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"Reflecting on some of Brazil's foremost challenges, this book considers the sometimes porous relationship between legality and illegality in a country that is undergoing significant political and societal change. It brings together work by established scholars from Brazil, Europe and the United States to think through how (il)legalities are produced and represented at the level of institutions, (daily) practice, and culture. Through a transdisciplinary approach, the chapters cover issues including informal work practices (e.g. street vendors), urban squatter movements and (il)legal building in the cities' favelas, migration, strikes and social movements traditionally demonized. Alongside social practices, the volume includes close analyses of cultural practices and cultural production, including migrant literature and indigenous art. The question of (il)legalities that this book explores resonates beyond Brazil's borders, as concepts such as 'lawfare' have crept into vocabularies, and countries the world over grapple with issues such as state interference, fake news, the definition of 'illegal' migration. This is valuable reading for scholars in Brazilian and Latin American Studies, as well as those working in anthropology, sociology, geography and political science."

Spurred by a new wave of protests around the world - from the Occupy movement, Black Lives Matter, the Arab Spring, and the various street marches against neoliberal governments throughout Latin America - Raussert examines how artistic practices in the Americas have challenged the control of public space in relation to gender, race, sexuality, class, and age in three periods (the 1920s and 1930s, the 1960s and 1970s, and the new millennium). This inter-American perspective sheds light on common utopian aspirations across time and space, as in the networked movements of indigenous, African-descended and the diasporic groups, epitomized by the Zapatista slogan: "Mientras los medios de comunicación sigan mintiendo, las paredes seguirán hablando" (As long as the media continues to lie, the walls will continue to talk). Indeed, this must-read book shows how contesting artists subvert the increasing privatization, consumerization and electronic monitoring of public space and its virtualization in the new media in our own time period. | George Yúdice (Professor of Latin American Studies and Modern Literature at the University of Miami, U.S.A.)

In less than half a century, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia successfully defeated Fascist occupation, fended off dominating pressures from the Eastern and Western blocs, built a modern society on the ashes of war, created its own form of socialism, and led the formation of the Nonaligned Movement. This country's principles and its continued battles, fought against all odds, provided the basis for dynamic and exceptional forms of art. Drawing on archival materials, postcolonial theory, and Eastern European socialist studies, this volume chronicles the emergence of late modernist artistic practices in Yugoslavia from the end of the Second World War to the mid-1980s. Situating Yugoslav modernism within postcolonial artistic movements of the twentieth century, Bojana Videkanic explores how cultural workers collaborated with others from the Global South to create alternative artistic and cultural networks that countered Western hegemony. Videkanic focuses primarily on art exhibitions along with examples of international cultural exchange to demonstrate that nonaligned art wove together politics and aesthetics, and indigenous, Western, and global influences. An interdisciplinary book, it highlights Yugoslavia's key role in the creation of a global modernist ethos and international postcolonial culture.

Organizing Cools The Planet weaves together stories, analysis, organizing tools, and provocative questions, to offer a snapshot of U.S. climate activism and provide pathways for readers to participate in it. Authors share hard lessons learned, reflect on strategy, and grapple with the challenges of their roles as organizers who do not come from "frontline" communities, but work to amplify and build a climate justice movement led by low-income people, communities of color, Indigenous, youth and other constituencies most directly impacted by the crisis. Rooted in the authors' experiences organizing in local, national, and international arenas, this pamphlet grapples with the challenges and overwhelming odds young activists face today. Organizing Cools the Planet challenges readers to look at the scale of ecological collapse with open eyes, without falling prey to disempowering doomsday narratives. It asks key pressing questions for those who wish to take our generational challenge seriously. This pamphlet is for anyone who wants to build a movement with the resiliency to navigate one of the most rapid transitions in human history.

An introduction to environmental sociology / Kenneth A. Gould and Tammy L. Lewis -- The social construction of nature / Stella Capek -- Theories in environmental sociology / Luis Barbosa -- The state and policy : imperialism, exclusion, and ecological violence / David Pellow -- Labor productivity and the environment / Allan Schnaiberg -- Corporate power : global media and the environment / Elizabeth Campbell -- The science of nature and the nature of science / Richard York -- Technological change and the environment / Kenneth A. Gould -- Population, demography, and the environment / Diane Bates -- Environmental inequality and environmental justice / Michael Mascarenas -- The sociology of environmental health / Sabrina McCormick -- The environmental consequences of swine industrialization / Bob Edwards and Adam Driscoll -- Disaster vulnerability : floods and hurricanes / Nicole Youngman -- Climate change : the old approaches aren't working / Timmons Roberts -- U.S. environmental movements / Robert Brulle -- Labor and the environment / Brian Obach -- Environmental movements and the global south / Tammy L. Lewis -- Indigenous cultures : environmental knowledge, practice, and rights / Bahram Tavakolian -- Sustainable development / Kenneth A. Gould and Tammy L. Lewis -- Conclusion : unanswered questions and the future of environmental sociology / Kenneth A. Gould and Tammy L. Lewis

The new environmentalisms / Jill Ker Conway, Kenneth Keniston, and Leo Marx -- As the world runs out of breath: metaphorical perspectives on the heavens and the atmosphere in the ancient world / Gregory Nagy -- Climate and history: lessons from the Great Plains / Donald Worster -- Consumed by either fire or fire: a prolegomenon to anthropogenic fire / Stephen J. Pyne -- Only a world perspective is significant: settlement frontiers and property rights in early modern world history / John F. Richards -- Environmentalism and Indian peoples / Richard White -- Indigenous rights, environmental protection, and the struggle over forest resources in the Amazon: the case of the Brazilian Kayapo / Terence Turner -- Grassroots environmental activism: the toxics movement and directions for social change / Barbara Epstein -- Russian environmental movements / Oleg N. Yanitsky -- Gender and environmental action / Bina Agarwal -- Gender, environment, and nature: two episodes in feminist politics / Jill Ker Conway and Yaakov Garb -- Modernity and the environment as a public issue in today's Russia / Anton Struchkov -- Modernity and literary theory / Louis Menand -- Environmental degradation and the ambiguous social role of science and technology / Leo Marx

This article examines the different forms of structural, everyday, and symbolic violence brought about by the sweeping expansion of agribusiness in Paraguay over the past few decades. This discussion is framed around the protest slogan of the organized campesino movement: "Soja = Glifosato + Paramilitares" ["Soy = Glyphosate + Paramilitary"]. The banner encapsulates the twin forces of environmental violence and toxic dispossession faced by the peasant and Indigenous communities who live near soybean fields. On the one hand, the quotidian violence caused by agrochemical drifts – accumulation by fumigation – that leads to various forms of toxification, slow death and corporeal attrition that reduce populations through ill health, infertility, and furtive modes of displacement. On the other hand, the more open, direct, and deadly violence involving the assassination of peasant activists and local leaders along with the criminalization of social protests. The adamant and visceral dismissals by agribusiness elites of the grievances of campesinos represents another form of symbolic violence, highlighting the obstacles that rural communities and peasant social movements face in addressing toxic landscapes and environmental violence of the agro-extractivism. 

This overview focuses on translation from a dual perspective: the history of ideas and the history of texts and their agents, including missionaries, printers, booksellers, editors, writers, poets, and diplomats. These translations and their producers intervened in political and cultural movements that were decisive for Mexican cultural identity. In the 16th-18th centuries, translation played a fundamental role in the religious and administrative colonial order. It later went hand in hand with the independence movement and was widely used by the Republican elites in 19th-century Mexico. In the first half of the 20th century, translation was key for political and cultural reconstruction following the Mexican Revolution. Finally, toward the middle of the 20th century, for some intellectuals, translation was a tool in projects aimed at revitalizing indigenous languages and consolidating higher education. Throughout Mexican history, translations have helped represent and mediate between alterities, construct social discourses, disseminate or censor ideologies, and strengthen a national literature. Translators, as social actors inevitably committed to these functions, have increasingly gained visibility through institutional recognition, which has contributed to raising awareness about the importance of translation and fostering academic research on the topic.

When Moses Kotane founded The African Defender in 1937, he did so with the intention to encourage African self-sufficiency through teaching and publishing in indigenous languages and through sharing information on how to survive in segregated South Africa. In doing so, he entered into public conversation with writers and editors of other independent publications such as The Anti-Fascist or occasional series by groups such as the South African Jewish Deputies Board. In the decade after Kotane and his peers began their own discussions, conversations about fascism and anti-fascism in South Africa moved from the margins among those deemed alarmist into spaces where anti-racist activists increasingly saw red flags connecting European oppression with the growing populist nationalism in their own country. This article examines this decade through the language and conversations of independent publications such as Kotane's, in the face of the proliferation of groups such as the Greyshirts, The People's Movement, the South African National Democratic Party ('Blackshirts'), The South African Fascists, and the Gentile Protection League. It argues that anti-fascist philosophies not only informed but served as cornerstones to a nascent anti-apartheid movement.

The dynamics of the conflict in Papua which is often volatile and take a long way are the impact of the complexity of the problem since it was integrated with the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. Differences in perspective from the history of integration, discrimination, economic inequality, and human rights violations encourage indigenous Papuans to give birth to an ethnonationalism movement. On the other hand, the dual strategic approach that has been implemented in Papua is both in welfare and security. The Government seeks to improve and facilitate access to the fundamental rights of the Papuan people within the framework of development in line with local wisdom or known as ethno-development. In order to contribute to previous studies, this article attempts to critically analyze the ethnonationalism movement in Papua and the factors that drive the emergence of conflicts and strategic efforts to resolve conflicts through ethnodevelopment. The ethnodevelopment approach is based on the cultural integrity of the local population who play an essential role in actively participating in social change. Ethno-development is also a parameter for the implementation of space for freedom of expression in Papua to acknowledge local culture and wisdom.

Recent criticism has considered how literary texts harness historical and ideological forces in the representation of the body. However, much of that scholarship focuses on hegemonic structures such as Western medicine, post-human technologies or colonial race theories. This article looks at how two poets from the Americas – Indigenous North American Chrystos (Menominee) and Mahadai Das from Guyana – express representations of the body from a position of marginalisation to emphasise the connections between individual subjectivity and social transformation. I discuss the body as theme for producing a resistance poetry that directly connects desire, disaffection, sexuality and mourning to decolonisation. I perform close readings that emphasise the linkages between intimate relations and social movements. Chrystos and Das speak to a constitutive divide in post-colonial studies between the personal and political in what is called resistance literature. By centring deeply personal perspectives on decolonial struggle within a figurative context that encourages contemplation and complexity, these poets contribute to a diversification of resistance theory that addresses gender, anti-racist, sexual diversity and other movements of the last few decades.

The results of this study indicate that privatization is the result of the objectives of the capital owners or entrepreneurs from the Netherlands who wish to change the function of colonial lands as land for investment. It was marked by the decision of the open door political policy in 1870, then followed by the agrarian reorganization policy in 1912 which made it easier for investors to do business in colonies. The development of plantations in colonies had changed the form of the community, especially the natives, both from the economic system and the widening social inequality in the Hindia Belanda society. The discrepancy occurs because many of the policies place a high priority on investors over poor indigenous people. This unfair treatment triggers social jealousy among the lower class people who are harmed by the plantations. As has been experienced by some Bantul workers, who feel that the company has taken away their rights. This has resulted in the emergence of several protests, ranging from strikes, demolition, and even burning of plantation land. Keywords: Privatization, sugar plantations, sugar cane industry, farmers social movements, worker social movements

This essay focuses on the important, but often taken-for-granted, roles that mentoring and collaborative inquiry play in rethinking childhood studies and situates our work in a time of resurgent racism and xenophobia in the United States—as well as invigorated movements to affirm human rights and social justice. It represents a co-mentoring dialogue, spanning over a decade, about the complexities of embodying critical, activist scholarship within dominant (White, Western, heteronormative, and Global North) assumptions about childhood, families, and communities. Our co-interrogation of these deeply encoded assumptions has been driven by a shared question of how to span the seemingly disparate discourse communities of critically engaged scholars and mainstream early childhood professionals in a variety of community contexts. These efforts have been guided by learning from Indigenous and Global South epistemologies and Black and Chicana/Latina/Mestiza feminisms. To illustrate what continues to be a reciprocal mentoring relationship, we use critical personal narrative to discuss key influences, literature, pedagogies of place, and exigencies of sustaining critical childhood studies movements in the current moment.

This paper explores and defends Irish Travellers' efforts to push the Republic of Ireland to recognize them as an ethnic minority group under law. Irish Travellers are a small indigenous minority group who have lived primarily in Ireland for centuries. They rank at the bottom of Irish society in rates of poverty, unemployment, life expectancy, infant mortality, health, education levels, political representation and access, and living conditions. Much like the Roma, with whom they share a nomadic tradition, Irish Travellers are in the midst of a movement to improve living conditions, fight widespread discrimination, and gain recognition as an ethnic minority group. Such recognition has important implications for their treatment under international and national law. In this paper, I compare the legal status of Irish Travellers under the laws of the Republic of Ireland with their status in the United Kingdom and Northern Ireland. Then I consider the history of Travellers' legal status in the Republic's domestic policies and Travellers' efforts at recognition through international law documents. Finally, I discuss the challenges and opportunities Irish Travellers' rights activists face in the continued movement for recognition.

The regional autonomy movement based in Santa Cruz draws on long-standing regional divisions, and it has solidified amid the breakdown of the elite-led political party system and the national election of Evo Morales and the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Toward Socialism—MAS). Critics and national government supporters view regional autonomy as a defensive stance taken by elites against the redistributive policies, expansion of indigenous sovereignty, and widening popular democracy under the MAS. But lowland regional leaders and elites have begun to present autonomy as inclusive and popular in order to broaden support and challenge the Morales government. Largely removed from debates over autonomy are migrants to the rapidly urbanizing city of Santa Cruz who in many cases experience uneven integration into host communities. Despite the autonomists' efforts at fostering inclusion and popular buy-in, highland migrants' support for autonomy is weak, while lowland migrants generally favor autonomy and skilled highlanders—more integrated into Santa Cruz—tend to support it conditionally. Migrants of all three groups perceive class disparities within the city to be as salient as regional and ethnic divisions.