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Restructuring of central and local government relations has occurred in a number of countries during the 1980s, and has been a striking phenomenon even in such different countries as Poland, Sweden and the US. In the first part of the article a resource framework is presented, designed to make basic comparisons of these relations between different countries. Five sets of resources are identified: constitutional‐legal, regulatory, financial, political and professional resources. It is argued that local‐government disposal of such resources provides a potential for local discretion. The applicability of the framework is illustrated by reference to a study of Poland, Sweden and the US, focusing on the restructuring of central and local government relations in these countries during the 1980s. The conclusion is that decentralization has occurred in all three cases, especially in terms of regulatory and other non‐financial resources. However, in Sweden and the US this trend has been counterbalanced by centralization of financial control. In Poland the post‐communist revolution has paved the way for a restoration of the pre‐war local self‐government system. Democratic elections at the local level are seen as crucial to break down the old, centralized party‐state system, and to reintroduce a dual local government system. In all three cases economic pressure, related to the individual countries' positions in the world capitalist system, seems to have been the main driving force beind the decentralization processes. However, the forms, magnitude and effects of decentralization must be seen in relation to the specific political economies and histories of the three countries. Thus, to understand the causes, mechanisms and effects of central–local government restructuring in depth one has to relate the resource approach to a broader theoretical framework.

Purpose In this study, the authors explain citizens' adoption of social media in citizen–government relations in China, a country that blends an authoritarian governance regime with limited tolerance of and responsiveness to online citizen participation. Design/methodology/approach Original survey data were gathered using a vignette survey among 307 respondents living in the People's Republic of China. Multivariate analysis of the data was used to test four hypotheses and identify antecedents of Chinese citizens' social media adoption for "thin" participation purposes. Findings Citizens' perceived impact of "thin" participation, citizens' skills and capabilities and citizens' trust in institutions are significantly associated with citizens' social media adoption. Social media anxiety was found not to be associated with Chinese citizens' social media adoption. Research limitations/implications This study demonstrates how vignettes can be used to study adoption of technological and institutional innovations in an authoritarian governance regime and how in this context existing adoption theories can be extended with notions of institutional trust to adequately explain citizens' adoption of technological and institutional innovations in citizen–government relations. Social implications Although some argue that social media activity could potentially mitigate democratic deficits caused by the state, in the case of China, the intertwinement of state and social media platform renders this argument unsustainable. Originality/value This study is one of the few systematic survey studies focusing on Chinese citizens' adoption of social media in citizen–government relations.

Abstract
This research note unveils new archival evidence from Amnesty International's first twenty-five years (1961–1986) to shed light on the realization of international human rights as Amnesty balanced "nonpolitical politics" through multifaceted government relations. The research draws from minutes and reports of eighty meetings of Amnesty's executive leadership and interviews from the 1983 to 1985 Amnesty Oral History project, all collected from the International Institute of Social History. The records show that during this time Amnesty relied on government and foundation funding to exit a severe financial crisis. Amnesty also cultivated a private diplomatic network with governments for access and advocacy and conducted side bargains with closed countries for access and reforms. In one sense, the new evidence complicates the conventional wisdom that Amnesty was only financed from small, individual donors and stayed away from private government dealings. In another sense, the new data extend existing insights about INGO strategic action by revealing Amnesty's pragmatic trade-offs when maintaining arms–length relations with governments to better appreciate the organization's early challenges and accomplishments. The note ultimately contributes to scholarship on the strategic choices of INGOs and provides new data for future research on the agency of nonstate actors in global governance navigating complex government relations.
Esta nota de investigación presenta nueva evidencia documental de los primeros 25 años de Amnistía Internacional (Amnesty International), de 1961 a 1986, para arrojar luz sobre el cumplimiento de las normas internacionales de derechos humanos mientras Amnistía balanceaba la "política no política" mediante relaciones gubernamentales polifacéticas. La investigación incorpora actas e informes de 80 reuniones del liderazgo ejecutivo de Amnistía y entrevistas de 1983 a 1985 del proyecto Historia Oral de Amnistía (Amnesty Oral History), recopiladas del Instituto Internacional de Historia Social. Los documentos muestran que, en ese momento, Amnistía necesitó financiación gubernamental y de fundaciones para salir de una crisis financiera grave. Amnistía también cultivó una red diplomática privada con gobiernos a cambio de acceso y defensa, y tuvo negocios paralelos con países cerrados a cambio de acceso y reformas. En un sentido, la nueva evidencia complica la sabiduría convencional de que Amnistía solo tuvo financiamiento de donantes pequeños e individuos y se mantuvo lejos de los negocios privados con gobiernos. En contraste, los nuevos datos amplían las percepciones existentes sobre la acción estratégica de organizaciones no gubernamentales internacionales (ONGI), revelando las concesiones pragmáticas de Amnistía al mantener relaciones independientes con gobiernos, y permiten apreciar mejor los desafíos y logros iniciales de la organización. La nota, fundamentalmente, contribuye a la investigación sobre las decisiones estratégicas de las ONGI y brinda nuevos datos para futuras investigaciones sobre la autonomía de los actores no estatales que navegan relaciones gubernamentales complejas en la gobernanza global.
Cet exposé de recherche dévoile de nouvelles preuves issues des 25 premières années d'archives d'Amnesty International (1961–1986) pour apporter un éclairage sur l'application des droits de l'Homme tandis qu'Amnesty équilibrait la « politique apolitique » par le biais de relations gouvernementales à plusieurs facettes. Cette recherche s'appuie sur des minutes et rapports de 80 réunions de la haute direction d'Amnesty, ainsi que sur des entretiens qui ont eu lieu entre 1983 et 1985 dans le cadre du projet Oral History (Histoire orale) d'Amnesty. Ces données ont toutes été recueillies auprès de l'Institut International d'Histoire Sociale. Les archives montrent que durant cette période, Amnesty a dû compter sur le financement de gouvernements et de fondations pour sortir d'une grave crise financière. Amnesty a également cultivé un réseau diplomatique privé avec des gouvernements pour faciliter son accès et son plaidoyer dans le pays concerné tout en menant des négociations parallèles avec les pays fermés pour y favoriser son accès et les réformes. En un sens, les nouvelles preuves compliquent les idées reçues selon lesquelles Amnesty ne serait financée que par de petits donateurs individuels et resterait à l'écart des affaires gouvernementales privées. Mais en un autre sens, ces nouvelles données enrichissent les renseignements existants sur l'action stratégique des organisations non gouvernementales internationales en révélant qu'Amnesty s'était livrée à des compromis pragmatiques en entretenant des relations avec les gouvernements tout en restant à distance. Ces renseignements nous permettent donc de mieux apprécier les premiers défis et accomplissements de l'organisation. En définitive, cet exposé contribue aux études sur les choix stratégiques des organisations non gouvernementales internationales et fournit de nouvelles données pour les recherches futures sur l'intervention des acteurs non étatiques dans la gouvernance mondiale tandis qu'ils naviguent dans des relations gouvernementales complexes.

This paper has two main purposes: first, it measures the level and degree of decentralisation in contemporary Korea, and, second, it explains why decentralisation is slow or stagnant. To measure the level of decentralisation in Korea, this paper uses Page & Goldsmith's triple measures of function, discretion, and access, which were developed to examine the extent of centralisation and decentralisation in any given polity. The results suggest that Korea is both legally and politically centralised. In Korea, a centralised party system has combined with other factors to drive centralisation, overcoming the decentralising forces that focus mainly on local elected and appointed officials. Centralising forces include the bureaucratic elitism of national officials, cultural disdain for local governments, and local people's feeble affective attachment to local identities and communities.

Three high-profile government losses in the Supreme Court of Canada in late 2013 and early 2014, combined with the government's response to those losses, generated a narrative of an especially fractious relationship between Stephen Harper's Conservative government and the Court. This article analyzes this narrative more rigorously by going beyond a mere tallying of government wins and losses in the Court. Specifically, it examines Charter-based invalidations of federal legislation since 2006, three critical reference opinions rendered at the government's own request, and two key judgments delivered in the spring of 2015 concerning Aboriginal rights and the elimination of the long-gun registry. The article argues that the relationship between the Conservative government and the Court from 2006 to 2015 was much more complicated than the "fractious relationship" narrative would suggest. However, the Conservative government did adopt a more consistently confrontational approach in its legislative responses than its predecessors.

Danışman: Alihan Limoncuoğlu ; İşadamı derneklerinden, siyasal otoritede belirleyici rol oynadığını belirtmek gerekir. Bunun en önemli nedeni işadamlarının siyasi iktidar ile olan ilişkilerinde işadamı ve siyaset ilişkisinin çoğunlukla belirleyici olmuştur. Her ne denli, işadamları üzerinde siyasi iktidarın yönlendirici ve belirleyici rolüne dikkate alınsa da MÜSİAD ve TÜSİAD örneklerinde görüldüğü gibi işadamı derneklerinin kimliklerinin, siyasal yönelimlerinden ayrı bir şekilde belirleyici olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Bu çalışmada TÜSİAD ve MÜSAİD ilişkisi ele alınmıştır ; It is important to note that business associations play a decisive role in political authority. The most important reason for this wasthe determinants of business men and political affiliations in the political power of the businessmen and their relations. Whilst the political power on businessmen is abletotake a directand decisive role, the identities of businessman associations, as seen in the examples of MUSIAD and TÜSİAD aredecisive apart from their political orientations. MUSIAD, from the time of its establishment, sees that it choose stoact in accordance with its relations with the governments. Sometimes it is not very successful. Altered with his government, the activities and discourses of the association have changed. When it was established, the statebe came a passive position in front of bureaucratic and politicalunits. It should be noted that it took place together with the AK Party government. It goes beyond just being an institution that is influenced by developments; social and political life as an actor who affects himself. Inshort, MUSIAD has been an importantact or in the politics of the government, influenced by the government. TÜSİAD and MUSIAD government policies were discussed.

This report presents a recapitulation of air traffic in France and her colonies as well as a discussion of the subsidies provided by the government.

How to explain the distortion of public–private partnerships (PPPs) is underexplored. Drawing on principal–agent theory, this article proposes an institutional incentive-driven framework. Based on a case study of PPPs in China, this article finds that central–local government relationships play a crucial role in shaping PPP performance. Goal incongruence and information asymmetry lead to two types of distortion. First, PPPs become a political task for local governments to respond to higher-level governments' needs. Second, PPPs serve as financing tools to create political achievements. These opportunistic behaviors violate the goals of the central government's PPP policy and increase government debt risks.

The author explores the issue of how business interests are integrated into the policy-making process in Japan. He stresses the importance of distinguishing the influence at two different levels in the business community. Zaikai (roughly translated as "business world" or "financial circle") and gyokai (a formal association - industrial association - which represents the interests of a specific industrial sector). The author shows with two case studies the differences between zaikai and gyokai in influencing government policy. (DÜI-Sen)