The list of entrepreneurship state regulation principles has been expanded. It is proposed to strengthen the institutional support of business entities. The forms of state assistance to entrepreneurs at the stage of starting a business in Ukraine have been improved; and the list of means of state support for business entities in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic has been supplemented.On the basis of the undertaken research; it is proposed to amend the legislation of Ukraine.Theoretical provisions and conclusions of the dissertation research can be used in further research; educational process and law enforcement. ; Диссертация посвящена исследованию и обоснованию новых теоретических положений относительно правового регулирования предпринимательской деятельности в Украине; с учетом системного анализа опыта регламентации указанного общественно-экономического явления в Республике Польша; а также подготовке предложений по совершенствованию отечественного законодательства.В работе обосновано уточнение таких признаков предпринимательства в Украине; которое осуществляется физическим лицом-предпринимателем; как «получение прибыли» (путём установления минимального размера прибыли на уровне не менее одной минимальной заработной платы в каждом из календарных месяцев; в котором она производится) и «систематичность» (методом уточнения количества (не менее 3 раз в течение календарного года) операций по продаже товаров; оказания услуг и/или выполнение работ; направленных на реализацию цели предпринимательской деятельности – получение прибыли. Разработано понятие квазипредпринимательства; то есть осуществление самостоятельной; инициативной; систематической; на собственный риск хозяйственной деятельности; прибыль от которой составляет менее одной минимальной заработной платы в каждом из календарных месяцев; в котором она производится; и не требующая регистрации лица как субъекта предпринимательства; постановки на учет в налоговой службе; органах статистики; Пенсионного фонда Украины; уплаты взносов на единое социальное страхование; специального налогообложения. Предложено осуществить разделение хозяйственной деятельности физических лиц в зависимости от уровня полученной прибыли; на квазипредпринимательскую и предпринимательскую. Проведена периодизация развития правового регулирования и проанализирована законодательная основа предпринимательской деятельности в Украине и Республике Польша. Дополнен перечень критериев разделения субъектов предпринимательской деятельности на: микро-; малых; средних и крупных. Аргументировано совершенствования организационно-правовой формы общества с ограниченной ответственностью в Украине на основе анализа правового регулирования простого акционерного общества в Республике Польша. Предложено ввести в законодательство Украины институт приостановления предпринимательской деятельности по инициативе субъекта предпринимательства; с определением условий; порядка и установлением максимального/минимального срока такого приостановления. Исследованы особенности правового регулирования предпринимательской деятельности иностранных лиц в Украине и Республике Польша. Аргументировано введение в законодательство Украины отдельного основания для прекращения деятельности обособленного подразделения иностранного субъекта предпринимательской деятельности. Расширен перечень принципов государственного регулирования предпринимательства; предложено усилить институциональную поддержку субъектов предпринимательской деятельности; усовершенствованы формы государственного содействия физическим лицам-предпринимателям на стадии начала предпринимательской деятельности в Украине; а также дополнен перечень средств государственной поддержки субъектов предпринимательской деятельности в условиях пандемии COVID-19.На основании проведенного исследования предложено внесение изменений в законодательство Украины.Теоретические положения и выводы диссертационного исследования могут быть использованы в дальнейших научных исследованиях; образовательном процессе и правоприменительной деятельности. ; Дисертацію присвячено дослідженню та обґрунтуванню нових теоретичних положень щодо правового регулювання підприємницької діяльності в Україні, з урахуванням системного аналізу досвіду регламентування вказаного суспільно-економічного явища у Республіці Польща, а також підготовці пропозицій з удосконалення вітчизняного законодавства.У роботі обґрунтовано конкретизацію таких ознак підприємництва в Україні, яке здійснюється фізичною особою-підприємцем, як «отримання прибутку» і «систематичність», розроблено поняття квазіпідприємництва. Запропоновано здійснити поділ господарської діяльності фізичних осіб залежно від рівня отриманого прибутку на квазіпідприємницьку та підприємницьку. Проведено періодизацію розвитку правового регулювання та проаналізовано законодавчу основу підприємницької діяльності в Україні та Республіці Польща. Доповнено перелік критеріїв поділу суб'єктів підприємницької діяльності на: мікро-, малих, середніх та великих. Запропоновано удосконалення організаційно-правової форми товариства з обмеженою відповідальністю в Україні на основі аналізу правового регулювання простого акціонерного товариства у Республіці Польща. Запропоновано запровадити в Україні інститут зупинення підприємницької діяльності за ініціативою суб'єкта підприємництва, із визначенням умов, порядку та максимального/мінімального строку такого зупинення. Досліджено особливості правового регулювання підприємницької діяльності іноземних осіб в Україні та Республіці Польща. Обґрунтовано введення до законодавства України серед інших підстав припинення діяльності суб'єктів підприємницької діяльності окремої підстави, такої, як припинення діяльності відокремленого підрозділу (філії або представництва) іноземного суб'єкта підприємницької діяльності у разі, якщо така діяльність суперечить законодавству України. Розширено перелік принципів державного регулювання підприємництва. Запропоновано посилити інституційну підтримку суб'єктів підприємницької діяльності. Удосконалено форми державного сприяння фізичним особам-підприємцям на стадії започаткування підприємництва в Україні, а також доповнено перелік засобів державної підтримки суб'єктів підприємницької діяльності в умовах пандемії COVID-19.На підставі проведеного дослідження запропоновано внесення змін до законодавства України.Теоретичні положення та висновки дисертаційного дослідження можуть бути використані у подальших наукових дослідженнях, освітньому процесі та правозастосовній діяльності.

Situations of gender violence are considered a social problem that affects the world, under power relations, where one wants to dominate the other. This demands current research and creation of policies and protocols to guide the performance of service operators. The research was carried out using a qualitative methodology, descriptive scope, through content analysis and text interpretation; through the following units of analysis: protocol approach, theoretical paradigm from psychology, declaration of psychotherapeutic care model, care procedures for the victim and the aggressor, instruments of psychological assessment. The general objective was to analyze the attention protocols on gender violence. Out of a total of twelve protocols, selected that include the European Union, Central and South America, theoretical approaches based on gender, rights, by life cycle, ecological, multidisciplinary model and social equity were evidenced; It is important to highlight that the protocol of action of the Ministry of Education of Ecuador considers the victim, aggressor and observer as part of the intervention. The study revealed that only one protocol establishes psychological and restorative care for the aggressors, the remaining ten protocols focus their attention on the victim. Keywords: Gender violence, protocols, psychological care, victims, aggressors. References [1]Organización Mundial de la Salud y Escuela de Higiene y Medicina Tropical de Londres, Consejo Sudafricano de Investigaciones Médicas, «Estimaciones mundiales y regionales de la violencia contra la mujer: prevalencia y efectos de la violencia conyugal y de la violencia sexual no conyugal en la salud,» Ginebra , 2013. [2]Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, «Oservatorio de igualdad de género de América Latina y el Caribe,» [Online]. Available: https://oig.cepal.org/es/indicadores/feminicidio. [Last access: 28 02 2020]. [3]Comisión Ecuménica de Derechos Humanos, «CEDHU,» 21 11 2019. [Online]. Available: http://www.cedhu.org/noticias/boletines/221-femicidios-en-ecuador-la-violencia-contra-las-mujeres-no-para. [Last access: 28 02 2020]. [4]Coalición Nacional de Mujeres del Ecuador, «Informe sobra de seguimiento a la implementación de las recomendaciones del comité de la CEDAW al Estado Ecuatoriano» Quito, 2017. [5]Ministerio de Salud Pública , «Norma técnica para la elaboración de instrumentos normativos del Ministerio de Salud Pública», Quito , 2013. [6]C. Sanz and A. Sánchez. «Protocolizar las actividades de Enfermía,» Rol de Enfermería, vol. 24, nº 1, pp. 67-74, 2001. [7]Secretaria Nacional de Planificación y Desarrollo de Ecuador, «Agenda zonal zona 8 - Guayaquil», Quito, 2015. [8]Organización Mundial de la salud , «WHO Global Consultation on Violence and a public health priority,» Documento inédito, Ginebra, 1996. [9]Organización Panamericana de Salud y Organización Mundial de Salud, «Informe mundial sobre: la violencia y la salud: resumen,» Washington, D.C., 2002. [10]I. Romero, «Intervención en violencia de género.Consideraciones en torno al tratamiento.,» Intervención psicosocial, vol. 2, nº 19, pp. 191-199, 2010. ; Las situaciones de violencia de género se consideran como un problema social que afecta a nivel mundial, bajo relaciones de poder, donde uno quiere dominar al otro. Lo cual demanda actuales investigaciones y creaciones de políticas y protocolos que guíen la actuación de los operadores de servicios. La investigación se realizó, mediante una metodología cualitativa, alcance descriptivo, mediante el análisis de contenido e interpretación de textos; mediante las siguientes unidades de análisis: enfoque del protocolo, paradigma teórico desde la psicología, declaratoria de modelo de atención psicoterapéutico, procedimientos de atención para la víctima y al agresor, instrumentos de valoración psicológica. El objetivo general fue analizar los protocolos de atención sobre violencia de género. De un total de doce protocolos, seleccionados que incluyen la Unión Europea, Centro y sur américa, se evidenciaron como resultado enfoques teóricos basados en género, derechos, por ciclo de vida, modelo ecológico, multidisciplinar y equidad social; es importante destacar que el protocolo de actuación del Ministerio de Educación del Ecuador, considera a la víctima, agresor y observador, como parte de la intervención. El estudio revelo que solo un protocolo establece atención psicológica y restaurativa para los agresores, los diez protocolos restantes centralizan su atención en la víctima. Palabras Clave: Violencia de género, protocolos, atención psicológica, victimas, agresores. Referencias [1]Organización Mundial de la Salud y Escuela de Higiene y Medicina Tropical de Londres, Consejo Sudafricano de Investigaciones Médicas, «Estimaciones mundiales y regionales de la violencia contra la mujer: prevalencia y efectos de la violencia conyugal y de la violencia sexual no conyugal en la salud,» Ginebra , 2013. [2]Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe, «Oservatorio de igualdad de género de América Latina y el Caribe,» [En línea]. Disponible en: https://oig.cepal.org/es/indicadores/feminicidio. [Último acceso: 28 02 2020]. [3]Comisión Ecuménica de Derechos Humanos, «CEDHU,» 21 11 2019. [En línea]. Disponible en: http://www.cedhu.org/noticias/boletines/221-femicidios-en-ecuador-la-violencia-contra-las-mujeres-no-para. [Último acceso: 28 02 2020]. [4]Coalición Nacional de Mujeres del Ecuador, «Informe sobra de seguimiento a la implementación de las recomendaciones del comité de la CEDAW al Estado Ecuatoriano» Quito, 2017. [5]Ministerio de Salud Pública , «Norma técnica para la elaboración de instrumentos normativos del Ministerio de Salud Pública», Quito , 2013. [6]C. Sanz y A. Sánchez. «Protocolizar las actividades de Enfermía,» Rol de Enfermería, vol. 24, nº 1, pp. 67-74, 2001. [7]Secretaria Nacional de Planificación y Desarrollo de Ecuador, «Agenda zonal zona 8 - Guayaquil», Quito, 2015. [8]Organización Mundial de la salud , «WHO Global Consultation on Violence and a public health priority,» Documento inédito, Ginebra, 1996. [9]Organización Panamericana de Salud y Organización Mundial de Salud, «Informe mundial sobre: la violencia y la salud: resumen,» Washington, D.C., 2002. [10]I. Romero, «Intervención en violencia de género.Consideraciones en torno al tratamiento.,» Intervención psicosocial, vol. 2, nº 19, pp. 191-199, 2010.

SummaryI. Approach to the problem and main purpose of this paper. II. Children's right to respect for their private life when there is a biological tie with their commissioning father: Cases of Mennesson and Labassée v. France and Advisory Opinion requested by the French Court of Cassation. (Request no. P16-2018-001). III. Minor's vulnerability in case of lack of biological tie between him and the commissioning parents: Case of Paradiso and Campanelli v. Italy. IV. Considerations on ECHR jurisprudence: States Parties' obligations and questions that remain unsettled. V. Spanish authorities' response to international surrogacy arrangements in the light of ECHR's jurisprudence. VI. Final thoughts on the matter.AbstractDue to the differences on the legal treatment that States give to gestational surrogacy, some couples travel from countries where these arrangements are forbidden to places where they are allowed. Determining the parentage of the child born as a result of these contracts raises some legal issues that are not easy to solve. In this scenario, minor's rights may be at risk. It has led the European Court of Human Rights to determine that the State Parties are free not to legalize gestational surrogacy, but this decision cannot lead to leaving the minors unprotected. According to the Court (cases Mennesson and Labassée), denying every possibility of recognition of a parent-child relationship with the intended father, when he is the biological father, would entail a violation of the child's right to respect for his private life. When it comes to recognising a parent-child relationship in cases where there is not a biological link between the born child and any of the intended parents, the Court's jurisprudence does not give us a clear response on the State Parties' obligations so far. In the advisory opinion delivered recently (10 April 2019), in response to the request made by the French Court of Cassation, the ECHR has given an answer to some of the questions that remained unsettled. When a child is born abroad through a gestational surrogacy arrangement and was conceived using the gametes of the intended father and a third-party donor, the child's right to respect for private life requires the State not only to recognise that link, but to provide a possibility of recognition of a legal parent-child relationship with the intended mother too. Such recognition may take the form of entry in the national register of births of the details of the birth certificate legally established abroad, but it may as well take another one. The State Parties are free to use other means, such as adoption of the child, as long as the procedure laid down by domestic law could be implemented promptly and effectively. However, not every mean would serve the child's interest with a comparable degree of satisfaction. Spanish authorities' response to these situations, for example, does not seem to be the optimal solution when it comes to covering the needs of the children. ; Las diferencias en el tratamiento legislativo que los Estados dan a la gestación subrogada dan lugar a desplazamientos de personas residentes en países donde esta figura está prohibida, o carece de regulación, hasta países en los que este tipo de contratos están permitidos. Precisar la filiación de los menores nacidos como fruto de estos acuerdos en el Estado de residencia de sus padres intencionales plantea problemas jurídicos de extraordinaria complejidad, y las respuestas de los ordenamientos internos y los tribunales nacionales a esta situación pueden poner en riesgo los derechos de respeto a la vida privada y familiar de estos niños. Ello ha motivado diferentes pronunciamientos del Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos que, si bien ha entendido que la eventual legalización de la gestación por sustitución es una cuestión que corresponde decidir libremente a los Estados, exige que su negativa a admitir la validez de estos contratos no se traduzca en la desprotección de los menores involucrados. Desde que dictara sentencia en los casos Mennesson y Labassée c. Francia en 2014, quedó establecido que negar toda posibilidad de reconocimiento de un lazo paternofilial entre un niño nacido por gestación subrogada y su padre intencional, cuando éste hubiera aportado su material genético, sería contrario al derecho del menor al respeto de su vida privada, que requiere que toda persona pueda establecer su identidad. En caso de no existir vínculo genético alguno entre el niño y los padres intencionales, su jurisprudencia no nos permite aún extraer una respuesta clara acerca de los límites de la actuación estatal.En lo que se refiere a los casos en los que el padre comitente sea, además, padre biológico del niño, la reciente publicación del Dictamen de 10 de abril de 2019 ha resuelto algunas incógnitas que quedaron abiertas tras los pronunciamientos anteriormente citados: en virtud del art. 8 CEDH, sobre los Estados parte no solamente pesa la obligación de permitir el establecimiento de la filiación del menor a favor de su padre biológico, sino también el deber de permitir que se reconozca o constituya ex novo un vínculo jurídico a favor de la madre comitente. El respeto al Convenio exige dar cobertura jurídica a este vínculo maternofilial, pero no impone un medio determinado para ello, siendo suficiente que el medio elegido sea eficaz y no dilate la situación de inseguridad jurídica en el tiempo. De este modo, cabe que el Estado reconozca la filiación que consta en una decisión extranjera, o que permita su constitución por otras vías, como la adopción; ambas alternativas darían cumplimiento a las exigencias del CEDH. Es preciso señalar, no obstante, que no todos los medios a disposición de los Estados dan un mismo grado de satisfacción a los derechos en juego. En este sentido, la respuesta que actualmente dan las autoridades españolas a este tipo de situaciones, a pesar de cumplir el estándar mínimo de protección fijado por el Tribunal de Estrasburgo, no parece una solución idónea para la mayor satisfacción de los intereses de los menores.

The purpose of the research – to establish the conformity of the characteristics of the brake systems of agricultural trailers to European requirements.Research methods. Approval of procedures is performed by conducting physical demonstration tests, direct empirical measurements of the mean fully decelerated and static road surface reaction on wheels. The braking performance was determined by calculating the tractor braking rate with the trailer when braking only the trailer vehicle, using a pneumatic simulator made in accordance with Regulation (EU) No. 2015/68, Annex II, appendix 1 - 2.The object of the study – the response of the braking system as a delay in the creation of the required braking effort; energy consumption from storage (energy storage tanks).The subject of the study – the trailer braking coefficient, which expresses the relation between the sum of the braking forces along the circumference of all the wheels of the trailer and the general normal static reaction of the road surface to all wheels.Results. Braking systems are one of the main groups of constituent parts and assemblies that ensure the safety of the vehicle while traveling on public roads and the requirements of which are regulated by the separate Delegated Regulation of the Commission of the European Union No. 2015/68 (hereinafter Regulation No. 2015/68) [3].The methods and technical means for conducting tests to assess conformity with the European requirements of pneumatic brake systems of agricultural trailers are considered and analyzed. The braking simulator is designed, manufactured and calibrated to perform a series of tests to determine the effectiveness of a two-wire pneumatic brake system. The methods and technical means were tested during the tests to determine the effectiveness of the trailer pneumatic braking system, the basic parameters of braking were determined and the trailer braking coefficient was calculated. Using the braking simulator, the braking time and the power of energy storage devices are determined. The applied methods make it possible to compare the results of the tests with the limits of the compatibility of the brake system characteristics, expressing the admissibility of the requirements and investigate the reduction of the efficiency of the braking system when deterioration of the conditions of operation from warming with prolonged braking.Conclusions. The conformity of the agricultural trailer with the European requirements of the Delegated Regulation of the Commission of the European Union № 2015/68 is established. ; Цель исследований – установить соответствие характеристик тормозных систем сельскохозяйственных прицепов европейским требованиям.Методы исследований. Апробацию процедур выполнено посредством проведения физических демонстрационных испытаний с прямым эмпирическим измерением среднего значения полного замедления и статических реакций дорожного покрытия на колеса. Эффективность торможения определяли, рассчитав коэффициент торможения трактора с прицепом при торможении только прицепного транспортного средства, с помощью пневматического имитатора изготовленного согласно регламенту (ЕС) №2015 / 68, ІІ приложение, дополнения 1 - 2.Объект исследования – отклик тормозной системы, как задержка в создании необходимого тормозного усилия; расход энергии с накопителей (энергетических резервуаров).Предмет исследования – коэффициент торможения прицепа, выражающий отношение между суммой тормозных сил по длине окружности всех колес автопоезда трактор прицеп и общей нормальной статической реакцией дорожного покрытия на все колеса.Результаты. Одной из основных групп составных частей и узлов, обеспечивающих безопасность транспортного средства во время движения дорогами общего назначения и требования к которым регламентированы отдельным делегированным регламентом Комиссии ЕС № 2015/68 (далее Регламент № 2015/68) [3], является тормозные системы.Рассмотрены и проанализированы методы и технические средства для проведения испытаний по оценке соответствия европейским требованиям пневматических тормозных систем сельскохозяйственных прицепов. Разработан, изготовлен и откалиброван имитатор торможения необходимый для проведения ряда тестов по определению эффективности двухпроводной пневматической тормозной системы.Апробированы методы и технические средства при проведении тестов на определение эффективности пневматической тормозной системы прицепа, определены основные параметры торможения и выполнен расчет коэффициента торможения прицепа. С использованием имитатора торможения определено время срабатывания тормозов и мощность устройств хранения энергии.Примененные методы позволяют провести сопоставление результатов тестирования с границами совместимости характеристик тормозной системы, выражающих допуск соответствия требованиям и исследовать снижение эффективности тормозной системы при ухудшении условий функционирования от разогрева при длительном торможении.Выводы. Установлено соответствие сельскохозяйственного прицепа европейским требованиям делегированного регламента Комиссии ЕС № 2015/68. ; Мета досліджень – встановити відповідність характеристик гальмівних систем сільськогосподарських причепів європейським вимогам. Методи досліджень. Апробацію процедур виконано проведенням фізичних демонстраційних випробувань з прямим емпіричним вимірюванням середнього значення повного уповільнення та статичних реакцій дорожнього покриття на колеса. Ефективність гальмування визначали, розрахувавши коефіцієнт гальмування трактора з причепом під час гальмування лише причіпного транспортного засобу пневматичним імітатором виготовленим згідно з регламентом (ЄС) №2015 / 68 ІІ додаток доповнення 1 - 2.Об'єкт дослідження – відгук гальмівної системи, як затримка в створенні необхідного гальмівного зусилля; витрата енергії з накопичувачів (енергетичних резервуарів).Предмет дослідження – коефіцієнт гальмування причепа, що виражає відношення між сумою гальмівних сил по довжині окружності всіх коліс автопоїзда трактор-причіп та загальною нормальною статичною реакцією дорожнього покриття на всі колеса.Результати. Одною з основних груп складових частин та вузлів, які забезпечують безпечність транспортного засобу під час руху дорогами загального призначення і вимоги до яких регламентовані окремим Делегованим регламентом Комісії ЄС № 2015/68 (далі Регламент № 2015/68) [3], є гальмівні системи.Розглянуті та проаналізовані методи та технічні засоби для проведення випробувань з оцінки відповідності європейським вимогам пневматичних гальмівних систем сільськогосподарських причепів. Розроблено, виготовлено та відкалібровано імітатор гальмування, необхідний для проведення ряду тестів з визначення ефективності двопровідної пневматичної гальмівної системи. Апробовано методи та технічні засоби під час проведення тестів на визначення ефективності пневматичної гальмівної системи причепа, визначені основні параметри гальмування та виконано розрахунок коефіцієнта гальмування причепа. З використанням імітатора гальмування визначено час спрацьовування гальм та потужність пристроїв зберігання енергії. Застосовані методи дають змогу зіставити результати тестувань з межами сумісності характеристик гальмівної системи, які виражають допуск відповідності вимогам та досліджувати зниження ефективності гальмівної системи за погіршення умов функціонування від розігрівання під час тривалого гальмування. Висновки. Встановлено відповідність сільськогосподарського причепа європейським вимогам Делегованого регламента Комісії ЄС № 2015/68.

The purpose of the research – to establish the conformity of the characteristics of the brake systems of agricultural trailers to European requirements.Research methods. Approval of procedures is performed by conducting physical demonstration tests, direct empirical measurements of the mean fully decelerated and static road surface reaction on wheels. The braking performance was determined by calculating the tractor braking rate with the trailer when braking only the trailer vehicle, using a pneumatic simulator made in accordance with Regulation (EU) No. 2015/68, Annex II, appendix 1 - 2.The object of the study – the response of the braking system as a delay in the creation of the required braking effort; energy consumption from storage (energy storage tanks).The subject of the study – the trailer braking coefficient, which expresses the relation between the sum of the braking forces along the circumference of all the wheels of the trailer and the general normal static reaction of the road surface to all wheels.Results. Braking systems are one of the main groups of constituent parts and assemblies that ensure the safety of the vehicle while traveling on public roads and the requirements of which are regulated by the separate Delegated Regulation of the Commission of the European Union No. 2015/68 (hereinafter Regulation No. 2015/68) [3].The methods and technical means for conducting tests to assess conformity with the European requirements of pneumatic brake systems of agricultural trailers are considered and analyzed. The braking simulator is designed, manufactured and calibrated to perform a series of tests to determine the effectiveness of a two-wire pneumatic brake system. The methods and technical means were tested during the tests to determine the effectiveness of the trailer pneumatic braking system, the basic parameters of braking were determined and the trailer braking coefficient was calculated. Using the braking simulator, the braking time and the power of energy storage devices are determined. The applied methods make it possible to compare the results of the tests with the limits of the compatibility of the brake system characteristics, expressing the admissibility of the requirements and investigate the reduction of the efficiency of the braking system when deterioration of the conditions of operation from warming with prolonged braking.Conclusions. The conformity of the agricultural trailer with the European requirements of the Delegated Regulation of the Commission of the European Union № 2015/68 is established. ; Цель исследований – установить соответствие характеристик тормозных систем сельскохозяйственных прицепов европейским требованиям.Методы исследований. Апробацию процедур выполнено посредством проведения физических демонстрационных испытаний с прямым эмпирическим измерением среднего значения полного замедления и статических реакций дорожного покрытия на колеса. Эффективность торможения определяли, рассчитав коэффициент торможения трактора с прицепом при торможении только прицепного транспортного средства, с помощью пневматического имитатора изготовленного согласно регламенту (ЕС) №2015 / 68, ІІ приложение, дополнения 1 - 2.Объект исследования – отклик тормозной системы, как задержка в создании необходимого тормозного усилия; расход энергии с накопителей (энергетических резервуаров).Предмет исследования – коэффициент торможения прицепа, выражающий отношение между суммой тормозных сил по длине окружности всех колес автопоезда трактор прицеп и общей нормальной статической реакцией дорожного покрытия на все колеса.Результаты. Одной из основных групп составных частей и узлов, обеспечивающих безопасность транспортного средства во время движения дорогами общего назначения и требования к которым регламентированы отдельным делегированным регламентом Комиссии ЕС № 2015/68 (далее Регламент № 2015/68) [3], является тормозные системы.Рассмотрены и проанализированы методы и технические средства для проведения испытаний по оценке соответствия европейским требованиям пневматических тормозных систем сельскохозяйственных прицепов. Разработан, изготовлен и откалиброван имитатор торможения необходимый для проведения ряда тестов по определению эффективности двухпроводной пневматической тормозной системы.Апробированы методы и технические средства при проведении тестов на определение эффективности пневматической тормозной системы прицепа, определены основные параметры торможения и выполнен расчет коэффициента торможения прицепа. С использованием имитатора торможения определено время срабатывания тормозов и мощность устройств хранения энергии.Примененные методы позволяют провести сопоставление результатов тестирования с границами совместимости характеристик тормозной системы, выражающих допуск соответствия требованиям и исследовать снижение эффективности тормозной системы при ухудшении условий функционирования от разогрева при длительном торможении.Выводы. Установлено соответствие сельскохозяйственного прицепа европейским требованиям делегированного регламента Комиссии ЕС № 2015/68. ; Мета досліджень – встановити відповідність характеристик гальмівних систем сільськогосподарських причепів європейським вимогам. Методи досліджень. Апробацію процедур виконано проведенням фізичних демонстраційних випробувань з прямим емпіричним вимірюванням середнього значення повного уповільнення та статичних реакцій дорожнього покриття на колеса. Ефективність гальмування визначали, розрахувавши коефіцієнт гальмування трактора з причепом під час гальмування лише причіпного транспортного засобу пневматичним імітатором виготовленим згідно з регламентом (ЄС) №2015 / 68 ІІ додаток доповнення 1 - 2.Об'єкт дослідження – відгук гальмівної системи, як затримка в створенні необхідного гальмівного зусилля; витрата енергії з накопичувачів (енергетичних резервуарів).Предмет дослідження – коефіцієнт гальмування причепа, що виражає відношення між сумою гальмівних сил по довжині окружності всіх коліс автопоїзда трактор-причіп та загальною нормальною статичною реакцією дорожнього покриття на всі колеса.Результати. Одною з основних груп складових частин та вузлів, які забезпечують безпечність транспортного засобу під час руху дорогами загального призначення і вимоги до яких регламентовані окремим Делегованим регламентом Комісії ЄС № 2015/68 (далі Регламент № 2015/68) [3], є гальмівні системи.Розглянуті та проаналізовані методи та технічні засоби для проведення випробувань з оцінки відповідності європейським вимогам пневматичних гальмівних систем сільськогосподарських причепів. Розроблено, виготовлено та відкалібровано імітатор гальмування, необхідний для проведення ряду тестів з визначення ефективності двопровідної пневматичної гальмівної системи. Апробовано методи та технічні засоби під час проведення тестів на визначення ефективності пневматичної гальмівної системи причепа, визначені основні параметри гальмування та виконано розрахунок коефіцієнта гальмування причепа. З використанням імітатора гальмування визначено час спрацьовування гальм та потужність пристроїв зберігання енергії. Застосовані методи дають змогу зіставити результати тестувань з межами сумісності характеристик гальмівної системи, які виражають допуск відповідності вимогам та досліджувати зниження ефективності гальмівної системи за погіршення умов функціонування від розігрівання під час тривалого гальмування. Висновки. Встановлено відповідність сільськогосподарського причепа європейським вимогам Делегованого регламента Комісії ЄС № 2015/68.

Among the numerous contemporary socio-political changes, globalization appears as the most important with regard to its theoretical and institutional consequences. Generalized interdependence due to the global challenges and the expectations linked to contextual problems have shifted philosophical and political debates toward questions concerning the role and the place of actors in the process of collective decisions. It is this observation that leads to the central question of this research: what are the conditions required such that, in a context determined by interdependence, cosmopolitanism may be a system where actors may participate in a socio-political way through their own self-transformation. Our basic hypothesis aims at answering this question. We want to show, on one hand, that methodological cosmopolitanism, that of which Beck is the greatest contemporary theoretician, can be reconstructed as a theory of transformation of actors, and on the other hand, we think we shall be able to prove, that it is on the condition of such an interpretation of cosmopolitanism that it is possible to reread, in a new manner, the pan-africanist theories of the 1960, while discovering in them, an avant-gardist form of political thought which could guide some aspects of contemporary reflections on globalization. The rereading of cosmopolitanism to which we proceed, works out a symbolic shift: the passage from a substantial cosmopolitanism having republicanism as its central sign, to a cosmopolitanism whose essential characteristic is to be founded on the interdependence of life contexts, and on the collaborative initiative of the actors. We proceed by the elaboration of a cosmopolitan methodology which may be ready in itself, to take into account, the spatial transformation of democratic procedures in view of satisfying the new expectations of the citizens. This methodology qualifies at the same time as a theory of social transformation, by the way of the transformation of the actors. To do this, we call on two actors: Antonio Gramsci and Ulrich Beck. The application of the cathartic scheme, drawn from the works of the former, to the cosmopolitanism of the latter, permits its reconstruction as a theory of the transformation of actors opening out on three levels: the psychological level, the "gnoseological" level and strategic level. What confers on this cosmopolitical scheme its validity, is not its substantial content, but the method it harbors permitting to proceed to an applied philosophy in the third part. We attempt at writing a contextualized version of methodological cosmopolitanism that we call methodological pan-africanism. On the basis of the three characteristic levels of methodological cosmopolitanism, we elaborate a theory of the transformation of actors proper to the pan-african context. In this sense, methodological pan-africanism, in surpassing the strategies of cooperative type for the strategies of interdependence, gives a historical response consistent with the global context of the policies of integration. At the hour of great togetherness, the methodological pan-africanism allows the African continent to combine pragmatism and democracy, while being attentive to the particularities that national ideology strived to deny but in vain, and while situating people at the foundation of the process and the norms of integration. ; L'interdépendance généralisée par le biais des défis globaux et les attentes liées aux problèmes de contextes ont infléchi le débat philosophique et politique vers des questions concernant le rôle et la place des acteurs dans les processus de décisions collectives. C'est de ce constat que se dégage la question centrale qui oriente cette recherche : quelles sont les conditions requises pour que, dans un contexte déterminé par l'interdépendance, le cosmopolitisme soit un système de participation sociopolitique des acteurs se réalisant à même l'auto-transformation de ces derniers. C'est à cette question que veut répondre notre hypothèse de base. Nous voulons montrer, d'une part, que le cosmopolitisme méthodologique, celui dont Beck se montre le plus grand théoricien contemporain, peut être reconstruit comme une théorie de la transformation des acteurs, et d'autre part, nous pensons pouvoir démontrer que c'est à la condition d'une telle interprétation du cosmopolitisme qu'il est possible de relire d'une manière neuve les théories panafricanistes des années 1960 en y découvrant une forme avant-gardiste de pensée politique qui pourrait guider certains aspects des réflexions contemporaines sur la mondialisation. La relecture du cosmopolitisme à laquelle nous procédons, opère un déplacement symbolique : le passage d'un cosmopolitisme substantiel ayant le républicanisme comme marqueur central à un cosmopolitisme dont la caractéristique essentielle est d'être fondée sur l'interdépendance des contextes de vie, et partant, sur l'initiative collaborative des acteurs. Nous procédons à l'élaboration d'une méthodologie cosmopolitique qui soit à même de prendre en compte la transformation spatiale des procédures démocratiques en vue de la satisfaction des nouvelles attentes citoyennes. Cette méthodologie se veut être en même temps une théorie de la transformation sociale, voire de la transformation des acteurs. Pour ce faire, nous convoquons deux acteurs : Antonio Gramsci et Ulrich Beck. L'application du schéma cathartique, tiré des travaux du premier, au cosmopolitisme du second, permet de le reconstruire comme une théorie de la transformation des acteurs se déployant en trois temps : le niveau psychologique, gnoséologique et stratégique. Ce qui confère à ce schéma cosmopolitique sa validité n'est pas son contenu substantiel mais la méthode qu'elle recèle autorisant à procéder à une philosophie appliquée dans la troisième partie. Aussi, tentons-nous d'écrire une version contextualisée du cosmopolitisme méthodologique que nous appelons le panafricanisme méthodologique. Sur la base des trois niveaux caractéristiques du cosmopolitisme méthodologique, nous élaborons une théorie de la transformation des acteurs propre au contexte panafricain. A l'heure des grands ensembles, le panafricanisme méthodologique permet au continent africain d'allier pragmatisme et démocratie, en étant attentif aux particularités que l'idéologie nationale s'est évertuée à nier, mais en vain, et en situant les peuples à la base des processus et des normes d'intégration. L'efficience du panafricanisme méthodologique tient au fait qu'il est celui des peuples qui décident de son agenda, le modifient et en contrôlent la mise en œuvre. ; (ISP 3) -- UCL, 2010

Among the numerous contemporary socio-political changes, globalization appears as the most important with regard to its theoretical and institutional consequences. Generalized interdependence due to the global challenges and the expectations linked to contextual problems have shifted philosophical and political debates toward questions concerning the role and the place of actors in the process of collective decisions. It is this observation that leads to the central question of this research: what are the conditions required such that, in a context determined by interdependence, cosmopolitanism may be a system where actors may participate in a socio-political way through their own self-transformation. Our basic hypothesis aims at answering this question. We want to show, on one hand, that methodological cosmopolitanism, that of which Beck is the greatest contemporary theoretician, can be reconstructed as a theory of transformation of actors, and on the other hand, we think we shall be able to prove, that it is on the condition of such an interpretation of cosmopolitanism that it is possible to reread, in a new manner, the pan-africanist theories of the 1960, while discovering in them, an avant-gardist form of political thought which could guide some aspects of contemporary reflections on globalization. The rereading of cosmopolitanism to which we proceed, works out a symbolic shift: the passage from a substantial cosmopolitanism having republicanism as its central sign, to a cosmopolitanism whose essential characteristic is to be founded on the interdependence of life contexts, and on the collaborative initiative of the actors. We proceed by the elaboration of a cosmopolitan methodology which may be ready in itself, to take into account, the spatial transformation of democratic procedures in view of satisfying the new expectations of the citizens. This methodology qualifies at the same time as a theory of social transformation, by the way of the transformation of the actors. To do this, we call on two actors: Antonio Gramsci and Ulrich Beck. The application of the cathartic scheme, drawn from the works of the former, to the cosmopolitanism of the latter, permits its reconstruction as a theory of the transformation of actors opening out on three levels: the psychological level, the "gnoseological" level and strategic level. What confers on this cosmopolitical scheme its validity, is not its substantial content, but the method it harbors permitting to proceed to an applied philosophy in the third part. We attempt at writing a contextualized version of methodological cosmopolitanism that we call methodological pan-africanism. On the basis of the three characteristic levels of methodological cosmopolitanism, we elaborate a theory of the transformation of actors proper to the pan-african context. In this sense, methodological pan-africanism, in surpassing the strategies of cooperative type for the strategies of interdependence, gives a historical response consistent with the global context of the policies of integration. At the hour of great togetherness, the methodological pan-africanism allows the African continent to combine pragmatism and democracy, while being attentive to the particularities that national ideology strived to deny but in vain, and while situating people at the foundation of the process and the norms of integration. ; L'interdépendance généralisée par le biais des défis globaux et les attentes liées aux problèmes de contextes ont infléchi le débat philosophique et politique vers des questions concernant le rôle et la place des acteurs dans les processus de décisions collectives. C'est de ce constat que se dégage la question centrale qui oriente cette recherche : quelles sont les conditions requises pour que, dans un contexte déterminé par l'interdépendance, le cosmopolitisme soit un système de participation sociopolitique des acteurs se réalisant à même l'auto-transformation de ces derniers. C'est à cette question que veut répondre notre hypothèse de base. Nous voulons montrer, d'une part, que le cosmopolitisme méthodologique, celui dont Beck se montre le plus grand théoricien contemporain, peut être reconstruit comme une théorie de la transformation des acteurs, et d'autre part, nous pensons pouvoir démontrer que c'est à la condition d'une telle interprétation du cosmopolitisme qu'il est possible de relire d'une manière neuve les théories panafricanistes des années 1960 en y découvrant une forme avant-gardiste de pensée politique qui pourrait guider certains aspects des réflexions contemporaines sur la mondialisation. La relecture du cosmopolitisme à laquelle nous procédons, opère un déplacement symbolique : le passage d'un cosmopolitisme substantiel ayant le républicanisme comme marqueur central à un cosmopolitisme dont la caractéristique essentielle est d'être fondée sur l'interdépendance des contextes de vie, et partant, sur l'initiative collaborative des acteurs. Nous procédons à l'élaboration d'une méthodologie cosmopolitique qui soit à même de prendre en compte la transformation spatiale des procédures démocratiques en vue de la satisfaction des nouvelles attentes citoyennes. Cette méthodologie se veut être en même temps une théorie de la transformation sociale, voire de la transformation des acteurs. Pour ce faire, nous convoquons deux acteurs : Antonio Gramsci et Ulrich Beck. L'application du schéma cathartique, tiré des travaux du premier, au cosmopolitisme du second, permet de le reconstruire comme une théorie de la transformation des acteurs se déployant en trois temps : le niveau psychologique, gnoséologique et stratégique. Ce qui confère à ce schéma cosmopolitique sa validité n'est pas son contenu substantiel mais la méthode qu'elle recèle autorisant à procéder à une philosophie appliquée dans la troisième partie. Aussi, tentons-nous d'écrire une version contextualisée du cosmopolitisme méthodologique que nous appelons le panafricanisme méthodologique. Sur la base des trois niveaux caractéristiques du cosmopolitisme méthodologique, nous élaborons une théorie de la transformation des acteurs propre au contexte panafricain. A l'heure des grands ensembles, le panafricanisme méthodologique permet au continent africain d'allier pragmatisme et démocratie, en étant attentif aux particularités que l'idéologie nationale s'est évertuée à nier, mais en vain, et en situant les peuples à la base des processus et des normes d'intégration. L'efficience du panafricanisme méthodologique tient au fait qu'il est celui des peuples qui décident de son agenda, le modifient et en contrôlent la mise en œuvre. ; (ISP 3) -- UCL, 2010

What economic and policy framework would foster a transition in the European transport sector from fossil fuels to hydrogen in the long term (2030-50)? This research combines empirical and theoretical approaches and aims to answers the following questions:1.How to design appropriate policy instruments to solve inefficiencies in hydrogen mobility deployment?2.How to define abatement cost and an optimal launching date in the presence of learning-by-doing (LBD)?3.How to define an optimal deployment trajectory in presence of LBD and convexity in investment costs?The paper 'Transition Towards a Hydrogen-Based Passenger Car Transport: Comparative Policy Analysis' draws a cross-country comparison between policy instruments that support the deployment of Fuel Cell Electric Vehicle (FCEV). The existing policy framework in favour of FCEV and hydrogen infrastructure deployment is analysed. A set of complementary ex-post policy efficiency indicators is developed and calculated to rank the most active countries, supporters of FCEV. Denmark and Japan emerge as the best providers of favourable conditions for the hydrogen mobility deployment: local authorities put in place price-based incentives (such as subsidies and tax exemptions) making FCEV more financially attractive than its gasoline substitute, and coordinate ramping-up of their hydrogen infrastructure nationally.The paper 'Defining the Abatement Cost in Presence of Learning-by-doing: Application to the Fuel Cell Electric Vehicle' models the transition of the transport sector from a pollutant state to a clean one. A partial equilibrium model is developed for a car sector of a constant size. In this model the objective of the social planner is to minimize the cost of phasing out a stock of polluting cars from the market over time. The cost includes the private cost of green cars production, which are subject to LBD, and the social cost of carbon, which has an exogenous upward trend. During the transition, the equalization of marginal costs takes into account the fact that the current action has an impact on future costs through LBD. This paper also describes a suboptimal plan: if the deployment trajectory is exogenously given, what is the optimal starting date for the transition? The paper provides a quantitative assessment of the FCEV case for the substitution of the mature Internal Combustion Engine (ICE) vehicles. The analysis concludes that the CO2 price should reach 53€/t for the program to start and for FCEV to be a socially beneficial alternative for decarbonizing part of the projected German car park in the 2050 time frame.The impact of LBD on the timing and costs of emission abatement is, however, ambiguous. On the one hand, LBD supposes delaying abatement activities because of cost reduction of future abatement due to LBD. On the other hand, LBD supposes starting the transition earlier because of cost reduction due to added value to cumulative experience. The paper 'The Role of Learning-by-Doing in the Adoption of a Green Technology: the Case of Linear LBD' studies the optimal characteristics of a transition towards green vehicles in the transport sector when both LBD and convexity are present in the cost function. The partial equilibrium model of (Creti et al., 2015) is used as a starting point. For the case of linear LBD the deployment trajectory can be analytically obtained. This allows to conclude that a high learning induces an earlier switch towards green cars in the case of low convexity, and a later switch in the case of high convexity. This insight is used to revisit the hydrogen mobility project in Germany. A high learning lowers the corresponding deployment cost and reduces deepness and duration of the, investment 'death valley' (period of negative project's cash flow). An acceleration of exogenously defined scenario for FCEV deployment, based on the industry forecast, would be beneficial to reduce the associated transition cost. ; Quel cadre économique et réglementaire à long terme (2030-50) pour soutenir la transition énergétique des carburants fossiles vers l'hydrogène dans le secteur européen des transports ? Cette recherche combine les approches théoriques et empiriques pour répondre aux trois questions suivantes :1.Comment concevoir des politiques de soutien adaptées pour pallier les imperfections de marché lors du déploiement de technologies de mobilité hydrogène ?2.Comment modéliser les coûts d'abattement en tenant compte des effets d'apprentissage (LBD) ?3.Comment définir la trajectoire optimale de déploiement quand le LBD et la convexité des coûts d'investissement sont présents ?L'article 'Transition vers un Système de Transport de Passagers à Hydrogène : Analyse Politique Comparée' passe au crible des politique de soutien destinées à résoudre les imperfections de marché dans le déploiement de la mobilité hydrogène. L'article effectue une comparaison internationale entre les instruments en faveur du déploiement des véhicules. Les indicateurs ex post d'efficacité des politiques sont développés et calculés pour classifier les pays selon leur volontarisme dans la promotion des véhicules à piles à combustible (FCEV). Aujourd'hui le Japon et le Danemark apparaissent comme les meilleurs fournisseurs d'un environnement favorable au déploiement de la mobilité hydrogène. Les autorités locales introduisent de solides instruments prix (tels que des subventions et des exemptions fiscales) pour rendre le FCEV plus attractif par rapport à son analogue à essence et coordonnent le déploiement de l'infrastructure hydrogène sur le territoire.L'article 'Modélisation des Coûts d'Abattement en Présence d'Effets d'Apprentissage : le Cas du Véhicule à Hydrogène' présente un modèle de transition du secteur des transports d'un état polluant à un état propre. Un modèle d'équilibre partiel est développé pour un secteur automobile de taille constante. L'optimum social est atteint en minimisant le coût de la transition du parc automobile au cours du temps. Ce coût comprend les coûts privés de production des véhicules décarbonés (sujets aux effets d'apprentissage) ainsi que le coût social des émissions de CO2 qui suit une tendance haussière exogène. L'article caractérise la trajectoire optimale qui est un remplacement progressif des véhicules polluants par les décarbonés. Au cours de la transition, l'égalisation des coûts marginaux tient compte de l'impact des actions présentes sur les coûts futurs via l'effet d'apprentissage. L'article décrit aussi une trajectoire sous-optimale où la trajectoire de déploiement serait une donnée exogène : quelle serait alors la date optimale de début de la transition ? L'article présente une évaluation quantitative de la substitution des FCEV aux véhicules à combustion interne (ICE). L'analyse conclut que le FCEV deviendra une option économiquement viable pour décarboner une partie du parc automobile allemand à l'horizon 2050 dès que le prix du carbone atteindra 50-60€/t.L'article 'Le rôle des Effets d'Apprentissage dans l'Adoption d'une Technologie Verte : le Cas LBD Linéaire' étudie les caractéristiques d'une trajectoire optimale de déploiement des véhicules décarbonés dans le cas où les effets d'apprentissage et la convexité sont présents dans la fonction de coût. Le modèle d'équilibre partiel de Creti et. al (2015) est utilisé comme point de départ. Dans le cas LBD linéaire la trajectoire de déploiement optimale est obtenue analytiquement. Un apprentissage fort induit une transition antérieure vers les véhicules verts dans le cas d'une convexité faible et une transition ultérieure dans le cas d'une convexité forte. Ce résultat permet de revisiter le projet H2 Mobility en Allemagne. Un effet d'apprentissage plus fort et une accélération du déploiement aboutissent à une transition moins coûteuse et une période de cash flow négatif plus courte.