Suchergebnisse

I. Government Ships and Their Status in International Law -- I. Jurisdiction over Foreign Government Ships -- II. Principles Relating to the Doctrine of Immunity of Ships -- III. Recent Developments -- IV. Conclusion -- II. Jurisdiction Over Foreign Merchant Ships -- I. Internal Waters -- II. Territorial Waters -- III. Contiguous Zone -- IV. High Seas -- V. Arrest of Ships: procedure -- III. Illustrations from Case Law and State Practice -- I. Criminal Jurisdiction -- II. Civil Jurisdiction -- III. Administrative Jurisdiction -- IV. Conventions -- I. Criminal Jurisdiction -- II. Civil Jurisdiction -- III. Administrative Jurisdiction -- IV. Reflections on the Conventions -- V. Conclusions -- Suggestions -- Summary -- Selected Bibliography -- Index of Names.

Abstract
This article explores empirically the relation between political parties' institutions and quality of government. I focus on procedures used to nominate presidential candidates given the importance of candidate selection in party politics. Using a panel dataset of Latin American countries, I find robust evidence of a positive relation between the use of democratic procedures, such as primaries, and quality of government. To shed light on the mechanism, I examine why parties use primaries. I find evidence suggestive that the results are mostly driven by the increase in political competition and candidates' pre-electoral incentives.

The article discusses the justification for disparities in the local government supply. Equality can be defined as equality in the individual's `terms of trade' in respect of the municipality (benefit/effort equation), and the distribution of specific local government services. There are four normative considerations which may determine the degree of inequality: (a) the residents of municipalities may have different preferences for various municipal services, (b) the value of local democracy, (c) the incentives which result in an effective use of society's resources, and (d) the limitations in the capacity of the central authorities to control a large public sector.

Financially, the Federal Government was more poorly prepared for war in the early months of 1861 than it had been since its establishment. The financial policies of the government in the period preceding the war weakened its credit; and this, along with the urgency of the conflict, was to make short-term borrowing and the printing of paper money attractive but costly wartime expedients. Although the failure to finance the war on a sound basis cannot be ascribed merely to prewar financial conditions and policies, the stage was set by them. The regression to earlier methods of war finance began even before the war.

As citizens we need information to exercise our social rights and responsibilities. However, information provision about welfare services is patchy and the 'information poor' are often disadvantaged in access to those services. This book explores how government information policies directly influence which service users claim their entitlements

AbstractAt a time when globalization is driving greater connections between governments, this article examines a key facilitator of such connections, namely the international legal adviser. It elaborates on their role, how they are selected, how their offices are structured and what makes a good international legal adviser.

McDowell reviews 'Making Governments Plan: State Experiments in Managing Land Use' by Raymond J. Burby and Peter J. May et al.

Purpose– This paper aims to reconcile conflicting findings in the literature regarding the extent of consumption smoothing of sub-federal governments.Design/methodology/approach– This paper uses a panel of US state and local government data from 1973 to 2000 to find the extent of consumption smoothing among US state and local governments.Findings– It is found that about 30 percent of spending is determined by permanent resources. Additionally, states with more stringent balanced budget rules are found to smooth more than states with the least stringent balanced budget rules, which do not smooth at all. There is some evidence that liquidity constraints may cause the non-optimal behavior of the states with the least restrictive requirements as they have higher average net debt per capita and face higher risk premia than those with the most stringent rules.Research limitations/implications– Results differ from research using aggregate US data, where it is found that essentially all changes in state and local government spending are due to changes in current resources. The conflict is attributed to panel vs aggregate data use. Other research finds greater smoothing in Norway, where about 65 percent of local government spending is determined by permanent resources, and Sweden, with at least 90 percent of spending changes due to changes in permanent resources. This conflict may be due to institutional differences. Further research is needed in this area.Originality/value– This paper fills a gap in the literature on consumption smoothing by considering a panel of US state and local governments.

In this paper I trace the development of Native American constitutionalism in the early twentieth century. Specifically, I focus on the first constitutional government of the White Earth Nation, located in northwestern Minnesota, which in the period from 1913 to 1927 was part of a larger confederative arrangement, called the General Council of the Chippewa. The purpose of this paper is to show the importance of this inter-reservation government for the preservation of White Earth Anishinaabe cultural continuity from which revitalization efforts of the late twentieth and early twenty-first century grew. Using archival resources, I pay attention to Anishinaabe governing practices and their ethical dimension that can be understood in the light of Anishinaabe philosophy which was an integral part of everyday life. My findings suggest that the course of institutional development set by the creation of the General Council in 1913 influenced the path of White Earth governance for the rest of the century.

The overthrow of the government of Mosaddeq has received considerable attention, scholarly and otherwise. The scholarly explanations differ in emphasis, but not in the general contours, particularly regarding the significant role of the Anglo-American secret services. There have also long been attempts to portray the overthrow of Mosaddeq as an isolated event taking place on 19 August 1953 and representing a conflation of royalist and traditionalist sentiments among soldiers and civilians. More recently it has been contended that it was not the Anglo-American secret services but the clerical nexus—prompted by Ayatollah Borujerdi, the highest religious authority in the country—which played the crucial role. This paper argues against reducing the overthrow of Mosaddeq's government to the events of 19 August, and views it as a protracted process. It further argues that assertions regarding the crucial and active role of Borujerdi are, on the basis of available evidence, untenable.

In this article, we contribute to the current literature on market disciplining of the sovereign governments of the developing countries by distinguishing both sides of the market discipline hypothesis by adopting three‐stage least square estimation to incorporate the contemporaneous feedback effects between primary structural budget balances and the country's default‐risk premiums. We provide empirical evidence of a unidirectional causal relationship between a country's default‐risk premium and primary structural budget balances with the direction flowing from primary structural budget balances to country's risk premium in 40 developing countries over the period 1975–2008. We also employ the Arellano‐Bond dynamic panel generalized methods of moments estimation to control for this joint determination of primary structural budget balances and the country's default‐risk premium, and find supportive evidence of undisciplined sovereign governments and of nonlinearly behaving well‐functioning financial markets in the sample countries. (JEL C5, G1, G3)

It is noted that modern economics cannot decide which economic system is the best way of organizing production. In particular, support is given to Nelson (1981) who claims that modern economics does not provide any substantial argument in favor of private enterprise being the best. However, rather than concluding that government control or socialist planning could do at least as well, this essay explores the alternative hypothesis that the organizationally static framework of most of modern economics is too narrow to see the entire truth. Connected to Schumpeter's and Hayek's approaches, an organizationally dynamic analytical framework is outlined and shown to reveal important advantages of private enterprise, in particular of contestable private enterprise with equitable risk assignment. This argument is qualified by showing that even such a system may suffer from organization failures which can be alleviated by selection-neutral industrial policy, including government entrepreneurship on underdeveloped markets.

AbstractDo voters use information about and preferences over who will form government in their vote choices? Voters might have preferences over both which party wins the most seats and what type of government that party can form, which they can use to inform their vote choice. To answer this question, we examine the influence of preferences over government types and compare them to trends in party support in the 2019 Canadian federal election. Using rolling, daily cross-sectional survey evidence from the Canadian Election Study, we find that preferences over government type are strongly related to vote choice and that this relationship depends on the perceived viability of the preferred party. We also find that this relationship differs outside and within Quebec: outside Quebec, only the Liberal Party suffers among voters preferring minority governments, while within Quebec, the Liberal Party, New Democratic Party and Conservative Party all struggle to hold on to voters who prefer minority governments.

Evaluation is essential for assessing the implementation and outcomes of programs for the purpose of informing decision making. However, although there are studies that evaluated e-government implementation in Lesotho, comprehensive studies are rare. This paper presents an empirical study of the evaluation of four websites of the ministries of the Government of Lesotho using content analysis. Since the website content analysis metrics and criteria are not entirely exhaustive, this study based the evaluation on four dimensions, namely, accessibility, usability, transparency and interactivity. The findings indicate that the ministerial websites of the Government of Lesotho are falling short in addressing these issues. The evaluation results highlight that the web information and features that are key in fostering accessibility, usability, transparency and interactivity of government services are insufficient or completely non-existent in the ministerial sites. The government must focus more efforts on improving these sites to enhance accountability and restore citizen trust in government and confidence in public administration.