Suchergebnisse

This thesis seeks to answer the question: how healthy, relatively speaking, are civil-military relations in South America? To answer this, key variables from three of the touchstone works in civil-military literature, namely, Samuel Huntington's "The Soldier and the State," Morris Janowitz's "The Professional Soldier: A Social and Political Portrait," and Samuel Finer's "The Man On Horseback." and journal articles were gleaned. A total of twenty-two variables were identified and divided into three categories: State Comparative, Civilian and Military variables that are connected to "healthy" civil-military relations in the literature. These variables were then applied to all twelve South American states. The results were then compared to the United States, which the literature suggests is the closest to having "ideal" civil-military relations. To ensure that the paper comparison matches practice, this thesis reviewed Colombia in-depth. Its military is not only the second largest in the region, but also one that plays a vital role in society. The overall results from this comparative assessment indicate that there is a bimodal distribution among South American states in terms of the variables indicating healthy civil-military relations. Although it is clear that all States still need major improvements, half have healthier civil-military relations than the other half. ; October 2014

El papel protagónico que han adquirido algunos Estados en el Sistema Internacional ha permitido replantear las formas como se están relacionando los países, generando con ello cambios en las estructuras de poder, a la vez que sobresalen nuevos actores. Se trata de las potencias líderes regionales, cuya posición está dada frente a los recursos materiales e ideológicos que éstas poseen, en relación a otros, bien sea con potencias hómologas o frente a potencias secundarias (países con menor capacidad y socios en la integración). En este sentido, los Estados suramericanos han decidido apostarle a la integración de América del Sur; con el propósito de crear una verdadera identidad sin estimar, por un lado la influencia directa del país hegemón - los Estados Unidos, y por otro, desarrollar de manera participativa y consecuada el establecimiento de las bases que consoliden a Suramericana en el campo cultural, social, político, económico, infraestructural y energético. Bajo este último, la integración sectorial ha sido una estrategia de gobernanza, por cuanto se destacan importantes avances en cada una de ellas, siendo estos los pilares de la suramericanización. Es así, como el regionalismo suramericano intenta explicar el proceso que se viene adelando para el cumplimiento de este propósito, además, caracteriza a Brasil como esa potencia regional que asume el liderazgo. Por lo anterior, se desea conocer ¿cuál es la participación de Brasil, como potencia líder regional, en la construcción de la integración energética en Suramérica desde un enfoque de gobernanza multinivel? Entendiendo este concepto como la apertura a nuevos dinámicas de interrelación, redes regionales, pluralidad de actores y demás aspectos que en este marco se encuentran; sumado el hecho, de que los países suramericanos cuentan con recursos materiales, específicamente en el campo energético, que no solamente le garantizan un consumo interno, también proveen de seguridad energética a otros Estados que no son necesatiamente sus vecinos. En otras palabras garantizan el suministro de un bien público. ; The leading role they have acquired some states in the International System has allowed rethink the ways in which countries are relating, thereby generating changes in the structures of power, while new players stand. It is the regional leading powers, whose position is given with regard to material and ideological resources they possess in relation to others, either with homologous powers or against secondary powers (countries with less capacity and partners in the integration). In this regard, the South American States have decided to bet on the integration of South America; in order to create a real identity without estimating the one hand the direct influence of the hegemon country - the United States, and secondly, to develop participating and accord establishing bases to consolidate South America in the field of culture, social political, economic, infrastructure and energy. Under the latter, sectorial integration has been a strategy of governance, because highlights important developments in each of them, which are the pillars of "suramericanization". Thus, as the South American regionalism attempts to explain the process that has been started to fulfill this purpose, further characterized Brazil as a regional power that takes the lead. Therefore, want to know what is the participation of Brazil as a regional leader power in the construction of energy integration in South America from the perspective of multilevel governance? Understanding this concept as the opening of new dynamic interrelation, regional networks, plurality of actors and other aspects in this context are; plus the fact that the South American countries have material resources, specifically in the energy field, which not only guarantee a domestic consumption also provide energy security to other States not only its neighbors. In other words ensure the supply of a public good.

__Abstract__ Review Essay. In the 1970s and 1980s, Central America was associated with military governments, revolutionary movements, civil war, extreme inequality, and authoritarianism in the 'backyard' of the United States. Broad social mobilizations and political repression

La Primera Cumbre ALC-UE, realizada en Río de Janeiro en 1999, fue el comienzo de una alianza estratégica entre América Latina y el Caribe y la Unión Europea. A pesar de las dificultades, esta asociación ha sido útil para ambas partes. En este artículo estudiamos la evolución de estas relaciones birregionales analizando su futuro inmediato. También presentamos las siete cumbres birregionales entre 1999 y 2013, los progresos obtenidos de ellas, los desafíos que la alianza estratégica debe enfrentar, el debate del futuro de las relaciones birregionales y las nuevas estrategias que la asociación ALC-UE debe seguir para alcanzar sus objetivos. Finalmente, proponemos una nueva agenda y temas para consolidar la cooperación regional. ; The First IAC-EU Summit, carried out in Rio de Janeiro in 1999, was the beginning of a strategic alliance between Latin America and the European Union. Despite the difficulties, this association has been useful for both parties. In this article, we study the evolution of these bi-regional relationships analyzing its immediate future. We also present the 7 bi-regional summits from 1999 until 2013, the progress made by them, the challenges that this strategic alliance has to face, the debate of the future of bi-regional relationships and the new strategies that the IAC-EU association must follow to achieve its objectives. Finally we propose a new agenda and issues to consolidate the regional cooperation.

For most of its history, Latin America has lived under authoritarian and elite rule where public decisions were often crafted in the shadows by cabinets and parliaments to the benefit of a small minority. Recently, the development of participatory political systems has brought some transparency to the policy-making process. Such scrutiny reveals evidence of the capture of aspects of policy-making by private interests that use obscure strategies to achieve their political goals. As a consequence, a widespread movement for regulating the role and tactics of interest groups emerged, which is seen as a necessary step to address the root causes of political corruption. This article provides an overview of efforts to regulate lobbying in Latin America. It explains attempts at regulation in four countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Peru), evaluates the level of success of these efforts, and assesses prospects for the future regarding reducing corruption through the instrument of lobby regulations. The authors argue that such regulations alone cannot eliminate political corruption. However, lobby regulations can contribute to increased transparency and aid in developing an anti-corruption culture. It will be shown that lobby laws in Latin America exhibit many of the problems long identified with similar regulations across western democracies. [Copyright John Wiley and Sons, Ltd.]

Productive and financial crises delegitimize the theoretical foundations of the overriding economic and political system. The fallback from the center to the previous peripheries results in an exacerbated global economic interaction, with overwhelming ecological and social costs. To have new models of social organization and political management are manifest purposes by groups that condemn the prevailing model of provision of goods and services and its political support. Asia and Latin America were lesser affected by the last financial commotion. Nevertheless, from reviewing its traditions, the new political thought in these regions strives for autonomous conceptual schemes, which accompany social movements. Both political and theoretical changes are key elements towards an inclusive international order. ; Las crisis financieras y productivas recurrentes tienden a deslegitimar los fundamentos teóricos del sistema económico y político dominante. En el repliegue del centro hacia las anteriores periferias, la interacción global resulta exacerbada, al tiempo que se agudizan las contradicciones de un sistema de intercambios sostenido a un costo ecológico y social abrumador. Disponer de nuevos modelos de gestión política y organización social son propósitos manifiestos por parte de los grupos que denuncian el modelo de provisión de bienes y servicios imperante. En Asia y América Latina, no obstante tratarse de las regiones menos afectadas por la última conmoción, a partir de la revisión de su tradición, el pensamiento político de vanguardia se empeña en respaldar los movimientos sociales con esquemas conceptuales renovadores. Su adscripción diferenciada al orden internacional condiciona sus teorizaciones.

The principal purpose of this paper is to analyze different methods for decision making, with a focus on entrepreneurship in Latin America. Decision-making methods may be informed by aggregation operators that are based on the use of probabilities, weighted averages (WAs) and generalized aggregation operators. The paper presents a new generalized probabilistic weighted averaging (GPWA) operator that unifies WAs and probability in the same formulation, considering the degree of importance of each concept used in the analysis. The fundamental advantage of this approach is that it includes a wide range of particular cases including the probabilistic weighted averaging (PWA) operator, the probabilistic weighted geometric averaging (PWGA) operator and the probabilistic weighted quadratic averaging (PWQA) operator. Quasi-arithmetic means are used to obtain the Quasi-PWA operator and to generalize the approach, which is then applied to a set of hypothetical entrepreneurial investment decisions in a politically unified Latin American region. ; El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar diferentes métodos de toma de decisiones, con enfoque en el emprendimiento en Latinoamérica. Los métodos de toma de decisiones pueden recibir información por parte de operadores de agregación basados en el uso de probabilidades, promedios ponderados (PP) y operadores de agregación generalizados. El artículo presenta un nuevo operador probabilístico generalizado de promedios ponderados (GPWA) que unifica los promedios ponderados y la probabilidad en la misma formulación, considerando el grado de importancia de cada concepto usado en el análisis. La ventaja fundamental de este enfoque es que incluye un amplio rango de casos particulares, incluyendo el operador probabilístico de promedios ponderados, el operador probabilístico de promedios geométricos ponderados y el operador probabilístico de promedios cuadráticos ponderados. Se emplean medios cuasiaritméticos para obtener el operador cuasiprobabilístico de promedios ponderados y para generalizar el enfoque, que luego es aplicado a un conjunto de decisiones empresariales hipotéticas en cuanto a inversión en una región latinoamericana unificada políticamente. ; O objetivo principal deste artigo é o de analisar diferentes métodos para tomar decisões, com enfoque no empreendedorismo na América Latina. Esses métodos podem receber informação de operadores de agregação apoiados no uso de probabilidades, médias ponderadas (MP) e operadores de agregação generalizados. O artigo apresenta um novo operador probabilístico generalizado de médias ponderadas (GMWA) que unifica as médias ponderadas e a probabilidade na mesma formulação, considerando o grau de importância de cada conceito utilizado na análise. A vantagem fundamental desta visão é que inclui uma ampla faixa de casos particulares: O operador probabilístico de médias ponderadas, o probabilístico de médias geométricas ponderadas e o probabilístico de médias quadráticas ponderadas. São utilizadas médias quasearitméticas para obter o operador quaseprobabilístico de médias ponderadas e para generalizar a visão e, depois é aplicado a um conjunto de decisões empresariais hipotéticas quanto a investimento em uma região latino-americana unificada politicamente.

This article socialize results in research of Latin America social politic trends, having in special reference to the consideration this one has around family and social relationships that are developed below. For that, the paper summarizes the analysis of the main mechanisms that acquires the "contemporary" intervention on the "social question" in the Conditional Transfer Rent Programs: the co-responsibility, familiarization and maternalization of the social politic.The analysis focuses on the revisions of produccions and documents sent by international organisms whose positions present relevance and influence in Latin America's social politics mathers: Economic Comission for Latin American and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the World Bank. Both organisms present a succesfull production over Conditional Transfer Rent Program, as well as mechanisms of influence at national agendas, which gives relevance analysis to the mentioned documents. ; El presente artículo socializa resultados de investigación sobre las tendencias en las políticas sociales en América Latina, haciendo especial referencia a las consideraciones que éstas tienen en torno a la familia y las relaciones sociales que en su interior se desarrollan. Para ello, el trabajo sintetiza el análisis de los principales mecanismos que adquiere la intervención contemporánea sobre la "cuestión social" en los Programas de Transferencia de Renta Condicionada: la corresponsabilidad, la familiarización y la maternalización de la política social.El análisis se centra en la revisión de producciones y documentos emanados de organismos internacionales cuyas posturas presentan relevancia e influencia en materia de política social en América Latina: la Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL) y el Banco Mundial. Ambos organismos presentan una fructífera producción sobre los Programas de Transferencia de Renta Condicionada, como así también mecanismos de incidencia en las agendas nacionales, lo cual otorga relevancia al análisis de los mencionados documentos.

The article deals with formation and development of regional subsystem of internationalrelations in North America in the nineteenth century. In the nineteenthcentury North American subsystem of international relations passed through threestages, those of formation (1800—1823), consolidation (1823—1867), and stabledevelopment (1867—1904). The critical periods in the evolution of internationalrelations in North America were the years between 1815 and 1823 when a newindependent actor appeared and system interaction between the powers presentin the region came to life, and the years between 1845 and 1867 when regionalhierarchy was finalized with the United States as a leading regional power ; Рассматривается становление и развитие региональной подсистемы международных отношений в Северной Америке в XIX в. В изучаемое столетие североамериканская подсистема международных отношений прошла три периода, которые отражают ее формирование (1800—1823), консолидацию (1823—1867) и стабильное развитие (1867—1904). Особую значимость в развитии международных отношений в Северной Америке сыграли два хронологических отрезка: 1815—1823 — время появления нового независи-мого актора и выстраивания системного взаимодействия между игроками врегионе; 1845—1867 — завершение формирования региональной междуна-родной иерархии, на вершине которой оказались США.

BACKGROUND: High early mortality in patients with HIV-1 starting antiretroviral therapy (ART) in sub-Saharan Africa, compared to Europe and North America, is well documented. Longer-term comparisons between settings have been limited by poor ascertainment of mortality in high burden African settings. This study aimed to compare mortality up to four years on ART between South Africa, Europe, and North America. METHODS AND FINDINGS: Data from four South African cohorts in which patients lost to follow-up (LTF) could be linked to the national population register to determine vital status were combined with data from Europe and North America. Cumulative mortality, crude and adjusted (for characteristics at ART initiation) mortality rate ratios (relative to South Africa), and predicted mortality rates were described by region at 0-3, 3-6, 6-12, 12-24, and 24-48 months on ART for the period 2001-2010. Of the adults included (30,467 [South Africa], 29,727 [Europe], and 7,160 [North America]), 20,306 (67%), 9,961 (34%), and 824 (12%) were women. Patients began treatment with markedly more advanced disease in South Africa (median CD4 count 102, 213, and 172 cells/µl in South Africa, Europe, and North America, respectively). High early mortality after starting ART in South Africa occurred mainly in patients starting ART with CD4 count <50 cells/µl. Cumulative mortality at 4 years was 16.6%, 4.7%, and 15.3% in South Africa, Europe, and North America, respectively. Mortality was initially much lower in Europe and North America than South Africa, but the differences were reduced or reversed (North America) at longer durations on ART (adjusted rate ratios 0.46, 95% CI 0.37-0.58, and 1.62, 95% CI 1.27-2.05 between 24 and 48 months on ART comparing Europe and North America to South Africa). While bias due to under-ascertainment of mortality was minimised through death registry linkage, residual bias could still be present due to differing approaches to and frequency of linkage. CONCLUSIONS: After accounting for under-ascertainment of mortality, with increasing duration on ART, the mortality rate on HIV treatment in South Africa declines to levels comparable to or below those described in participating North American cohorts, while substantially narrowing the differential with the European cohorts. Please see later in the article for the Editors' Summary. ; Funding of the International epidemiological Databases to Evaluate AIDS, Southern Africa (IeDEA-SA) collaboration was provided by the US National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), grant no. 5U01AI069924-05. The ART Cohort Collaboration is funded by UK Medical Research Council grants and the Department for International Development (DFID), grants G0700820 and MR/J002380/1. Sources of funding of individual cohorts include the Agence Nationale de Recherche sur le SIDA et les hépatites virales (ANRS); the Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM); the French, Italian, and Spanish Ministries of Health; the Swiss National Science Foundation (grant 33CS30_134277); the Ministry of Science and Innovation and the Spanish Network for AIDS Research (RIS; ISCIII-RETIC RD06/006); the Stichting HIV Monitoring; the European Commission (EuroCoord grant 260694); the British Columbia and Alberta Governments; the National Institutes of Health (NIH): UW Center for AIDS Research (CFAR) (NIH grant P30 AI027757), UAB CFAR (NIH grant P30-AI027767), The Vanderbilt-Meharry CFAR (NIH grant P30 AI54999), National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (U10-AA13566, U24-AA020794); the US Department of Veterans Affairs; the Michael Smith Foundation for Health Research; the Canadian Institutes of Health Research; the VHA Office of Research and Development; and unrestricted grants from Abbott, Gilead, Tibotec-Upjohn, ViiV Healthcare, MSD, GlaxoSmithKline, Pfizer, Bristol Myers Squibb, Roche, and Boehringer-Ingelheim. No funding bodies had any role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. ; Sí

The article proposes a chronological reading in the characterizations of the artist from three distinct moments, as are submitted by the argentine artist Ricardo Carpani in their articles and books published between 1958 and 1985. In the roadmap we exalt the evolution of the concept of artist in the own theoretical reflection on Ricardo Carpani differentiating the requirements of the "free artist", the "revolutionary artist" and "the militant artistic". At the same time, leaving evidence that such speculation is a correspondence with variations in the artistic practices and politics practices of the own Carpani, carried out in a key moment in the political history in Argentina and in Latin America. ; El artículo propone una lectura cronológica de las caracterizaciones del artista a partir de tres momentos diferenciados, tal y como son presentados por el artista argentino Ricardo Carpani en sus artículos y libros publicados entre 1958 y 1985. En dicho itinerario buscamos exaltar la evolución del concepto de artista en la propia reflexión teórica de Ricardo Carpani, diferenciando los requerimientos del "artista libre", "el artista revolucionario" y "el militante artístico". A la vez, dejar en evidencia que dicha especulación encuentra una correspondencia con las variaciones en las prácticas artístico-políticas del propio Carpani, efectuadas en un momento coyuntural de la historia política argentina y latinoamericana.

Un malestar planea sobre los denominados 'border studies'. Aquel se sitúa a un nível político tanto cómo teórico en una vacilación normativa que le impide a la disciplina diferenciar entre formas espectaculares de fronterización que sólo reproducen la función represora de fronteras (ie, Yo/Otro), y los que apuntan a roles alternativos para prácticas fronterizas de índole más transductor y mediador de las relaciones socio-espaciales. Abarcando un 'road less traveled', el ensayo propone explorer la segunda opción repensando la relación geo-histórica entre europa y américa latina en cuanto al desenvolvimiento de una 'frontera letrada'. Inspirado por la obra de Angel Rama, el autor desvela una fronterización comparativa incesante, con orígen en los primeros tratados y mapas coloniales entre poderes europeos, cuyos ecos poscoloniales siguen resonando en una dialéctica fronteriza interna/externa entre ambos continentes. Por medio de un 'ritmo-análisis' fronterizo y trans-atlántico, el artículo concluye proponiendo otra forma de ver las fronteras entre europa y america latina, no tanto cómo líneas separadoras entre entidades geopolíticas fuertemente diferenciadas, sino cómo horizontes que demarcan una modernidad co-producida y compartida. ; A malaise hovers over the erstwhile field of border studies. Symptoms of this condition fester on a political as well as theoretical plane, and can be located in a normative vacillation which impedes the discipline from distinguishing between spectacular forms of bordering that only serve to reproduce the repressive function of borders (e.g., Us/Them), and those that might point towards alternative roles for bordering practices that are more transductive and mediatory of socio-spatial relations. Proceeding along a road less travelled, this essay proposes to explore the latter option by rethinking the geo-historical relation between Europe and Latin America, conceived as the evolution of a "lettered border". Inspired by the work of Ángel Rama, the author reveals a process of ceaseless comparative bordering, with origins in the very first colonial treaties and maps between European powers, whose postcolonial echoes continue to resonate in an internal/external border dialectic between both continents. By way of a border and transatlantic "rhythmanalyse", the article concludes by proposing another way of seeing the borders of Europe and Latin America, viewed not so much as lines separating strongly differentiated geopolitical entities, but as horizons that demarcate a co-produced and shared modernity. ; Um mal-estar planeja sobre os denominados "estudos de fronteiras" (border studies). Situa-se a um nível político tanto como teórico, numa vacilação normativa que impede à disciplina diferenciar entre formas espetaculares de fronterização que só reproduzem a função repressora de fronteiras (ie, Eu/Outro), e as que apontam a papéis alternativos para práticas fronteiriças de índole mais transdutora e mediadora das relaciones sócio-espaciais. Avançando por um caminho menos transitado, este ensaio propõe-se explorar a segunda opção repensando a relação geo-histórica entre Europa e América Latina quanto ao desenvolvimento de uma "fronteira letrada". Inspirado pela obra de Ángel Rama, o autor desvela uma fronterização comparativa incessante, com origem nos primeiros tratados e mapas coloniais entre poderes europeus, cujos ecos póscoloniais seguem ressoando numa dialética fronteiriça interna/externa entre ambos continentes. Por médio de um "ritmo-análise" fronteiriço e transatlântico, o artigo conclui propondo outra forma de ver as fronteiras entre Europa e América Latina, não tanto como linhas separadoras entre entidades geopolíticas fortemente diferenciadas, senão como horizontes que demarcam uma modernidade coproduzida e compartilhada.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar los aspectos principales de la normativa sobre servicios ambientales de una selección de países de América del Sur, para poder detectar fortalezas y debilidades y colaborar con posibles propuestas para lograr una gestión sustentable. Metodológicamente se realizó un análisis comparativo de "estudios de caso", y se utilizó el método de observación documental. Los datos cualitativos recogidos fueron secundarios (análisis de registros escritos, tales como doctrina y legislación). Podemos concluir que existe una disparidad en la normativa sobre servicios ambientales de los países de América del Sur que fueron seleccionados. Esta situación va en contra del espíritu del MERCOUSR al que pertenecen Argentina y Paraguay, cuyo objetivo es unificar el marco jurídico ambiental de la región, según surge de la Resolución N° 22/92 del Grupo de Mercado Común. Lo mismo ocurre con los países pertenecientes a la Comunidad Andina (Perú y Colombia). ; The purpose of this paper is to analyze the main issues of environmental services regulation from a selection of South American countries, in order to set up strengths and weaknesses and to collaborate with feasible proposals for a sustainable management. Methodologically, we made a comparative analysis of "case studies", and used the documentary observational method. The qualitative data were secondary (written records, such as jurisprudence and regulations). We can conclude that there is a legal disparity in environmental services regulations from the selected countries of South America. This situation goes against the MERCOSUR spirit (where Argentina and Paraguay are members), which main objective is to standardize the environmental legal framework, according to Resolution N° 22/92 from the MERCOSUR Common Market Group. The same occurs with the countries from the Andean Community (Perú and Colombia). ; Le but de cet article est d'analyser la réglamentation concernant les services environnementaux dans les pays d'Amérique du Sud sélectionnés, afin de identifier les forces et les faiblesses et de contribuer avec des propositions pour parvenir à une gestión plus soutenable. Du point de vue méthodologique, on a effectué une analyse comparative des "études de cas" et on a utilisé la méthode de l'observation documentaire. Les données qualitatives recueillies ont été secondaires (analyse de documents écrits, tels que la doctrine et la législation). On peut conclure qu'il y a une grande disparité des règles dans la réglementation des services environnementaux dans les pays d'Amérique du Sud qui ont été sélectionnés. Cette situation est contraire à l'esprit du MERCOUSR –l'Argentine et le Paraguay sont États parties- qui a pour but unifier le cadre juridique de la protection de l'environnement dans la región, comme est indiqué dans la Résolution N°22/92 du Groupe Marché Commun du MERCOSUR. La même situation se déroule dans les pays de la Communauté Andine (Pérou et Colombie).

During the fifteen years discussed here — 1998-2013 — all the countries of South America, except Colombia and Peru, have democratically established themselves through the ballot boxes of left-wing governments. This turn to the left began in 1998 with the election of Hugo Chavez by universal suffrage as President of the Republic of Venezuela. Such an impressive tidal tress raises questions about its causes but also about the distinction that is usually made on the two left: one referred to as moderate, comprising Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, and the other considered to be revolutionary, including Hugo Chavez, Bolivia of Evo Morales and Equateur de Rafael Correa. Research has different objectives: understanding the origins of the turn on the left, drawing up the balance sheet after 15 years of power, defining political, economic and social achievements. Cristina Kirchner estimated the 2000s in Argentina as a gained decade. This judgment could be extended to most countries in the region. The debt problem has been resolved to the advantage of certain countries such as Argentina and Ecuador. Growth has returned throughout the subcontinent. Poverty has fallen to a very large extent, even though it is far from being eliminated. Unemployment has also decreased. The middle classes have grown. The neo-liberal model behind South American illnesses in the previous period was fought. That said, nothing is played definitively. In most countries, the right retains a resounding power. ; Au cours des quinze années ici abordées -1998-2013- tous les pays de l'Amérique du Sud, à l'exception de la Colombie et du Pérou, se sont dotés démocratiquement par les urnes de gouvernements de gauche. Ce virage a gauche a débuté en 1998 par l'élection d'Hugo Chavez au suffrage universel à la présidence de la république du Venezuela. Un raz de marée aussi impressionnant conduit à s'interroger sur ses causes mais aussi sur la distinction que l'on opère habituellement sur les deux gauche : l'une qualifiée de modérée qui regroupe le Brésil, ...

Despite different initial themes, in recent protests in Latin American countries such as Brazil, Argentina and Peru emerged claims related to improving the quality of public policies offered, the performance of representatives and democratic institutions, especially political parties. About the last issue, there is some consensus in American and European literature as to the distance of the parties and the electorate, except for countries democratized during the third wave (Portugal, Spain and Greece). In the Latin American context, strongly characterized by instability of political systems, military periods and young democracies, predominates dissent around the relationship between parties and voters, so are strong the arguments that point to the decline of partisan engagement and also those who defend the stability of those institutions in the region. Given these different analytical perspectives and the scarcity of jobs to discuss this divergence, this paper aims to establish a dialogue between these two currents, optimistic and pessimistic, of diagnostics on the relationship between parties and voters in Latin America. Our aim is to highlight the points of departure of the analysis of different authors, in other words, their interpretations of the Latin American political scene at the beginning of the XXI century, in order to exploit the congruence and, in particular, the analytical incongruities of political scientists with relation to partisanship in Latin America. We intend, in this way, contribute to the update of the debate on the future of political parties in the region. ; A pesar de los diferentes temas iniciales, en recientes protestas en países latinoamericanos como Brasil, Argentina y Perú surgieron reclamos relacionados con la mejora de la calidad de las políticas públicas ofrecidas, el desempeño de los representantes y las instituciones democráticas, especialmente los partidos políticos. Sobre el último tema, existe cierto consenso en la literatura estadounidense y europea sobre la distancia de los partidos y el electorado, excepto para los países democratizados durante la tercera ola (Portugal, España y Grecia). En el contexto latinoamericano, fuertemente caracterizado por la inestabilidad de los sistemas políticos, los períodos militares y las democracias jóvenes, predomina la disidencia en torno a la relación entre los partidos y los votantes, por lo que son fuertes los argumentos que apuntan a la disminución del compromiso partidista y también a quienes defienden la estabilidad. de esas instituciones en la región. Dadas estas diferentes perspectivas analíticas y la escasez de empleos para discutir esta divergencia, este documento tiene como objetivo establecer un diálogo entre estas dos corrientes, optimista y pesimista, de diagnóstico sobre la relación entre los partidos y los votantes en América Latina. Nuestro objetivo es resaltar los puntos de partida del análisis de diferentes autores, es decir, sus interpretaciones de la escena política latinoamericana a principios del siglo XXI, para explotar la congruencia y, en particular, las incongruencias analíticas. de politólogos con relación al partidismo en América Latina. Tenemos la intención, de esta manera, de contribuir a la actualización del debate sobre el futuro de los partidos políticos en la región.