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This essay explores the composition of United States post-Cold War foreign policy rhetoric under President Bill Clinton. We contend that Bill Clinton offered a coherent and comprehensive foreign policy narrative for the direction of U.S. foreign policy discourse in the post-Cold War world. Specifically, we analyze the 'new partnership' narrative that Clinton articulated in his 1998 trip to Africa as a representative anecdote for the larger body of his foreign policy discourse. This 'new partnership' narrative was structured by three narrative themes: (1) America's role as world leader; (2) reconstituting the threat environment; (3) democracy promotion as the strategy for American foreign policy. These three themes can be found throughout Clinton's foreign policy rhetoric and serve as the basis for a foreign policy narrative used by Clinton, and perhaps, future administrations. Adapted from the source document.

This study incorporates the issue-ownership concept into the aggregate presidential approval literature. A content analysis of media coverage from the Reagan through Clinton administrations of four party-owned issues—Social Security or Medicare, environmental protection, national defense, and size of government—demonstrates that when the agenda is dominated by issues on which the president's party enjoys credibility, approval increases, controlling for the typical economic and event variables. Similarly, increased coverage of issues owned by the opposition party leads to decreased approval, all things equal. Thus, when the media primes a party-owned issue, the public responds by evaluating the president consistent with his credibility on the issue. These relationships are robust across the typical functional forms used to model approval.

Prior to the EU resignation crisis (the fall of the Santer Commission in 1999), it had long been argued that the European Commission was suffering from managerial 'overload'. The incoming Prodi Commission embarked on a programme of administrative and managerial reform under the leadership of Commission Vice President, Neil Kinnock. Central to this programme were the objectives of improving managerial capacities and bolstering legitimacy in order that the Commission would be better able to discharge its expanded responsibilities. Using the model of governmental overload developed in the 1970s and 1980s, this article quantifies the impact of the reforms and argues that the overload problem has been aggravated rather than diminished. In this context, the rationale of the reform project is explored with reference to theories of public policy decision making.

Discusses democratic transition and the 2000 presidential campaign; defeat of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) at the July 2, 2000 elections, other political parties and candidates, and voting; Mexico.

US progressivism is half espoused, half rejected, by an ambivalent if talented President. The Republican image of the President as 'socialist' is one which the social democratic Democrats wish were true. The President's readiness to compromise has not tempered the extreme hostility of the Republicans. It has been exploited by the political agents of business and finance. It has used by the permanent war party: the campaign against 'terror' enables it to retain mastery of foreign and military policy. The New Deal's heirs, seeking more social democracy and less militarism, are bereft of new forms of political action. US democracy is threatened by an eruption of cultural and religious fundamentalism, racism, and xenophobia, as well as a compulsive refusal of social solidarity. Withal, the situation is open as well as complex, and the President in the long run may be much more successful than his angry detractors and disappointed supporters allow.

The intelligence community has evolved significantly since the failures of 9/11 and the inaccurate assessments on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction. Congressional action has resulted in multiple far-reaching reforms and tectonic organizational shifts. On the strategic level, however, counterterrorism intelligence policy has been muddled during the past eight years. The Bush administration, for example, called on the intelligence community to 'bolster the growth of democracy.' The next president should cast aside political ideology and build on reform efforts to empower top-notch leaders. Strong new leaders in the intelligence community must energize the National Counterterrorism Center and provide the president with comprehensive and policy-relevant intelligence analysis. The United States cannot eliminate the global terrorist threat alone-the next president must boost cooperation with liaison security services. Finally, the intelligence community must bolster its operational capacity to find and detain terrorists around the world. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Although the televised address to the nation is portrayed as a potentially powerful tool in influencing public opinion, scholars have little understanding of the president's ability to use these addresses to communicate his message to the American people. Thus, this study examines the president's effectiveness at using televised addresses to get his message across to the public, with whom he is most successful communicating his message, and why he succeeds in getting his message across to some but not to others. Using a unique set of national opinion surveys conducted by Richard Wirthlin, who was Ronald Reagan's pollster throughout Reagan's years as president, the author finds that the president has limited success in getting his message across to the public, the success he has varies among different groups, and that people's education and the amount of exposure they have to an address explain why the president is successful communicating his message to some but not to others.

The article aims to demonstrate the significant changes that occurred in Brazil in the 2018 elections, in order to think about what the national policy will be like in the coming years. For that, the article is based on two basic arguments: the end of the "hegemony" for the presidential dispute, and the rise of new actors in the national political game. On the end of the "hegemony", a reference is made to the end of more than 20 years of dispute between the Workers' Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) for the presidency of the republic. This happens as a result of the rise of new political actors, such as Jair Mesías Bolsonaro. The article has three parts: the first one discusses the functioning of the Brazilian political system, the second one analyzes in depth the results of the 2018 elections, and the third and last part discusses the policy of the elected President taking into account his Government plan. ; El artículo tiene como objetivo demostrar los cambios relevantes que ocurrieron en Brasil en las elecciones de 2018, para cuestionar los cambios en la política nacional de Brasil en los próximos años. Para el efecto, el trabajo se sustenta en dos argumentos de base: el fin de la "hegemonía" en la disputa presidencial y la ascensión de nuevos actores en el juego político nacional. Sobre el fin de la "hegemonía", se hace referencia a la conclusión de más de veinte años de disputa entre el Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) y el Partido de la Social Democracia Brasileña (PSDB) para la Presidencia de la República, que ocurre como consecuencia de la ascensión de nuevos actores políticos, como Jair Mesías Bolsonaro. El artículo se divide en tres partes: la primera discute el funcionamiento del sistema político brasileño, la segunda analiza los resultados de las elecciones de 2018, y la tercera discute sobre la política del nuevo presidente electo a partir de su plan de gobierno.

PolitiFact's 15 most popular fact-checks of 2023 centered on former first lady Michelle Obama, President Joe Biden, former President Donald Trump and Microsoft Corp. co-founder Bill Gates.

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