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AbstractThe sweep of the coronavirus pandemic across the world and the United States offers an almost unparalleled opportunity to study how social systems cope with the threat and opportunities for collective action. In this paper, we draw on survey data collected as the United States flailed in response and before a general consensus among executive officeholders developed in the following weeks. In particular, we assess how holding prosperity gospel views strongly shaped perceptions of the virus and reactions to state responses to the virus. Research on the prosperity gospel is slowly expanding and this paper helps to highlight some missing dimensions. At a time when concerted action for the social good could be uniting the country, prosperity gospel beliefs systematically undermine that possibility by augmenting threat, raising outgroup barriers, and decreasing social trust.

While there have been many approaches to classifying religious traditions in the social sciences (see Hackett and Lindsay 2008), the most popular approach is the religious tradition classification scheme, which was most carefully systematized by Steensland et al. (2000). Their widely-embraced article argued that the most accurate typology of religiosity was to sort individuals into seven distinct groups: evangelical Protestant, mainline Protestant, black Protestant, Jewish, Catholic, other religious groups, and no religion. This approach has become popularly known as "reltrad" and its usage in academic writing is voluminous. A brief search of Google Scholar indicates that over 900 published articles and books utilized the reltrad framework. However, the implementation of this typology has never been fully and accurately operationalized.

Der Verfasser stellt die Frage nach der Zukunft der Macht in Zeiten der wachsenden Verbreitung des sogenannten Open Government-Konzeptes, das interaktive Bürgerbeteiligung über Web 2.0-Mechanismen ermöglicht. Dieser Verwaltungsansatz fördert die Bürgerpartizipation und fordert die bisherige staatliche Organisation in einem geschlossenen Bürokratiemodell und den bisherigen Policy-Zyklus heraus und führt zu einer Veränderung des Macht-Verhältnisses von Bürger und Staat. Dadurch wird es möglich, das Vertrauen des Bürgers in den Staat und die Verwaltung zu atärken, die Bürgerbeteiligung zu erhöhen und somit die Bürgergesellschaft als Ganzes weiterzuentwickeln. (ICE2)

AbstractThis article analyzes the politics of older Americans in the 21st century. Older Americans have been significantly involved in American politics, relative to younger generations. Political participation typically increases with age, even ramping up during the early period of older adulthood. However, past work has indicated that political participation drops off due to frailty and loss of cognition in the latest years of the life span. And, yet, people are living longer than in previous decades when much of the past research on this relationship was conducted. We want to know whether these relationships remain consistent and want to especially analyze the old–old, a growing age group that has been difficult to study in the past due to their low numbers in traditional surveys. With tens of thousands of respondents, survey data from the Cooperative Election Studies from 2008 to 2020 allow us to analyze these older groups in recent years, across types of participation and party affiliation. We find that there is not much of a dip in political activity among the old–old. They are still quite active, particularly when it comes to donating money to campaigns and voting. Additionally, through analyzing birth cohorts, we find that political activity gradually increases as people age through their 60s and 70s and does not notably decline when they move into the old–old age group.

The phenomenon of the risky shift, or the greater likelihood of individuals making risky decisions after they have engaged in group discussions of these decisions, is fairly well documented. However, data from 432 decision-makers from ten nations, collected through methods developed by W. L. Tullar & D. F. Johnson ("Group Decision-Making and the Risky Shift: A Transnational Perspective," Technical Report 48, Rochester: Management Research Center, U of Rochester, 1972) shows consistent moves toward greater risk-avoidance when problems are important & decision-makers initially less cautious. This suggests that risk-acceptance in groups is contingent upon other factors which must be analyzed for each situation. 2 Tables. Modified HA.

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit Burgen in und bei dem Schwäbisch Gmünder Stadtteil Bettringen (Burgstall am Klostersturz, der im 15. Jahrhundert als angebliche Burg Wolfstal und Sitz der ursprünglich Gmünder Geschlechterfamilie Wolf von Wolfstal galt; Bettringer Turm; Burg Bargau) sowie - als Exkurs - mit der bei Wetzgau gelegenen Burg Waldau. Versucht wird der Nachweis, dass die im 14. Jahrhundert als hohenlohisches Lehen erscheinende "Burg Bettringen" in Wirklichkeit die Burg Bargau war - ein territorialpolitisch motiviertes Versteckspiel?