Suchergebnisse

In the future, maybe this week's action by the
Louisiana State Senate to send SB 276 to Republican
Gov. Jeff Landry's
desk will help out the political prospects of Democrats bitterly opposed to it.

That bill makes the pair of drugs used for chemical
abortions available by prescription only in Louisiana, as part
of an effort that creates the crime of coerced abortion. By making these
prescription-based, this makes more difficult obtaining these to induce
nefariously ingestion by an unknowing pregnant female, as well as throws up a
roadblock to those aiding and abetting in induction of abortions in Louisiana,
which by law almost always is illegal.

Democrats raised all sorts of essentially phony
objections to this, which marginally would change the ability to obtain these
drugs, even to have an illegal abortion performed, and wouldn't materially
alter the ability and alacrity in using these for other purposes. As GOP state
Sen. Jay Morris noted
during debate, the real
but hidden objection was it could prevent a portion of these illegal abortions
in the state that runs contrary to the abortion-on-demand philosophy of the
political left.

Yet this becoming law, which Democrats may see as
a defeat now, actually may reap them future political gains in Louisiana. Not
anytime soon, but perhaps a generation away, despite themselves.

This is because of natality
patterns in the aggregate globally, in the U.S., and among the states. For
decades, fertility has fallen everywhere, where the global replacement rate has
been 2.1 per female. It last reached that in the U.S. in 2007 and by the latest
estimates is now close to 1.6, mirroring other economically-developed countries
although it is higher than most, and even the entire global rate is estimated
to have fallen to replacement rate.

That means at the current rate the planet's
population will start shrinking in about four decades. Large-scale immigration,
whether legally, into the U.S. may keep its population expanding but eventually
that lack of domestic reproduction would catch up, and has negative consequences
in various ways, such as solvency of pension funds like Social Security, inputs
to continued economic growth, and dislocation in industries like education and
construction.

Apparently, the culprit is a shift in attitudes
towards more individualistic goals that deemphasize present enjoyment of
raising children and future enjoyment of interacting with succeeding generations,
But, it's not all uniform; indeed, within America
the states show wide variation. The most fertile state, South Dakota, has a
rate about 50 percent higher than the lowest, Vermont.

However, there's a very telling pattern in all of
that. Of the 13 highest states – with Louisiana ranked fifth – all are "red"
states. They reliably have voted Republican in the past few presidential
elections, they all have GOP senators, and only one has a governor (Kansas;
Nebraska officially is nonpartisan but clearly hews to the right in national voting
behavior) not a Republican while all have both chambers of the legislatures in
GOP hands, often by supermajorities.

By contrast, of the 13 lowest states, all but New
Hampshire is a "blue" state where besides it all having just Democrats as
senators (as does New Hampshire), only one governor not a Democrat (Nevada),
and all legislatures controlled by Democrats. This shouldn't surprise given the
different conceptualizations behind conservatism and liberalism: liberals see
the world more atomistically and in zero-sum terms and place emphasis on
symbolic policy representation that in objective terms tends to command and
control of others that relieves them of greater responsibility for positive
interactions into the lives of others, a selfishness that translates into
reduced desire to have families.

There are disparate allied factors as well related
to these different ideologies. Conservatives are
more likely culturally desirous of children and larger families, often for
religious reasons, as opposed to liberals. For their part, liberals are more
likely caught up in fringe behaviors such as the cult
of catastrophic anthropogenic global warming that acts as a disincentive to
want children.

And then there's abortion. There's perhaps no more
demonstrative act that a female could perform than killing her unborn child in
the womb that affects the fertility rate, part of the cultural mosaic that so
strongly affects that rate. Add to that the long-confirmed data point in
political science that family political attitudes are the single most important
factor in shaping a person's own political attitudes – partisanship strongly,
specific issue preferences well, ideological identification somewhat – and that
means as conservatives are much less likely than liberals to support abortion, then
conservatives' values are passed along through child-rearing in a
disproportionately-higher fashion by the numbers.

Or to put it more crassly, conservatives are replicating
holders of their issue preferences into superior voting numbers while liberals
are aborting their own into minority status, the data trend reveals. Perhaps
this is one reason why the left, whose leaders must sense this coming, increasingly
support policies that promote subservience and dependence, as a method to break
this demography as destiny

So, when conservatives rightfully attack the moral
evil of abortion and the attendant disrespect of life it encourages, they fight
the good fight but ironically make matters more difficult for themselves
politically in the future. SB 276 will save lives, both of pregnant females and
the unborn, but then many of those children will become socialized into environments
the values of which disrespect life and a responsible individualism which
enhances it. That only reinforces something conservatives already know: life is
a series of choices that demands prudence in decision-making for which the individual
must take responsibility without exporting their consequences to others, and in
this instance preservation and valuation of life is the most important goal.

La cuestión fundamental que este trabajo plantea es por qué la sociedad se divide. Son muchos autores los que, desde diferentes ámbitos, trazan patrones acerca de este elemento. Nuestra particular reflexión detenta la misión de analizar y conocer cómo este fenómeno se conforma en las ciencias sociales. De este modo, una de las misiones de este trabajo es comprender la polarización política en su variabilidad de supuestos y escenarios. Estas disensiones entre ciudadanos cobran significancia debido a enmarañadas disquisiciones morales, éticas y políticas que dan lugar a corrientes de pensamiento como ecologismo, socialismo, liberalismo, nacionalismo o feminismo. Será por medio de esta última teoría desde la que busquemos cotejar cómo la opinión pública, la esfera política o los medios de comunicación de masas se dividen, aproximan, dispersan y reconfiguran posiciones y conceptos. Así, este trabajo emerge desde la multidisciplinaridad y el saber acumulativo. Lo que manifestamos no es solo la necesidad de reportar un entendimiento de fenómenos como la polarización o el feminismo, sino que pretendemos seguir abriendo una estela para que, independientemente de la partícula de análisis, la sociedad pueda entender y seguir entendiendo, pueda preguntar y seguir preguntando, cómo se entrelaza nuestro mundo. Por consiguiente, la presente tesis tiene como objetivos: (i) entender qué es la polarización política; (ii), comprender qué papel juega el movimiento y la doctrina feminista presente en el ámbito público; (iii), analizar cómo estos fenómenos sociales emergen dentro de los medios de comunicación de masas; (iv), contribuir a la expansión de nuevos métodos de aprendizaje de máquina dentro de la ciencia política. Para la consecución de nuestros tres primeros objetivos se ha dado forma a un marco en donde se ponen de manifiesto las diferentes líneas teóricas y terminológicas expuestas sobre las anteriores cuestiones. Además, se busca con ello poder encontrar unos puntos de conexión con los que dar forma a nuestros planteamientos. Asimismo, y en relación con el último de los objetivos, este busca aportar nuevas líneas metodológicas para las ciencias sociales, empleando estas como modelos de análisis de nuestras temáticas. A este respecto, los enfoques utilizados surgen de la linde de distintas disciplinas como la computación, la psicología y las ciencias sociales, conformándose en lo conocido como Natural Language Processing. Con todo ello, los resultados sugieren que el feminismo no es concebido como un fenómeno polar en los medios de masas españoles analizados. Tampoco resulta claramente polarizante al ser analizado en redes sociales, en este caso en plataformas como YouTube. A su vez, sí hemos detectado que, una parte del feminismo, el que crece a raíz de la segunda ola de este y da forma al género, es el que obtiene la mayor presencia dentro de los periódicos españoles. También, se pone de relieve que el feminismo mediático español está inserto en una serie de tendencias que se ven influenciadas por sucesos coetáneos, como el influjo del poder político o factores de índole social. ; The fundamental question that this work raises is why society is divided. There are many authors who, from different fields, trace patterns about this element. Our reflection has the mission of analyzing and knowing how this phenomenon is conjectured in the social sciences. In this way, this study is aimed at understanding the development of political polarization by bringing a new face to this complex prism. These dissensions among citizens become significant due to entangled moral, ethical and political disquisitions that give rise to currents of thought such as ecologism, socialism, liberalism, nationalism or feminism. It will be through this last theory that we will seek to compare how public opinion, the political sphere or the mass media divide, approximate, disperse and reconfigure positions and concepts. Thus, this work arises from mutable multidisciplinarity and cumulative knowledge. What we manifest is not only the need to report an understanding of phenomena such as polarization or feminism, but we intend to continue opening a trail so that, independent of the particle of analysis, society can understand and continue to understand, can ask and continue to ask, how our world is intertwined. Therefore, the present thesis aims to: (i) understand what political polarization is; (ii), comprehend what role the feminist movement and doctrine present in the public sphere plays; (iii), analyze how these social phenomena boil within the mass media; (iv), contribute to the expansion of new machine methods within political science. In order to achieve our first three objectives, a framework has been developed in which the different theoretical and terminological lines of thought on the above issues are highlighted. In addition, the goal is to find some points of connection with which to shape our approaches. Likewise, and in relation to the last of the objectives, it seeks to contribute new methodological lines for the social sciences, using them as models of analysis of our topics. In this regard, the approaches used arise from the border of different disciplines such as computer science, psychology, and social sciences, forming what is known as Natural Language Processing. The results suggest that feminism is not conceived as a polar phenomenon in the Spanish mass media analyzed. Nor is it clearly polarizing when analyzed in social media, in this case on platforms such as YouTube. In turn, we have detected that a part of feminism, the one that grows as a result of the second wave of feminism and shapes gender, is the one that obtains the greatest presence in Spanish newspapers. It is also clear that Spanish media feminism is part of a series of trends that are influenced by contemporary events, such as the influence of political power or social factors. ; Tesis Univ. Granada.

Como concepto, el Estado ha pasado por diversas concepciones, que tienen a describir un tiempo y espacio concreto, haciendo que este no logre concretarse y, por el contrario, a medida que el desarrollo tecnológico permite nuevos mecanismos de interrelación, surgen otros modos de entender y asimilar el Estado. En ese sentido, la presente tesis se divide en tres capítulos, los cuales se construyeron a partir de una investigación bibliográfica, sin omitir acontecimientos políticos que han marcado el actuar político reciente. Se inicia con un acercamiento conceptual del Estado y su interacción con las ideas políticas, teniendo en cuenta un contexto histórico que aterriza con el Estado Social de Derecho (ESD), el cual ha sido relevante a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX; a esto se debe añadir el proceso de globalización, sobre el cual las diferentes estructuras estatales no han sido ajenas y han llegado a incidir, a manera de retroalimentación, en la evolución del mismo. Es importante anotar que el liberalismo económico ha sido partícipe de estos procesos, concibiendo la democracia liberal como forma de gobierno idónea para el actuar en libertar de una ciudadanía que aún no logra ser mundial. Lo anterior es aterrizado en la historia política colombiana, la cual no ha sido foránea a los acontecimientos y tendencias mundiales y durante los últimos decenios se ha visto influenciada por el accionar político de otros Estados; así, se tiene que en este país la lucha por el poder político, en un ambiente de democracia, se consolidado a través de la generación de opinión, la cual ha sido potenciada con el uso de las redes sociales que han adquirido relevancia al momento de fortalecer el marketing político. A partir de esto, la opinión pública en el ámbito político y en un contexto globalizado, ha adquirido una preponderancia tal, que la participación ciudadana se ha venido soportando cada vez más en esta, llegando a relegar la razón y los argumentos, esto con el objetivo de masificar una idea, la cual es usada en provecho de un objetivo político y finalmente en la obtención del poder. Esto se relaciona directamente con el populismo el cual, para el presente caso, se refugia en el respeto a la diversidad de ideas y concepciones, omitiendo la solides de la argumentación y pasando directamente al uso de las pasiones, las cuales llegan a ser manipuladas o tergiversadas, llegando a configurarse formas de gobierno soportadas en la opinión pública. Finalmente, la conjunción de la opinión pública junto a la participación democrática de los estados, termina por generar una nueva configuración estatal en donde el debate tiene a ser suprimido y la soberanía se traslada de acuerdo con la influencia que determinados actores puedan ejercer, sean estos organizaciones como partidos o movimientos políticos e incluso los mismos medios de comunicación, siempre notándose la importancia que han adquirido las redes sociales en la difusión de determinadas ideas. ; The State, As a concept, has gone through various conceptions, which tend to describe a specific time and space, causing it to fail to materialize and, on the contrary, as technological development allows new mechanisms of interrelation, other ways of understanding and assimilate the State. In this sense, this thesis is divided into three chapters, which were constructed from a bibliographic investigation, without omitting political events that have marked recent political action. It begins with a conceptual approach to the State and its interaction with political ideas, taking into account a historical context that lands with the Social State under the Rule of Law, which has been relevant from the second half of the 20th century. To this must be added the globalization process, on which the different state structures have not been alien and have come to influence, by way of feedback, on its evolution. It is important to note that economic liberalism has been a participant in these processes, conceiving liberal democracy as an ideal form of government to act to free a citizenry that has not yet managed to be global. The foregoing can be seen in Colombian political history, which has not been foreign to world events and trends and during the last decades has been influenced by the political actions of other States. Thus, in this country the struggle for political power, in an environment of democracy, has been consolidated through the generation of opinion, which has been enhanced with the use of social networks that have acquired relevance at the time of strengthen political marketing. From this, public opinion in the political sphere and in a globalized context, has acquired such a preponderance that citizen participation has been increasingly supported in it, coming to relegate reason and arguments, this with the objective of massifying an idea, which is used to benefit a political objective and finally in obtaining power. This is directly related to populism which, for the present case, takes refuge in respect for the diversity of ideas and conceptions, omitting the solidity of the argumentation and going directly to the use of passions, which come to be manipulated or distorted, coming to configure forms of government supported by public opinion. Finally, the conjunction of public opinion together with the democratic participation of the states, ends up generating a new state configuration where the debate has to be suppressed and sovereignty is transferred according to the influence that certain actors can exert, be they these organizations as political parties or movements and even the media themselves, always noting the importance that social networks have acquired in the dissemination of certain ideas. ; Magister en Derecho Público ; http://unidadinvestigacion.usta.edu.co ; Maestría

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to define main directions and ways to legitimize philosophical ideas of self-determination as a fundamental global and valuable intention of Western culture in the context of its enlightenment paradigm. Methodology. The research is based on historical and logical methods, which allowed to theoretically reconstruct the cultural and historical context, as well as philosophical and theoretical principles of understanding and recognition of self-determination as a phenomenon of Western culture of the Enlightenment age. The authors have used their own theoretical model similar to the one of "ideal type" by. M.Weber based on the methods of generalization, abstraction and idealization, which allowed to present the phenomenon of individualism in the most general form as a system of value orientations of an individual, whose nature is seeking self-determination and originality. Originality. The historical and philosophical analysis has shoяк.wn how the philosophy of the Enlightenment age created moral principles of European culture advancement, especially through rationalization and the idea of political, economic and moral independence of a personality, recognition of rights for own initiative and sovereignty, individual identity as a public good. Thus, the idea of self-determination in this philosophy is related not only to the recognition of human rights, but also to the search of possible ways for a person to embrace current legislative system, harmony conditions and public interests. Conclusions. The philosophy of the Enlightenment has made a significant step toward further development of self-determination concept and its rationalization – separation of freedom and tyranny, new perception of necessary conditions for free self-determination of an individual as the ability to manage own passions and build own life on some rational principles, to refuse from excessive egoism, combining personal interests with the interests of others and public in generally these ideas were performed in the system of philosophical and legal liberalism, which emerged as a result of the synthesis of individualism and rationality concepts, and became an ideological basis for the modernization of Western civilization. ; Цель работы – определить основные направления и способы философской легитимации идеи личного самоопределения, как фундаментальной и сквозной ценностной интенции западной культуры, в контексте ее просветительской парадигмы. Методология. Основополагающими для данного исследования стали исторический и логический методы, использование которых позволило теоретически реконструировать культурно-исторический контекст и философско-теоретические способы осмысления и легитимизации идеи личного самоопределения как феномена западной культуры эпохи Просвещения. Автор при этом опирался на собственную теоретическую модель вроде "идеального типа" М. Вебера, созданную на основании методов обобщения, абстрагирования и идеализации, что позволило представить феномен индивидуализма в максимально обобщенном виде как систему ценностных ориентаций личности, сущностное ядро которой составляет стремление индивида к независимому самоопределению и неповторимости. Научная новизна. В ходе историко-философского анализа показано, как философия Просвещения создавала духовные основы модернизации европейской культуры, в частности, путем рационализации и распространения идеи политической, экономической и духовной независимости личности, признания ее прав на собственную инициативу и суверенность, ее индивидуального своеобразия как общественного блага. При этом идея самоопределяющейся личности в философии просвещения коррелирует уже не просто с признанием естественных прав человека, а с поисками путей ее включения в систему действующего права, условий гармонизации частных и общественных интересов. Выводы. В философии Просвещения был сделан очень важный, в плане дальнейшего становления идеи личного самоопределения, шаг по ее рационализации – разграничение свободы и произвола, осознание того, что необходимым условием действительно свободного самоопределения личности является умение управлять собственными страстями и строить свою жизнь на рациональных началах, способность отказаться от проявлений чрезмерного эгоизма, согласовывать свои интересы с интересами других, общества в целом. Все эти идеи нашли свое выражение в философско-правовой системе либерализма, которая, возникнув в результате синтеза концепций индивидуализма и рациональности, и стала мировоззренческой основой модернизации западной цивилизации. ; Мета роботи. Визначити основні напрями та способи філософської легітимації ідеї особистого самовизначення, як фундаментальної та наскрізної ціннісної інтенції західної культури, в контексті її просвітницької парадигми. Методологія. Основоположними для даного дослідження стали історичний і логічний методи, використання яких дозволило теоретично реконструювати культурно-історичний контекст та філософсько-теоретичні засади осмислення та легітимізації ідеї особистого самовизначення як феномена західної культури доби Просвітництва. Автор при цьому спирався на власну теоретичну модель на зразок "ідеального типу" М.Вебера, створену на підставі методів узагальнення, абстрагування та ідеалізації, що дозволило представити феномен індивідуалізму в максимально узагальненому вигляді як систему ціннісних орієнтацій особистості, сутнісне ядро якої складає прагнення індивіда до збереження власної неповторності та незалежного самовизначення. Наукова новизна. У ході історико-філософської реконструкції показано, як саме філософія Просвітництва створювала духовні засади модернізації європейської культури, зокрема, на шляхах визнання її прав на власну ініціативу і суверенність, її індивідуальної своєрідності як суспільного блага, раціоналізації та поширення ідеї політичної, економічної і духовної незалежності особистості. Істотно, що ідея самовизначення особистості в просвітницькій філософії корелює не лише з визнанням природних прав людини, а з пошуками шляхів її включення до системи чинного права, умов гармонізації приватних і суспільних інтересів. Висновки. У філософії Просвітництва був зроблений дуже важливий, у плані подальшого становлення ідеї особистого самовизначення, крок щодо її раціоналізації – розмежування свободи і сваволі, усвідомлення того, що необхідною умовою дійсно вільного самовизначення особи є вміння керувати власними пристрастями і будувати своє життя на раціональних засадах, здатність відмовлятися від проявів надмірного егоїзму, погоджувати власні інтереси з інтересами інших, суспільства взагалі. Всі ці ідеї знайшли своє вираження у філософсько-правовій системі лібералізму, яка, виникнувши внаслідок синтезу концепцій індивідуалізму і раціональності, і стала світоглядною основою модернізації західної цивілізації.

The article analyses the impact of present-day Russian internal structural factors, searching national ideology and shaping "Russian conservatism" line formation marked the links between this ideology and Russian foreign policy. The main focus is designated to Russia's politics after the Russia-Georgia conflict in 2008, highlighting the response of Vladimir Putin's regime to several domestic policy tensions related with: 1) the structure of the Russian regime and the domination of siloviki group in the power structures; 2) the etno-federalist structure of Russia and the growing nationalism; and 3) the competition of several ideologies, which increasingly turns to the support of Eurasianist ideology line and its transformation into "Russian conservatism". Theoretically, this analysis is based on the internal and external factors that have an impact on the state's policies (e.g. Walter Carlsnaes concepts), as well as on the theories analysing Russian etno-federalism and informal networks/relations. This article argues that Russian internal structural factors strongly support the Russian Eurasianist direction as the dominant policy doctrine, and this doctrine defines the Russian foreign policy, limits its balancing and influences the dynamics of foreign policy. It shows how, during the recent years, Russia's assertive foreign policy has become influenced by neo-imperialist vision of a strong, conservative, and alternative Russia, which actively uses the "Russian conservatism" as an ideological justification, supports active protection of Russia's interest in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) increasing the use of foreign policy in the post-Soviet region (e.g., war with Ukraine) or raising the question about the multipolar world order. Other competing ideological lines (pro-Western liberalism and Slavic nationalisms) are still included in the balancing if there is demand, however, it remains non-typical forms of current Russia's ideological framework. Since the Russia-Georgia war in 2008, the aggressive Russian foreign policy depends not only on the external factors, but it also increasingly reacts to internal factors, especially to Putin's interest to maintain the vertical power and ensure further legitimacy of the regime. Russia's "electoral authoritarianism", which actively used the concept of "sovereign democracy" last decade, faced serious challenges in 2011– 2012. After public protests for electoral fraud, Putin's circles have perceived that Russia's ruling elites need to initiate a new turn for the country, either to a wider democracy development or to find other resources to mobilise society. By reacting to the interest of siloviki group and seeing the confrontation between Russian ethnic and minorities' nationalism manifestations, Putin's regime strengthened its orientation towards the new Eurasianism, which emphasized the special path of Russia's civilization: being alternative to the Western world, adjusting only "appropriate for Russia" democracy standards, opposing human rights development, and seeing it as a harmful foreign influence. State patriotism was framed under the new "Russian conservatism" line, which emphasized strong authority of central power, Russian imperial identity, Russia's interest in Eurasian regions, support for multipolar world, and the spread of conservative values as opposition to Western cosmopolitism. It helped to mobilise Russian society, integrate the great old and the new military victories of Russia's state and received a new support and greater legitimacy for Putin's regime. This ideology leaves room for integration of separate narratives from various ideological lines (from the Soviet nostalgia and technocratic modernisation to "old Russia" traditionalism). Military actions in Ukraine in 2014–2015 have illustrated that imperial approach effectively mobilises not only the Russian society but a certain part of the other post- Soviet societies (e.g., the idea of the Russian world). This "Russian conservatism" also attempts to respond to other internal tensions, such as ethnic conflicts, by promoting a more intensive Russian state identity instead of an ethnic identity. The situation, when various ethnic minorities and their leaders (e.g., R. Kadyrov) actively supported Russia's actions in Ukraine and the new Putin's activism, revealed that under this ideological umbrella, such local actors as in Putin's circle, leaders of ethnic regions, Orthodox church, and media authorities find themselves in the state's ongoing narratives. Under this situation, Putin's regime effectively marginalises their opponents. Non-systemic liberal-democrats are presented as acting against Russia's interests. The discourse for keeping the relationship with Western partners, which emphasizes the modernisation or stresses the importance of economic developments, is still valid, and it is still used for balancing, but current ideological trend has clearly prioritised the imperial identity over democracy development. ; Straipsnyje analizuojamas šiandienės Rusijos vidaus struktūrinių veiksnių ir vidaus veikėjų poveikis nacionalinės ideologijos paieškai ir "ru­siškojo konservatizmo" linijos formavimui, nužymint ir šios ideologijos sąsajas su Rusijos užsienio politika. Pagrindinį dėmesį skiriant Rusijos po­litikai nuo Gruzijos ir Rusijos karo 2008 m. iki 2016 m. yra išryškinama, kaip Vladimiro Putino režimas, atsakydamas į vidaus politikoje kylančias įtampas, susijusias su: 1) Rusijos režimo struktūros specifika, silovikų do­minavimu; 2) etnofederalizmo struktūra ir stiprėjančiu nacionalizmu bei 3) ideologijų konkurencija, vis aktyviau imasi eurazianistinę kryptį transfor­muoti į valstybine doktrina tampantį "rusiškąjį konservatizmą". Šiai anali­zei yra naudojamos vidaus ir išorės struktūrinių veiksnių poveikio politikai (pvz., Walterio Carlsnaeso konceptai), etnofederalizmo tyrimų bei neforma­lių ryšių teorinės priegos. Straipsnyje tvirtinama, kad Rusijos vidaus struk­tūriniai veiksniai formuoja Rusijos eurazianistinę kryptį kaip dominuojančią politikos doktriną, kuri apibrėžia (riboja) Rusijos užsienio politikos balan­savimą ir padeda paaiškinti jos dinamiką. Parodoma, kaip pastarųjų metų Rusijos agresyvėjanti užsienio politika tampa persmelkta valdžioje neoimpe­rialistų vizijos apie "stiprią, konservatyvią ir alternatyvią Rusiją", kuri lemia "rusiškojo konservatizmo" plėtojimą ir didėjantį naudojimą užsienio politi­kos kontekste, pagrindžiant Rusijos aktyvumą (agresyvumą) posovietiniame regione (pvz., kare su Ukraina), keliant daugiapolio pasaulio tvarkos klau­simą. Kitos konkuruojančios idėjinės linijos (provakarietiškas liberalizmas ir slavofiliškas nacionalizmas) yra įtraukiamos į balansavimą pagal poreikį, tačiau išlieka netipinėmis formomis, tam tikrais ideologiniais kraštutinumais.

Fermo restando l'iter della tradizione romanistica nei concetti e nella terminologia utilizzata, il lavoro si sviluppa cercando di capire quanto di questa tradizione - strettamente legata ai valori di persona e di bene comune - sia rimasto nelle infinite modifiche legislative intervenute. L'indagine viene svolta attraverso la presentazione, nei tre capitoli in cui si articola l'elaborato, di tre corrispondenti scenari. Nel primo capitolo, dove lo scenario prospettato è quello storico-giuridico, dopo aver esposto i principi in tema di diritto del lavoro ed esaminato i rapporti di lavoro nel passato storico fino alla nascita dell'impresa moderna in relazione al concetto di persona, l'analisi si incentra sulle origini e sullo sviluppo delle categorie giuridiche di persona, di bene comune e di utilitarismo, che la tradizione romanistica ci ha trasmesso. Queste tre categorie logico-giuridiche rappresentano la linea di fondo dell'elaborato, gli itinera che ne hanno accompagnato lo svolgimento. È con esse che, nel secondo capitolo, si affronta lo studio delle innovazioni tecnologiche introdotte nel mondo del lavoro e della produzione economica (informatizzazione e robotizzazione del sistema produttivo e di mercato). Il nuovo scenario socio-culturale che si delinea assegna, dunque, un ruolo strategico all'elemento tecnologico in tutti i suoi aspetti. Le grandi trasformazioni avvenute, sia nella struttura sociale, per effetto dei mutamenti demografici e del cambiamento dei costumi, delle tradizioni e dei comportamenti, sia nel mondo del lavoro, per effetto dei flussi migratori e delle nuove tecnologie, hanno comportato il superamento di antichi concetti quali, ad esempio, quelli di forza-lavoro e di classe sociale, di marxiana memoria. Continuando nella trattazione, si pone l'accento sul sistema bancario (oggetto di studio del terzo capitolo), tracciando la sua storia nelle diverse epoche ed evidenziando che la sua funzione nel campo produttivo è stata tradita per effetto della nuova politica della deregolamentazione dei mercati voluta dal liberismo e dal neoliberismo, le cui conseguenze sono state devastanti nei mercati globali. Le banche, invero, non si sono più percepite come strumenti per erogare prestiti e mutui alle famiglie ed alle imprese, ma come organismi strutturati per ottimizzare i profitti, speculando su tutto e partecipando ad attività estremamente rischiose. L'analisi critica di tutti gli argomenti trattati porta alla conclusione, evidenziata nelle considerazioni generali, che i principi di bene comune e di utilitarismo, i quali presuppongono la generalità dei cittadini come loro fruitori, sono stati totalmente negletti e superati dal concetto di benessere che si fonda su indicatori quantitativi (crescita industriale, tasso di occupazione o di disoccupazione ed altri) piuttosto che su valori qualitativi. Si è verificata, in sostanza, una degenerazione dell'antico utilitarismo e del bene comune e con essi rischia di annullarsi anche il valore della persona. Ciò ha portato al dissolvimento della tradizionale politica economica e sociale al quale ha contribuito il sistema bancario che, con comportamenti altamente rischiosi, ha sottratto ricchezze immense al sistema produttivo. Il sistema bancario, affinché non sia funzionale soltanto alla propria sopravvivenza, deve recuperare pienamente le meritorie finalità originarie; per far ciò sarà necessario che ritorni sotto una vigilanza costante e concreta. ; It being understood that the tradition of the Roman Right is in the ideas and in the terminology used, the essay tries to understand how much this tradition - strictly linked to the values of person and common good - persists in the various law changes intervened later. The research is carried out through the presentation of three scenarios corresponding to the three chapters into which the book is divided. In the first chapter, of historical-legal matter, the analysis focuses on the origins and development of the judicial categories of person, common good, and utilitarianism bequeathed by the Roman tradition, exposing the principles of the Labour Law and examining the evolution of job reports from the past to the modern industry. The second chapter deals with the technological innovations introduced in the business world and in the economic production (digitalization and computerization of the new productive and trading system). In the new socio-cultural scenario, a new role is appointed to the technological element in all its aspects. The great modifications both in the social structure (due to demographic, cultural and habit changes), and in the business world (due to new technologies and migratory flows), brought to overcoming the ancient concepts of social class and workforce. In the third part the main topic is the banking system, where its evolution is traced along history, and the deception of its function in the productive world, owing to the new policy of market deregulation mostly wanted by Liberalism and Neoliberalism, is highlighted. Banking Institutions are no more perceived as instruments to distribute loans to families and companies, but as structured entities with the aim to optimize profits, taking advantage of everything and taking part in highly dangerous activities. A critical analysis of all the debated topics brings to the conclusion that the principles of common good and utilitarianism have been completely neglected and have been overcome by the concept of wealth, based on quantitative indicators (employment and unemployment rates, industrial growth.) instead of qualitative indicators. Thus, there's been a degeneration of the ancient utilitarianism and of the common well concepts, and there's a high risk that also the value of the person will be cancelled. This aspect, and the change of the banking system behaviour taking consistent wealth from the productive system to engage in risky enterprises, have brought to the end of the traditional economic and social policy. The banking system should resume its meritory initial purpose, not being merely functional to its own survival; to ensure this achievement, it should be carefully and continuously scrutinized. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Persona, impresa e lavoro: principi e tutele di diritto interno, internazionale, comparato e comunitario (XXVI ciclo)

The Swedish public sector has undergone major changes over the last decades, with increased demands to be effective and perform their tasks with high quality, but also with the demand to increase the influence of users and citizens over the support given. This development has influenced how social services organise and how their work is perform, and is one motive given as to why evidence-based practice was introduced. This development can also be traced back to the manager philosophy new public management and neo-liberalism. Evidence-based practice has its origin in evidence-based medicine, which had a large impact internationally from the 1990s.Although there are different opinions concerning how evidence-based practiceshould be understood is often described on the basis of Sackett et al.'s (2000) definition which regards evidence-based practice as an integration of different knowledge sources – the best evidence, clinical or professional expertise and the values and preferences of users. The professional have the responsibility to use all these knowledge sources in the daily work.The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyse different processes of the introduction of evidence-based practice. One aspect is what these processes have contributed to in terms of organising ways of working and management within social services; another aspect concerns what this means for social work. With a combination of new institutional organisational theory and Berger and Luckmann's (1967) insights into the social construction of everyday life, it is possible to analyse the introduction of evidence-based practice as a process, moving between a macro, meso and micro perspective. The empirical base for this thesis is interviews with 33 personnel from different professions and organisations. Those interviewed from thesocial services include social workers within individual and family services and socialservices managers, as well as regional representatives from a Research and Development Unit. To understand the development of evidence-based practice and its proliferation into social services I also interviewed doctors from health care in a County Council.New institutional organisational theory is useful for understanding how differentways of organising activities are spread between and within organisations. With concepts used in new institutional theory, the focus is on how evidence-based practice travels from medicine to social work, and from a national level to the local social services level, via the regional level. Giddens (1990) terms 'disemedding' and 'reembedding' are used. Different isomorphic processes are recognised in these processes, as well as strategies to decouple or loosely couple evidence-based practice from social services ordinary activities as a way to gain legitimacy. The main findings in the thesis are that evidence-based practice has been introduced with evidence-based medicine as a role model, and that this has been done from different conditions. As is described in the interviews, the development of evidencebased practice has been controlled from national organisations such as the government, the National Board of Health and Welfare and in recent years also the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Region, while the development within the medical area was governed by national organisations but performed by the medical profession, which advocated the introduction of evidence-based practice within the profession. The regional representatives largely support the myth that is presented of evidence-based practice, and have a central responsibility in the national initiativesconducted; they are intermediary between the national initiatives on development work and the local practice. When evidence-based practice is introduced in social work this has entailed loosely coupling between the myth about evidence-based practice and the ordinary activities, this strategy is especially obvious among social services managers. Furthermore, when a medical model of evidence-based practice is used, although with a broader approach, the introduction of evidence-based practice does not reflect the social workers' education, profession and ways of working in the same way as evidence-based medicine reflects the doctors' education, profession andway of working. The intention to analyse the introduction of evidence-based practice from a micro perspective is about understanding how evidence-based practice is received by the social worker and their managers. When the interviews with the doctors, social workers and managers are analysed there is less coherence between evidence-based practice and social workers' work than between evidence-based medicine and doctors' work. This means that social workers have to shape and construct their daily work anew through internalising the new habits and routines into everyday work, something that takes energy and time, which most interviewees feel does not exist.This thesis also highlights the need for social work to approach evidence-based practice both at an organisational and a structural level, and from the level where the daily work is performed by social workers. Finally, there exists among almost all interviewees a great interest in introducing evidence-based practice, especially among the social workers, but at the moment it is not re-embedded in social work. ; Godkänd; 2014; 20140731 (beneli); Nedanstående person kommer att disputera för avläggande av filosofie doktorsexamen. Namn: Benitha Eliasson Ämne: Arbetsvetenskap/Human Work Science Avhandling: Social Work Approaching Evidence-Based Practice Rethinking Social Work Opponent: Professor of Health Care Organisation Mike Dent, Faculty of Health Sciences, Staffordshire University, Storbritannien Ordförande: Professor Elisabeth Berg, Avd för arbetsvetenskap, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, Luleå tekniska universitet Tid: Måndag den 29 september 2014, kl 13.00 Plats: A109, Luleå tekniska universitet

[spa] Esta tesis doctoral analiza los cambios y las continuidades en el trabajo infantil en la ciudad de Barcelona entre el Antiguo Régimen y la nueva sociedad industrial. El marco cronológico se sitúa entre el año 1768 (cuando fueron aprobadas las ordenanzas de la indianería, un sector emergente en el siglo XVIII que recurrió de un modo masivo a la mano de obra infantil) y el año 1856 (fin del Bienio Progresista). Dicho esto, en el primer capítulo analizo los discursos e imaginarios sobre el trabajo infantil entre el período ilustrado y los inicios de la Revolución Industrial en Barcelona. Trato de responder por qué el consenso generado en torno al trabajo infantil en el setecientos –asumido dentro del ideario ilustrado como el principal remedio contra los males derivados de la ociosidad– comenzó a resquebrajarse en los inicios del período isabelino. En el segundo capítulo he analizado las características principales del trabajo infantil en un sector tradicional, el servicio doméstico, donde abordo las causas que explicaban la contratación de los numerosos criados infantiles. Así, en primer lugar, la importancia del trabajo de estos pequeños como fuente de ingresos para sus familias, sin olvidar el papel que cumplía el aprendizaje precoz de ciertas tareas para acceder a un puesto de trabajo como criado o criada. Asimismo, ofrezco información relevante sobre cómo y por qué evolucionaron la estructura de edades y la división sexual del trabajo en el servicio doméstico infantil entre finales del siglo XVIII y mediados del siglo XIX. Y analizo, también, algunas de las diferencias más significativas que había entre las sirvientas infantiles particulares –ofrecidas por sus propios padres– y las acogidas, es decir, las niñas que procedían de las instituciones benéficas. En el tercer capítulo me ocupo del trabajo infantil en la indianería, un sector emergente en el siglo XVIII. Analizo, en particular, la organización del trabajo según género y edades. Y trato de responder si el trabajo infantil en estas protofábricas podría ser interpretado como un medio de aprendizaje para ejercer uno de los oficios del sector en la edad adulta, o si, por el contrario, dicho trabajo se identificaba más con el mero peonaje. Asimismo, analizo si las políticas empresariales de contratación de adultos y niños, hombres y mujeres, variaban en función de las características productivas de los distintos tipos de fábricas. En particular, me interrogo sobre las posibles diferencias entre las fábricas de ciclo completo y las especializadas en los pintados, cuya proliferación en las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII estuvo íntimamente ligada a las notables expectativas de venta que despertaba el mercado americano. Por último, dedico una especial atención a los salarios adultos e infantiles, a las posibles diferencias salariales, si las hubo, entre las distintas categorías de trabajadores infantiles –básicamente en las secciones de pintados y los prados– y a su evolución a lo largo del último tercio del siglo XVIII. En el cuarto capítulo estudio si la implantación del sistema fabril en la industria algodonera barcelonesa favoreció un incremento de la "explotación infantil" respecto a la manufactura algodonera del setecientos, considerando para ello tres dimensiones distintas: a) los cambios en el volumen de la mano de obra infantil en la industria algodonera, antes y después de que se extendiera el uso del vapor; b) la anticipación de las edades de acceso al mercado de trabajo entre finales del siglo XVIII y los años treinta, cuarenta y cincuenta del siglo XIX; c) la evolución de los salarios infantiles en la industria algodonera con el fin de determinar si sufrieron algún tipo de depreciación respecto a los de los adultos con la llegada de la Revolución Industrial, además de ver qué importancia tenían dichos salarios para las economías domésticas en la Barcelona de los años 30, 40 y 50 respecto al periodo preindustrial. ; [eng] This dissertation focuses on the continuities and changes in child labour in Barcelona between the Ancient Regime and the new industrial society. More specifically, it focuses on the period between 1768 (when the first ordinances of calico factories were passed) and 1856 (the end of the "Bienio Progresista"). In the first chapter, I analyze the speeches and imageries about child labour and the way in which this issue became a problem never seen before –exhaustively discussed by politicians, economists and doctors of different ideologies- in the early stages of liberalism in the city. In the second chapter, my objective is to analyze child work in domestic service, one of the most important and traditional occupations of the city. I highlight the main causes of hiring boys and girls as domestic servants, the importance of their work as a way to achieve job training for adulthood, and the value of their wages to the impoverished domestic economies. In the third chapter, the dissertation analyses child labour in calico factories, an emergent sector where there was a great amount of child labour. Specifically, I analyze the organization of work by gender and age. Moreover, I try to answer the interrogation of whether child labor in these calico factories could be interpreted as something more than a "use and dispose" of cheap and docile workforce. This chapter pays special attention to the wage gap between adults and children, and between different categories of child workers (their wages were far from being homogeneous), as well as their evolution over the last third of the eighteenth century. Finally, the fourth chapter attempts shed light on the issue of whether the Industrial Revolution led to an increase of child exploitation in Barcelona (i.e., a greater number of younger and badly paid children working) with respect to the manufacturing period.

El objeto de este ensayo sobre la derecha radical española es analizar la vía emprendida por el conservadurismo español desde su adhesión a un liberalismo oligárquico, característico de comienzos del siglo XX, a la formación de una derecha antiliberal que culmina en el fascismo durante la segunda república. En este camino hacia posiciones antidemocráticas, corporativas y autoritarias jugará un papel fundamental la recepción del pensamiento antiliberal francés desde el neotradicionalismo de acción Francesa hasta los movimientos fascistas impulsados por Georges Valois y continuados por alguno de sus discípulos en años posteriores. La relación entre ese pensamiento antiliberal de raíz francesa y la evolución fascistizante de la derecha española será el núcleo central de este trabajo. El artículo se estructura en tres grandes partes: en la primera estudiamos los orígenes del pensamiento antiliberal europeo a partir de dos aspectos fundamentales: 1. la crisis de la conciencia europea a finales del siglo XIX que se tradujo en la aparición de un conjunto de elementos ideológicos antiliberales, nacionalistas y corporativos entre los grupos conservadores de Europa, caldo de cultivo de un pensamiento de derecha radical que culminaría con los fascismos. 2. la Primera Guerra mundial y sus consecuencias que engendraron un mundo nuevo polarizado alrededor del bolchevismo y el fascismo. El pensamiento antiliberal, nacionalista, antidemocrático y corporativo se extiende por toda Europa e impregna de diversas maneras a los grupos conservadores europeos empujándoles a posiciones cada vez más autoritarias y dictatoriales, proceso que algunos historiadores han denominado la «fascistización» de la derecha europea. En segundo lugar, analizamos la formación de la derecha radical española desde sus inicios a comienzos del siglo xx hasta la dictadura de miguel Primo de rivera haciendo hincapié en la contribución del pensamiento antiliberal francés (de Charles Maurras a George Valois pasando por George sorel) en la renovación doctrinal de la derecha española. En tercer lugar, estudiamos el periodo que va desde la dictadura de miguel Primo de rivera a la segunda república cuando concluye el proceso de «fascistización» de la derecha española y la emergencia del fascismo en nuestro país. El proyecto de la derecha radical española, basado en un gobierno monárquico, autoritario, antiliberal, nacional-católico y corporativo que simpatiza con la experiencia italiana, nace prematuramente porque no se dan en aquel momento las condiciones sociales y políticas requeridas para su puesta en marcha. De hecho el viejo conservadurismo español de la dictadura no estaba preocupado por la revolución social y la pérdida de sus privilegios, sin embargo, la llegada de la segunda república con sus reformas modernizadoras que rompían dicha hegemonía llevaron a la derecha radical a considerar que la única vía para impedir la revolución social, que se consideraba inminente, era la insurrección contra la república. ; The aim of this essay on the spanish radical right is to analyze the route followed by spanish conservatism, from its adherence to an oligarchic liberalism, that was characteristic of the beginning of the xx century, to the formation of an anti-liberal right, that reached its culmination with fascism during the second republic. In this evolution towards anti-democratic, corporative and authoritarian positions, a major roll was played by the influence of French anti- liberal thought, from the neo-traditionalism of the French action, to the fascist movements encouraged by Georges Valois, and continued by some of his disciples in the following years. The relation between that anti-liberal thought of French origin and the evolution of the spanish right-wing towards fascism constitutes the center of this paper. The article is organized in three main parts. In the first one, we will study the origins of European anti-liberal thought, considering two fundamental aspects: 1. the crisis of European conscience at the end of the xix century, which gave place to a set of anti-liberal, nationalist and corporative ideological elements amongst European conservative groups. This was the breeding ground for a radical right thought that culminated with fascisms. 2. The First World War and its consequences, which gave place to a new polarized world around bolshevism and fascism. The anti-liberal, nationalist, anti-democratic and corporative thought spread around Europe and pervaded in different ways the European conservative groups, driving them to increasingly authoritarian and dictatorial positions. This process has been denominated by some historians as the "fascistization" of the European right-wing. secondly, we will analyze the formation of the spanish radical right from its origins, at the beginning of the xx century, till Primo de rivera's Dictatorship, stressing the contribution of French anti-liberal thought (from Charles Maurras to George Valois, including Georges sorel) in its doctrinal renovation. Finally, we will study the period from Primo de rivera's Dictatorship to the second republic, when the process of "fascistization" of the spanish right- wing concluded. The project of the spanish radical right (based on a monarchic, authoritarian, anti-liberal, national-catholic and corporative government, that sympathised with the italian experience) was premature, since the social and political conditions necessary to its implementation were not present at that moment. in fact, spanish conservatism during the time of de rivera's Dictatorship, was not concerned about social revolution and the loss of their privileges. it was the arrival of the second republic, with its modernizing reforms, that, breaking the hegemony of the dominant social groups, led the radical right to consider that the only way to bar a social revolution was insurgency against the republic.

In this resarch the problems of the 1991 Lithuanian Land Reform are being analyzed. The main problem is that starting the Reform mentioned Lithuania's legislature didn't postpone the desicion of the Parliament, 26th of July, 1990, regarding establishement of the personal farming of villagers. According to the idea of the restitution, based in Lithuania's legal constitutional tradition and based on the just expectations, Land Reform should have been great democratical project, partly restoring previous civil order, which was destroyed by the Soviet occupation by nacionalizing all immovable property. In this paper having analysed Lithuania's scientific papers regarding Land Reform issues author didn't choose solely thoeretical analysis as Lithuanian scientist didn't analyse this problem of two social groups interests claiming the right to the same piece of land. That is why author used broad range of the social science methodology, interviewed plaintiffs and land owners, analyzed Lithuanian Supreme Court's practice regarding cases between personal farm owner and the real owner of the same land according to the restitution idea. It is concluded that Lithuanian Land Reform partly collapsed because the law of the restitution didn't come into practice what means that law remained unimplemented. The results of the research suggest that not only legislature didn't guarantee the due process of law during the Land Reform, but also judges and the attorneys where not ready for such kind of cases and most of the time such cases where decided wrongly - not following legal practice rules which where adopted by Lithuanian Supreme Court already long time ago. The biggest Lithuania's problem is that there is no mechanism of controlling judges, the rules regarding control of judges as it is shown in the case study example doesn't work in practice in Lithuania. Author states that on of the biggest problems in the process of the restitution of the land property was the fact that officials of the legislature didn't implement valid Land laws, but all the work of interpreting law have left to judges. As until now there is no adequate control of judges in Lithuania, and only since 2009 there is practice of the concuring oppinion in Lithuania's courts, restitution of the land property of such land, which is ruled by the third parties – so called personal farming land owners – becomes very complicated and hardly it is succesfull to achieve restitution of the land property, when legislature, state's officials and even courts many times refuse to use valid Land laws in legal practice. In this research author derives 4 existing rules of the legal practice regarding cases where restitution problems are being solved. Regarding those rules author analyses court cases and investigates, whether judges have followed those specific rules. In this work author points at the problems of the legal science in Lithuania, when during two decades of independence no scientific research regarding chosen problem has been done. Legal scientists most often make no practical research, but mostly rewrite the norms and laws, claiming, that the idea of the restitution of the land property was constitutional and democratical approach of the state. No practical difficulties trying to protect the rights promised in the Constitution are being analyzed. That comes from the Soviet times when the science and the courts were strongly controlled by the Comunist party. But nowadays in the author's oppinion there is nothing to fear and land reform's problems must be analyzed trying to find out the main reasons that caused difficulties of the restitution of the property in Lithuania in those areas where big groups of people received personal farming land ownership. In this research author makes case analysis analyzing cases of the Supreme Court of Lithuania, also one case which is pending at the moment in Kaunas district court and concludes that during land reform big mechanism of controlling and terorizing land owners has been created, and this mechanism can cause situations that land owner would give up because of the activities of judges, procecutors, states lawyers and the lawyers of the defendants. Respondent analysis shows that many times lawyers has worked not for the interests of the clients in such kind of cases. Courts made desicions following emotions, corruption and other factors, incompatible with the valid law regarding Land Resform and the Civil Process Law. The analysis of the Supreme Court Cases show that in some cases courts didn't follow their own practice and legal rules, broke the law and Government's desicions concerning personal farming land's legal regulation. In this research 2 hypothesis are being raised. The first hypothesis suggests that some parts of the law concerning restitution of property in Lithuania have left as dead norms of the law, because were never implemented and used in real legal practice, if officials refused to follow those norms. The second hypothesis states, that the process was initially made controversial because of the valid law concerning fullfilling needs of the villagers distributing pieces of land of 2 hectares in the villages. It is also concluded, that according to political philosophy, such project had to collapse, as marxism is incompatible with liberalism, as well as public law gets into conflict with the private law. The results of the research suggest that even though the land was given to the third parties as the personal farming land, it is not a factor that can ban real land owner from the implementing his right of the restitution to such land property.

In this resarch the problems of the 1991 Lithuanian Land Reform are being analyzed. The main problem is that starting the Reform mentioned Lithuania's legislature didn't postpone the desicion of the Parliament, 26th of July, 1990, regarding establishement of the personal farming of villagers. According to the idea of the restitution, based in Lithuania's legal constitutional tradition and based on the just expectations, Land Reform should have been great democratical project, partly restoring previous civil order, which was destroyed by the Soviet occupation by nacionalizing all immovable property. In this paper having analysed Lithuania's scientific papers regarding Land Reform issues author didn't choose solely thoeretical analysis as Lithuanian scientist didn't analyse this problem of two social groups interests claiming the right to the same piece of land. That is why author used broad range of the social science methodology, interviewed plaintiffs and land owners, analyzed Lithuanian Supreme Court's practice regarding cases between personal farm owner and the real owner of the same land according to the restitution idea. It is concluded that Lithuanian Land Reform partly collapsed because the law of the restitution didn't come into practice what means that law remained unimplemented. The results of the research suggest that not only legislature didn't guarantee the due process of law during the Land Reform, but also judges and the attorneys where not ready for such kind of cases and most of the time such cases where decided wrongly - not following legal practice rules which where adopted by Lithuanian Supreme Court already long time ago. The biggest Lithuania's problem is that there is no mechanism of controlling judges, the rules regarding control of judges as it is shown in the case study example doesn't work in practice in Lithuania. Author states that on of the biggest problems in the process of the restitution of the land property was the fact that officials of the legislature didn't implement valid Land laws, but all the work of interpreting law have left to judges. As until now there is no adequate control of judges in Lithuania, and only since 2009 there is practice of the concuring oppinion in Lithuania's courts, restitution of the land property of such land, which is ruled by the third parties – so called personal farming land owners – becomes very complicated and hardly it is succesfull to achieve restitution of the land property, when legislature, state's officials and even courts many times refuse to use valid Land laws in legal practice. In this research author derives 4 existing rules of the legal practice regarding cases where restitution problems are being solved. Regarding those rules author analyses court cases and investigates, whether judges have followed those specific rules. In this work author points at the problems of the legal science in Lithuania, when during two decades of independence no scientific research regarding chosen problem has been done. Legal scientists most often make no practical research, but mostly rewrite the norms and laws, claiming, that the idea of the restitution of the land property was constitutional and democratical approach of the state. No practical difficulties trying to protect the rights promised in the Constitution are being analyzed. That comes from the Soviet times when the science and the courts were strongly controlled by the Comunist party. But nowadays in the author's oppinion there is nothing to fear and land reform's problems must be analyzed trying to find out the main reasons that caused difficulties of the restitution of the property in Lithuania in those areas where big groups of people received personal farming land ownership. In this research author makes case analysis analyzing cases of the Supreme Court of Lithuania, also one case which is pending at the moment in Kaunas district court and concludes that during land reform big mechanism of controlling and terorizing land owners has been created, and this mechanism can cause situations that land owner would give up because of the activities of judges, procecutors, states lawyers and the lawyers of the defendants. Respondent analysis shows that many times lawyers has worked not for the interests of the clients in such kind of cases. Courts made desicions following emotions, corruption and other factors, incompatible with the valid law regarding Land Resform and the Civil Process Law. The analysis of the Supreme Court Cases show that in some cases courts didn't follow their own practice and legal rules, broke the law and Government's desicions concerning personal farming land's legal regulation. In this research 2 hypothesis are being raised. The first hypothesis suggests that some parts of the law concerning restitution of property in Lithuania have left as dead norms of the law, because were never implemented and used in real legal practice, if officials refused to follow those norms. The second hypothesis states, that the process was initially made controversial because of the valid law concerning fullfilling needs of the villagers distributing pieces of land of 2 hectares in the villages. It is also concluded, that according to political philosophy, such project had to collapse, as marxism is incompatible with liberalism, as well as public law gets into conflict with the private law. The results of the research suggest that even though the land was given to the third parties as the personal farming land, it is not a factor that can ban real land owner from the implementing his right of the restitution to such land property.

Россию часто обвиняют в том, что она представляет экономическую и военную угрозу для Запада, однако Д. Лэйн, известный британский социолог и политолог, чьи работы не раз публиковались на страницах журнала «Мир России», заключает, что подобные опасения не имеют под собой никакой почвы. Однако в отличие от большинства резко настроенных против России западных авторов, он также признает, что специфическая модель, которой сегодня следует наша страна, является для нее более желательной альтернативой участию в процессах глобализации на условиях неолиберализма. Обоснованию этой довольно неожиданной для западного ученого точки зрения посвящена настоящая статьяThe 'power' of a country in international affairs may be assessed from a number of points of view: its military capacity, which in turn is derived, in great part, from its economic strength; its human and social capital the size and quality (level of health and education) of its population, and finally, its moral and ideological values. To discuss the extent to which Russia is a world power, the author considers its economic capacity and research effort and the ideology of the Putin/Medvedev administration. He also outlines the economic strength of Russia's companies and makes comparisons with China, the USA and the UK, and shows that, despite its energy wealth, Russia is not a major world economic power. The author then address the question of why Russia's power in international affairs is exaggerated and why it is considered a 'threat'. The data analyzed in the paper show quite conclusively that the economic power of Russia and China, as measured by the presence of their major corporations, is qualitatively at a lower level than the advanced Western states particularly the USA. China has a rather wider range of companies in terms of economic sectors, but Russia is limited to companies in the primary sectors oil and gas and materials and is particularly lacking in high-tech industries. While Russia may have considerable cash and gold reserves, it does not qualify as a 'financial power-house'. The author further analysis export profiles of various countries and shows that with the exception of China and Hungary (the latter is not discussed here), the post-socialist societies have entered the global system, but they are low in value-added and are competitive only in low-technology products. In this context, Russia would appear to be an economically weak country, not a leading economic power. China would seem to be a better candidate, though it is still in a qualitatively different league from the USA. Russia's place in the world economic system is limited to a small number of energy companies. However, unlike the majority of the new (ex-socialist) states in the EU, in many respects Russia is not incorporated into the world system, as its economy has a high level of state ownership and control, and foreign companies have little penetration. (Its transnationality index is below the average for developed and developing economies.) Russia's military and political elites (not discussed in this paper) are not integrated into those of the Western hegemonic states. The inclusion of the elites of the post-communist states in the European Union and NATO has strengthened the cohesion of these states (as represented by their elites) with the West, though not in the case of Russia. An assumption of many advocates of entry into the world economy, both before and after the fall of state socialism, is that participation benefits all. What is lacking in these accounts is recognition that the world economy is composed of rich and poor states, economically advanced and economically backward, militarily powerful and weak. Evidence suggests that the core countries extend their lead and keep to themselves research, design and development, finance, and ownership of intellectual and physical property. Their economic power is a necessary condition of their political hegemony. The quality and quantity of their weapons of mass destruction cannot be matched. The peripheral states act as manufacturing subcontractors, as well as providing primary and secondary products, and they experience an outflow of profits and labour in return for FDI and manufactured products. Many nations on the periphery, when confronted with the economic, political and military power of the core states, have little alternative than to accede to their policies. But some countries (Brazil, India, Russia and China) of the 'semi-periphery' may have more options than assumed by world system theorists and those who envisage a 'one-world' economy regulated by hegemonic American capitalism. There are divergences as well as convergence in the world economy. The 'semi-periphery' may lead to the rise of alternative groupings of states which interact with the core but are not part of it in the same way as the state socialist societies did before their collapse. The economies of many countries have production which is local in character, and regional companies and political actors have considerable scope for action independently of the global economy. In this context, the Russian Federation has a limited number of choices. Membership of the EU, as an alternative regional bloc sustaining political and economic networks, is not on the agenda. Russia has to trade as best it can on the world market and meet the conditions of global institutions such as the WTO. Concurrent with pursuing economic exchange with other actors in the world economy (the EU, the USA, Japan, China, India), it has opportunities as part of a wider CIS. Russia has an option for a type of national state-led capitalism as an alternative to participation in the global economy on the terms of neo-liberalism. Statist China rather than the neo-liberal West is a model for Russia to copy

In this resarch the problems of the 1991 Lithuanian Land Reform are being analyzed. The main problem is that starting the Reform mentioned Lithuania's legislature didn't postpone the desicion of the Parliament, 26th of July, 1990, regarding establishement of the personal farming of villagers. According to the idea of the restitution, based in Lithuania's legal constitutional tradition and based on the just expectations, Land Reform should have been great democratical project, partly restoring previous civil order, which was destroyed by the Soviet occupation by nacionalizing all immovable property. In this paper having analysed Lithuania's scientific papers regarding Land Reform issues author didn't choose solely thoeretical analysis as Lithuanian scientist didn't analyse this problem of two social groups interests claiming the right to the same piece of land. That is why author used broad range of the social science methodology, interviewed plaintiffs and land owners, analyzed Lithuanian Supreme Court's practice regarding cases between personal farm owner and the real owner of the same land according to the restitution idea. It is concluded that Lithuanian Land Reform partly collapsed because the law of the restitution didn't come into practice what means that law remained unimplemented. The results of the research suggest that not only legislature didn't guarantee the due process of law during the Land Reform, but also judges and the attorneys where not ready for such kind of cases and most of the time such cases where decided wrongly - not following legal practice rules which where adopted by Lithuanian Supreme Court already long time ago. The biggest Lithuania's problem is that there is no mechanism of controlling judges, the rules regarding control of judges as it is shown in the case study example doesn't work in practice in Lithuania. Author states that on of the biggest problems in the process of the restitution of the land property was the fact that officials of the legislature didn't implement valid Land laws, but all the work of interpreting law have left to judges. As until now there is no adequate control of judges in Lithuania, and only since 2009 there is practice of the concuring oppinion in Lithuania's courts, restitution of the land property of such land, which is ruled by the third parties – so called personal farming land owners – becomes very complicated and hardly it is succesfull to achieve restitution of the land property, when legislature, state's officials and even courts many times refuse to use valid Land laws in legal practice. In this research author derives 4 existing rules of the legal practice regarding cases where restitution problems are being solved. Regarding those rules author analyses court cases and investigates, whether judges have followed those specific rules. In this work author points at the problems of the legal science in Lithuania, when during two decades of independence no scientific research regarding chosen problem has been done. Legal scientists most often make no practical research, but mostly rewrite the norms and laws, claiming, that the idea of the restitution of the land property was constitutional and democratical approach of the state. No practical difficulties trying to protect the rights promised in the Constitution are being analyzed. That comes from the Soviet times when the science and the courts were strongly controlled by the Comunist party. But nowadays in the author's oppinion there is nothing to fear and land reform's problems must be analyzed trying to find out the main reasons that caused difficulties of the restitution of the property in Lithuania in those areas where big groups of people received personal farming land ownership. In this research author makes case analysis analyzing cases of the Supreme Court of Lithuania, also one case which is pending at the moment in Kaunas district court and concludes that during land reform big mechanism of controlling and terorizing land owners has been created, and this mechanism can cause situations that land owner would give up because of the activities of judges, procecutors, states lawyers and the lawyers of the defendants. Respondent analysis shows that many times lawyers has worked not for the interests of the clients in such kind of cases. Courts made desicions following emotions, corruption and other factors, incompatible with the valid law regarding Land Resform and the Civil Process Law. The analysis of the Supreme Court Cases show that in some cases courts didn't follow their own practice and legal rules, broke the law and Government's desicions concerning personal farming land's legal regulation. In this research 2 hypothesis are being raised. The first hypothesis suggests that some parts of the law concerning restitution of property in Lithuania have left as dead norms of the law, because were never implemented and used in real legal practice, if officials refused to follow those norms. The second hypothesis states, that the process was initially made controversial because of the valid law concerning fullfilling needs of the villagers distributing pieces of land of 2 hectares in the villages. It is also concluded, that according to political philosophy, such project had to collapse, as marxism is incompatible with liberalism, as well as public law gets into conflict with the private law. The results of the research suggest that even though the land was given to the third parties as the personal farming land, it is not a factor that can ban real land owner from the implementing his right of the restitution to such land property.

El objetivo general del artículo es contribuir a la reflexión en torno de las relaciones entre el islam político, la democracia liberal y el neoliberalismo económico. En tal fin estudia el caso de la organización de los Hermanos Musulmanes egipcios en el poder, centrado en la dimensión económica. Esta elección se explica, por un lado, por la ausencia del factor económico en la lectura hegemónica de la Primavera Árabe y, por otro lado, por su fuerte presencia en los discursos de los centros de poder internacionales que clamaban porque la reforma política (instauración de la democracia) fuera acompañada por una económica (establecimiento o profundización del libre mercado). Con este fin, en primer lugar, analiza el concepto de democracia, y plantea que su concepción hegemónica está referida a la democracia liberal. Esta última es definida a través de tres elementos: el proceso electoral como uno de carácter técnico, la construcción de individuos-ciudadanos y el neoliberalismo económico. Para la elucidación de este último, el artículo se basa en los análisis de Michel Foucault, para afirmar que el neoliberalismo se encuentra basado en el libre mercado entendido como competencia y, por lo tanto, en la desigualdad. El liberalismo económico está enmarcado en el proceso de secularización atravesado por Europa, uno de cuyos corolarios fue la separación entre economía y política, pero también entre economía y religión. La falta de separación entre las últimas dos da lugar a que ciertos autores sostengan que el eje de la economía islámica es la justicia social, y la definen como una economía moral. El artículo se detiene en el concepto de economía islámica y contrapone la lectura anterior con otra que relaciona el islam político con el neoliberalismo económico. Con el objetivo de evitar esencializaciones y, en cambio, analizar prácticas, el trabajo no adopta a priori ninguna de las dos perspectivas, sino que aborda la cuestión de manera contextualizada. Luego de hacer un breve repaso histórico del neoliberalismo en Egipto se analiza la sección de la plataforma electoral de los Hermanos Musulmanes referida a la política económica; asimismo, se hace lo propio con los discursos en torno de los levantamientos árabes tanto del Grupo de los Ocho como del Fondo Monetario Internacional, particularmente en su relación con el gobierno de los Hermanos Musulmanes. Se concluye que el partido político islámico buscó un equilibrio entre las prácticas económicas neoliberales y aquellas propias de un programa que privilegia la justicia social, para inclinarse por estas últimas. De este modo, intentó funcionar como una barrera al neoliberalismo económico. Esto le valió la negativa del Fondo Monetario Internacional de un préstamo que se consideraba necesario para incentivar la inversión. Esta negativa, sumada a una acción coordinada de potencias regionales y grupos de poder locales, llevó al derrocamiento del primer gobierno egipcio elegido democráticamente. ; The paper's general objective is to reflect on relations between political Islam, liberal democracy and economic neoliberalism. To this end, it studies the case of the organization of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood during its period in power, focusing on the economic dimension. This choice is explained, on the one hand, by the absence of the economic factor in the hegemonic reading of the "Arab Spring" and, on the other hand, by its strong presence in the international power centers' discourses which claimed that the political reform (democracy) had to be accompanied by an economic one (establishment or deepening of the free market). To this end, first, it analyzes the concept of democracy, stating that the hegemonic conception of it is heavily indebted to liberal democracy. The latter is defined by three elements: the elective process as a technical one, the construction of individuals-citizens and economic neoliberalism. For the elucidation of the latter, the article's bases are Michel Foucault's analysis, stating that neoliberalism is based on the free market understood as competition and, therefore, inequality. Economic liberalism is framed in the European process of secularization, one of whose corollaries has been the separation between economics and politics, but also between economics and religion. The non-separation between economy and religion results in the argument followed by some authors that the axis of Islamic economics is social justice, defining it as a moral economy. The article analyzes the concept of Islamic economics and contrasts the latter reading with another that links political Islam with economic neoliberalism. In order to avoid essentialization and to analyze practices, the paper does not a priori adopt any of these perspectives. Instead, it addresses the issue in a contextualized way. After a brief historical review of neoliberalism in Egypt, it analyzes the section of the electoral platform of the Muslim Brothers which makes reference to its economic policy. Also, it does the same with the discourse on the Arab uprisings of both the G8 and the International Monetary Fund, with particular emphasis on the latter's relationship with the government of the Muslim Brotherhood. It concludes that the Islamic political party sought a balance between neoliberal economic practices and those specific to a program that favors social justice, leaning toward the latter. Thus, the Muslim Brotherhood tried to act as a barrier to economic neoliberalism. This earned it the refusal by the International Monetary Fund of a loan that was considered necessary to encourage investment. This refusal, coupled with coordinated action by regional powers and local elites, led to the overthrow of the first democratically elected Egyptian government. ; Fil: Cuadro, Mariela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - La Plata; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales; Argentina

El estudio de los valores sociales, la ideología política y la confianza política, como orientaciones que cumplen la función de organizar las mediaciones cognitivas y afectivas de los miembros que componen la elite política, se vuelve relevante a la hora de aproximarnos a la comprensión de los grupos de poder que median entre los intereses y demandas ciudadanas. Por ello, la investigación realizada tuvo como objetivo principal examinar comparativamente las variables confianza política, valores e ideología política en grupos conformados por integrantes de los tres poderes del Estado provincial, sindicatos, universidad pública e instituciones religiosas. El estudio se realizó con un muestreo no probabilístico de 75 casos típicos. Para evaluar la confianza política se valoró el nivel de confianza institucional atribuido por los miembros de la elite a distintos actores sociales y políticos. Se administraron la Escala de Clima Socio-emocional (Páez, Ruiz, Gailly, Kornblit, Wiesenfeld & Vidal, 1996), el Cuestionario de Valores Sociales (Gouveia, 1998) y la Escala de Ideología Política (Brussino, Rabbia, Imhoff & Paz García, 2011). Los datos fueron sometidos a análisis de variancia de un solo factor con grupos de tamaños desiguales y comparaciones post-hoc con tests de Bonferroni. Asimismo, considerando la baja cantidad de casos en algunos grupos, se realizaron análisis no paramétricos para corroborar la consistencia de los mismos. Si bien se trata de un estudio exploratorio, los resultados obtenidos permiten la comprensión de estos grupos de poder en cuanto a las orientaciones ideológicas y actitudinales que prioriza cada sector en el proceso de influencia social. ; The study of social values, political ideology and political trust, in forms of orientations wich serves to the function of organizing the cognitive and affective mediations from the members of the political elite, becomes relevant to the approach of understanding the power groups, who mediate between the interests and the citizens' demands. Therefore, the aim of this research was mainly to comparatively examine the variables of political trust, social values and political ideology in groups formed by members of the three branches of the provincial government, unions, public university and religious institutions. This study was conducted with a non-probabilistic sample of 75 typical cases. To assess the political trust, institutional trust levels were measured attributed to the members of the elite of different social and political actors, and the Socio-emotional Climate Scale (Páez, Ruiz, Gailly, Kornblit, & Wiesenfeld, 1996). Besides the Social Values Questionnaire (Gouveia, 1998) and the Political Ideology Scale (Brussino, Rabbia, Imhoff, & Paz García, 2011) were administered. Data were analyzed using the ANOVA single factor with groups of unequal size, and post-hoc comparisons with the Bonferroni´s Test. This test is the most conservative because it singles out fewer differences from those, which really exists among data. The probability of error Type I was set as < .05. Although the bibliography suggests that the test is long enough to be applied even when the assumptions do not occur, in this case non-parametric analysis were conducted to corroborate the consistency of the results. The obtained data allows one approach to understanding ideas and representations in the members of the elite, and become relevant in terms of political role that these actors interpret. The results pointed that the political elite of Neuquén (EPN) was characterized by a predominance of subjects with tertiary and university levels of education, mostly married or partnered, and mainly young adult men. on regards to the political trust variable, on one hand only trade union representatives considered that human rights organizations and their own sectors were worthy of institutional trust; on the other hand as for anegative socio-emotional perception, were the members of legislative, university and religious EPN those with a higher perception of disconfort, wich is opposed to de vision of representativemembers from an executive branch of provincial government. As for the results found for the socialvalues variable, the religious representatives consider more important the normative and interactional dimensions, while the members of the three branches of goverment attribute relevance to the achievement - realization values. Also, in relation with political ideology variable, the religious representatives present the higher level of agreement with issues related to the sexual and religious conservatism dimension, and the members of the three brances of government are those with less level of agreement with the topics of guarantor and multicultural liberalism. Although this is an exploratory study, the results allow understanding these power groups as to ideological and attitudinal orientations prioritized in each sector in the process of social influence. However, is necessary noted that given the small sample size, which is usually conditioned by the difficulty of access to the population, these findings should be taken with the care and reserve that requires any interpretation of data, and the social effects that requiring further studies in this line. Also, future research would be necessary to consider in the study of elites, the timing of the charges and positions occupied by participants of each sector and the autonomy enjoyed by the selective processes by which have agreed to such places. This variables set could influence the differences in distribution of power into every policy area (Cao et al., 2011). ; Fil: Brussino, Silvina Alejandra. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudio sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Centro de Investigaciones de la Facultad de Psicología - Grupo Vinculado CIPSI; Argentina ; Fil: Acuña, María Inés. Universidad Nacional del Comahue. Facultad de Humanidades; Argentina