The article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives. This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.
The article deals with the problems of citizenship which currently prevail in both feminist and non-feminist discourses. Even though the feminist philosophy produces plentiful critique of models of citizenship which dominate the Western philosophy at the moment it does not present many positive alternatives. This article analyses probably one from the most interesting and original conceptions of the kind of citizens does the modern world require. The article is focused on the examination of the conception of citizenship in the ethics of care and its relation to the models of citizenship which prevail in contemporary political and moral philosophy. It is suggested that the conception of citizenship inherent in the ethics of care is an emerging alternative to the liberal and republican models of citizenship.
In a new digital era society, it is important to have an education in digital citizenship, which is oriented to develop skills that facilitate learning and can contribute to democratic, informed and responsible participation in digital channels. The objective is to analyze how the use of didactic ICT-based strategies favor the development of digital citizenship skills in high school students. The research was approached from the perspective of the quantitative paradigm and as a space to determine the preconceptions in digital citizenship and the use of ICT in 138 high school students. A didactic sequence was implemented in order to favor the development of digital skills in students, determining the variables after its implementation, for which the SPSS® 21 statistical software was used. Main findings show that students recognize digital media as facilitators in effectively accessing information, social movements achieved in digital environments, current dangers in the digital community, citizen participation in social changes, and delivering relevant information for society using ICT. We can conclude from the findings that the use of ICT didactic strategies in the didactic sequence aided students' development of digital citizenship skills. The previous idea is reinforced as a result of the learning activities conducted, which include access to information, research, communication, presentation, and exchange of information, as well as participation in topics of citizen interest. ; En una sociedad inserta en la nueva era digital, hoy en día es importante contar con una educación en ciudadanía digital que se oriente al desarrollo de competencias que faciliten aprendizajes y puedan contribuir a la participación democrática, informada y responsable en entornos digitales. El objetivo es analizar cómo el uso de estrategias didácticas basadas en TIC favorece el desarrollo de competencias en ciudadanía digital en estudiantes de enseñanza media. La investigación se abordó desde la perspectiva del paradigma cuantitativo y ...
In a new digital era society, it is important to have an education in digital citizenship, which is oriented to develop skills that facilitate learning and can contribute to democratic, informed and responsible participation in digital channels. The objective is to analyze how the use of didactic ICT-based strategies favor the development of digital citizenship skills in high school students. The research was approached from the perspective of the quantitative paradigm and as a space to determine the preconceptions in digital citizenship and the use of ICT in 138 high school students. A didactic sequence was implemented in order to favor the development of digital skills in students, determining the variables after its implementation, for which the SPSS® 21 statistical software was used. Main findings show that students recognize digital media as facilitators in effectively accessing information, social movements achieved in digital environments, current dangers in the digital community, citizen participation in social changes, and delivering relevant information for society using ICT. We can conclude from the findings that the use of ICT didactic strategies in the didactic sequence aided students' development of digital citizenship skills. The previous idea is reinforced as a result of the learning activities conducted, which include access to information, research, communication, presentation, and exchange of information, as well as participation in topics of citizen interest. ; En una sociedad inserta en la nueva era digital, hoy en día es importante contar con una educación en ciudadanía digital que se oriente al desarrollo de competencias que faciliten aprendizajes y puedan contribuir a la participación democrática, informada y responsable en entornos digitales. El objetivo es analizar cómo el uso de estrategias didácticas basadas en TIC favorece el desarrollo de competencias en ciudadanía digital en estudiantes de enseñanza media. La investigación se abordó desde la perspectiva del paradigma cuantitativo y ...
The aim of this study is to examine the effective citizenship competencies of prospective teachers in terms of various variables. The study is a descriptive study and survey model is used in this context. The study group of the study consists of undergraduate students attending the last year of education faculty and students who continue pedagogical formation education in the 2018-2019 academic year at Inonu University, Adıyaman University and Fırat University. In this context, 584 pedagogical formation students and 293 last year students of education faculties were reached. Effective Citizenship Competence Scale developed by Sağlam (2011) was used to collect quantitative data. This scale is a 5 choices likert type scale consisting of a total of 23 items and includes two sub-dimensions. The first 12 items measure the "Citizenship Values" sub-dimension and the remaining 11 items measure the "Knowledge and Skills of the Citizenship "sub-dimension. Package program was used to analyse the data obtained from prospective teachers. Frequency (f), percentage (%), t test and One-way ANOVA tests were applied. Comments were made based on the findings of the study. As a result of the analyses, it was differentiated in favour of men according to the gender variable in the "Citizenship Knowledge and Skill" sub-dimension of the mean scores obtained from the prospective teachers' effective citizenship competence scale. As a result of the analyses, it was seen that the average scores of the prospective teachers' scores on effective citizenship competence scale differed in favour of graduated students according to their graduation status in the "Citizenship Knowledge and Skills" sub-dimension. There was no significant difference for the other independent variables of the study Keywords: Effective Citizenship, Citizenship Qualifications, Citizenship Knowledge, Pedagogic Formation, Teacher Candidates
Este articulo parte de la securitización de la trata de mujeres con fines de explotación sexual en la Unión Europea para repensar la relación entre seguridad y ciudadanía. Los estudios críticos de seguridad han comenzado a abordar esta relación recientemente, centrándose en analizar los procesos de securitización de la ciudadanía, así como su uso en procesos de securitización, e identificando la constitución de la comunidad política como el ámbito más claro en el que ambas confluyen. La securitización de la trata, sin embargo, cuenta con tres especificidades que nos obligan a repensar el concepto de ciudadanía, así como su relación con la seguridad: el contexto transnacional en el que tiene lugar, la importancia del género y la sexualidad en los procesos de inclusión y exclusión a los que da lugar, y la existencia de una red transnacional de defensa de las personas trabajadoras del sexo que se sirve del concepto de ciudadanía para luchar contra dicha securitización. El artículo, por tanto, propone introducir tres innovaciones en el marco teórico empleado por los estudios críticos de seguridad para abordar la relación entre seguridad y ciudadanía, adecuándolo así al caso específico de la trata: primero, propone situar dicha relación en el contexto de globalización en el que actualmente opera; segundo, traer a colación los conceptos de ciudadanía sexual y de género, y en particular, el debate surgido en torno a su relación con las prácticas orientalistas e imperialistas de las democracias liberales occidentales; y tercero, recuperar la dimensión ambivalente de la ciudadanía para resaltar su potencial emancipatorio ; This article starts from the securitisation of trafficking in women for sexual exploitation in the European Union so as to rethink the relationship between security and citizenship. Critical security studies have only recently began to explore such relation, focusing on the securitisation of citizenship as well as its use in processes of securitisation, and identifying the constitution of the political community as the place where citizenship and security most clearly converge. The securitisation of trafficking, however, has three specificities that compel us to rethink the concept of citizenship as well as its relation to security: the transnational context in which it takes place, the importance of gender and sexuality in the processes of inclusion and exclusion it gives way to, and the existence of a transnational advocacy network in defence of sex workers' rights that uses the concept of citizenship to fight such securitisation. The article thus proposes the introduction of three innovations in the theoretical framework employed by critical security studies to analyse the relation between security and citizenship so as to accommodate the concrete case of trafficking: first, to situate such relation in the context of globalisation in which it operates; second, to draw from the concepts of gender and sexual citizenship, particularly the debate regarding their relation with the orientalist and imperialist practices of western liberal democracies, and, third, to recover the ambivalent dimension of citizenship stressing its emancipatory potential
This study focuses on how Mexican Federations of HTAs have negotiated their formal membership in Mexico and the United States. In Mexico, migrants' market citizenship opened the channels of communication between Federations of HTAs, and the Mexican government. Once those channels were established; HTA Federation leaders were able to negotiate their passage from market to formal membership. In the case of the United States, HTA Federations have advocated for a formal inclusion in the United States, by organizing marches, lobbying and writing to their representatives and by emphasizing their economic contributions to the U.S. society in their discourse. However, these strategies have proven partially ineffective. Nonetheless, Federation leaders have sought other strategies of inclusion at the local level by emphasizing the value of migrants as market citizens, encouraging migrants to show "good character" in order to be seen as "less illegal," and through civic activities.
[ES] The intensification of international migration flows has now led to multiple reflections on what a correct national migration policy might be. In addition to this trend, in this article we express some considerations on the ethical implications of migration policies. Our starting point is the analysis of two concepts with preferably divergent significance. We refer to the terms 'solidarity and citizenship', the functioning and meaning of which in the 'politically correct' narrative — indefinite and indefinite — we study. The different models of state in the 'western world' are discussed below. This facilitates the understanding of the cultural political factors of international migration, which we discuss in the last section. ; Peer reviewed ; [ES] The intensification of international migration flows has now led to multiple reflections on what a correct national migration policy might be. In addition to this trend, in this article we express some considerations on the ethical implications of migration policies. Our starting point is the analysis of two concepts with preferably divergent significance. We refer to the terms 'solidarity and citizenship', the functioning and meaning of which in the 'politically correct' narrative — indefinite and indefinite — we study. The different models of state in the 'western world' are discussed below. This facilitates the understanding of the cultural political factors of international migration, which we discuss in the last section. ; [EN] The intensification of international migratory flows in recent years has provoked much thinking as to what might be an appropriate national migratory policy. Following this tendency, in this article we present several considerations relating to the ethical implications of migratory policies. Our point of departure for this discussion consists in the analysis of two concepts, which we believe differ in meaning. We refer to the terms solidarity and citizenship, whose function and meaning in "politically correct" discourse (undefined and ...
15. Leisure and Popular CulturePART FOUR: THE STATE AND CITIZENSHIP; 16. The Women's Movement, Politics and Citizenship from the late Nineteenth Century until 1918; 17. The Women's Movement, Politics and Citizenship, 1918-1950s; 18. The Women's Movement, Politics and Citizenship, 1960s-2000; 19. 'Race', Ethnicity and National Identity; 20. War and Peace; 21. The State and Social Policy; Key Dates and Events; Notes on Contributors; Index.
Bajo la denominación "agricultura familiar" coexisten diversos tipos de sujetos. Esa inclusión depende de realidades históricas, socio-productivas, culturales y políticas. En este escrito se aborda la cuestión para el caso argentino desde una perspectiva de carácter político: se discutirá el concepto de ciudadanía en el medio rural y para este tipo de sujetos en un período acotado (2004-2019). Durante estos años, la agricultura familiar ha aparecido de distintas maneras en contextos políticos diferentes, pero siempre como una categoría en tensión. El objetivo es comprender esa tensión a lo largo de la periodización propuesta en los contextos de reproducción del agronegocio. Nuestra hipótesis de trabajo es que aun tomando un lugar cada vez más relevante en el ámbito de las políticas estatales, el choque de la agricultura familiar con el modelo productivo resulta un obstáculo que incide de modo negativo en la construcción de ciudadanía para estos sujetos. La estrategia metodológica es cualitativa, apelando a tres tipos de recursos de análisis: a) estudios específicos previos sobre la cuestión de la agricultura familiar como categoría política, b) entrevistas en profundidad realizadas en forma diacrónica con funcionarios, técnicos extensionistas y productores y c) documentos oficiales diversos. ; The term family farming covers a range of diverse subjects, depending on historical, socio-productive, cultural and political circumstances. In this paper the Argentine case is approached from a political perspective: the concept of citizenship in the rural setting is discussed with reference to a fixed period of time (2004–2019). During these years, family farming has appeared in different ways in different political contexts, but always posed as a contentious category. The aim of this paper is to understand the conflict in this time frame within the developing agribusiness context. Our hypothesis is that, despite the increasing relevance of family farming in the sphere of state policies, the clash between this model and the current production system creates an obstacle that negatively impacts the development of citizenship for family farmers. A qualitative methodological strategy was adopted, based on three types of analytical resources: a) specific previous studies on the issue of family farming as a political category, b) in-depth interviews conducted over time with officials, extension technicians and producers, and c) a variety of official documents.
Since the end of 1990s, most Latin American countries have implemented efforts to try to keep in touch with their citizens overseas. Some efforts have included the creation of programs for foreign community assistance, amendments to the Constitution conceding their foreign citizens dual citizenship and the promotion of policies for development based on the money orders made by immigrants to their families in their native country. Most of changes has been due to the actions proposed by immigrant associations,which have pushed (with different results) to the governing elites to get the extension of their political rights. These have allowed them to participate in elections of their countries or be incorporated in certain public policies of the receptor countries. Some examples of these phenomena are that of immigrants from Dominican Republic, Mexico, Chile and El Salvador. In this sense, the main objective of this paper is to explain the production of the citizenship of Peruvian immigrants belonging to political associations in Chile, especially based on the examination of the creation and changes occurred in three political associationsin Chile. ; Desde fines de los noventa, la mayoría de los Estados latinoamericanos han tomado medidas para relacionarse con sus ciudadanos residentes en el extranjero, las que han ido desde la creación de programas para la atención de las comunidades en el exterior, la modificación de artículos constitucionales que le permitan a sus ciudadanos residentes en el extranjero acceder a una doble ciudadanía y el impulso de políticas de desarrollo con base en las remesas que giran los inmigrantes a sus familiares en sus países de origen. La mayoría de estos cambios se han debido a las acciones realizadas por asociaciones de inmigrantes que han presionado (con distintos resultados), a sus élites gobernantes para lograr una extensión de sus derechos políticos que les permitan participar en los procesos electorales de sus países o ser incorporados en determinadas políticas públicas de los países receptores, ejemplos de estas situaciones son los casos: Dominicano, mexicano, chileno y salvadoreño. En este sentido el propósito central de la presente ponencia es explicar la producción de la ciudadanía de los inmigrantes peruanos pertenecientes a asociaciones de perfil político en Chile a partir de examinar el surgimiento y los cambios ocurridos en tres asociaciones de corte político en Santiago de Chile.
On 5 December 2004 the citizens of Hungary were called to decide through referendum on two issues: (1) that the health system remained under full state control, and (2) that ethnic Hungarians living in the neighboring countries were granted citizenship preferentially. Sixty-five percent of the Hungarians who went to vote gave a favorable answer to the first question, and a little more than 51% gave a yes answer to the second question. Despite this, however, the referendum failed because of the low voter turnout of only 37.49% of the electorate. According to Hungarian law, for a referendum result to be valid it is required that at least 25% of the electorate endorses it. In this referendum a little less than 19% of all franchised citizens voted for granting double citizenship to ethnic Hungarians living in the neighboring countries.
In March of 2016, German right-wing nationalist-populist political party Alternative für Deutschland took the second and third largest seat shares across three state-level elections. These electoral successes, in combination with the rise of anti-immigrant groups such as PEGIDA, have prompted a renewal of public discussion about what constitutes Germanness and who can really be German. This thesis engages with these two questions formulated thusly: (1) what does it mean to be a German national, and (2) to what extent do German citizenship and naturalization policies promote national exclusion? Drawing on the literature on nation and citizenship, this thesis takes a comparative historical approach to understanding German national exclusion by examining changes to the German national over time as well as taking a cross-sectional approach to contemporary legal developments. The first section draws on citizenship law in combination with popular debates over the content of the German national in order to construct an understanding of what it means to be German and how citizenship law produced and maintained legal boundaries around the national community. Further data includes analysis of the content of the citizenship test, which was introduced in 2007, and workbooks used in integration courses, introduced in 2004, both of which contribute to understanding how Ausländer are expected to "integrate." The consensus understanding of the German nation and nationalism is currently that Germany is a nation-state that established itself through ethnic nationalism that has been shifting more towards civic nationalism. Ultimately, this study finds support, however, for the presence of longstanding barriers to citizenship predicated on being culturally national. Most notably, this study finds that what it means to be national is now cast in terms of Western liberal-democratic norms, which allows for and encourages essentialist distinctions between Occident and Orient.
El barrio Cova da Moura, ubicado en la periferia de Lisboa, alberga un serio conflicto entre dos formas antitéticas de entender el derecho a la ciudad. De un lado las instituciones públicas intentan habilitar este derecho mediante una ordenación higienista que homologue este espacio al resto del territorio portugués. De otro los vecinos del barrio, inmigrantes en su mayoría, rechazan los planes urbanísticos propuestos por el Estado portugués, y entienden que su derecho a la ciudad pasa por un reconocimiento de la singularidad cultural del vecindario y unas políticas urbanísticas que la protejan. En este trabajo se analiza en detalle este conflicto, que enfrenta dos modelos de territorialización contrapuestos: uno que se construye sobre la categoría abstracta del ciudadano y a través de criterios cartesianos, y otro que remite a la noción del vecino y que se apoya sobre la especificidad de experiencias concretas. ; The Cova da Moura neighborhood, located on the outskirts of Lisbon, holds a serious conflict between two antithetical ways of understanding the right to the city. On the one hand, public institutions try to enable this right through a hygienist arrangement that homologues this space to the rest of the Portuguese territory. On the other, the residents of the neighborhood, mostly immigrants, reject the urban plans proposed by the Portuguese State, and understand that their right to the city goes through a recognition of the cultural uniqueness of the neighborhood and urban planning policies that protect it. In this work this conflict is analyzed in detail. It faces two opposing territorialization models: one that is built on the abstract category of the citizen and through Cartesian criteria, and another that refers to the notion of the neighbor and that relies on the specificity of concrete experiences. ; Le quartier de Cova da Moura, situé à la périphérie de Lisbonne, entretient un conflit sérieux entre deux manières antithétiques de comprendre le droit à la ville. D'une part, les institutions publiques tentent de habiliter ce droit par le biais d'un arrangement hygiéniste qui homologue cet espace au reste du territoire portugais. De l'autre, les résidents du quartier, principalement des immigrants, rejettent les plans urbains proposés par l'État portugais et comprennent que leur droit à la ville passe par la reconnaissance de la spécificité culturelle du quartier et par les politiques d'urbanisme qui le protègent. Dans ce travail, ce conflit est analysé en détail, qui fait face à deux modèles de territorialisation opposés: un construit sur la catégorie abstraite du citoyen et sur des critères cartésiens, et un autre qui fait référence à la notion de voisin et qui repose sur la spécificité. des expériences concrètes. ; O bairro Cova da Moura, localizado na periferia de Lisboa, aalberga um sério conflito entre duas formas antitéticas de entender o direito à cidade. De um lado, as instituições públicas tentam viabilizar esse direito por meio de um arranjo higienista que homologa esse espaço com o restante do território português. De outro lado, os moradores do bairro, em sua maioria imigrantes, rejeitam os planos urbanísticos propostos pelo Estado Português e entendem que seu direito à cidade passa pelo reconhecimento da singularidade cultural do bairro e por políticas de planejamento urbano para protegê-la. Neste trabalho analizamos em detalhes esse conflito, que enfrenta dois modelos de territorialização opostos: um que se baseia na categoria abstrata do cidadão e em critérios cartesianos e outro que se refere à noção de vizinho e que se baseia na especificidade de experiências concretas.
