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This paper discusses and criticizes Joseph Nye's account of soft power. First, we set the stage and make some general remarks about the notion of social power. In the main part of this paper we offer a detailed critical discussion of Nye's conception of soft power. We conclude that it is too unclear and confused to be of much analytical use. However, despite this failure, Nye is aiming at explaining an important but also neglected form of social power: the power to influence the will and not just the behavior of other agents. In the last part of this paper we briefly discuss Steven Lukes' alternative view of a "third dimension" of power and end with a sketch of a more promising way to account for this neglected form of power. ; El articulo discute y critica las propuestas de Joseph Nye acerca del poder blando. Primero, abrimos la discusión con unos comentarios generales sobre la noción del poder social. En la parte principal de este artículo, ofrecemos una crítica detallada de la concepción del poder blando propuesta por Nye. Concluimos que esta concepción es demasiado opaca y confusa para tener mucho potencial analítico. Sin embargo, a pesar de tal fracaso conceptual, Nye apunta a aclarar una forma muy importante y desatendida del poder social: el poder de influir sobre la voluntad y no solo el comportamiento de otros actores. En la última sección del articulo discutimos brevemente la concepción alternativa propuesta por Steven Lukes acerca de la "tercera dimensión" del poder, y concluimos con el esbozo de una manera más prometedora de dar cuenta de esta forma desatendida del poder social.

Wenige Begriffe stehen in der internationalen Politik höher im Kurs als Soft Power - und ziehen mehr irrige Annahmen nach sich. Wenn es darum geht, das internationale Renommee eines Landes zu verbessern, greifen die meisten Glaubenssätze zu kurz oder sind schlichtweg falsch. Mit den Mitteln von PR und Marketing sind Imagewandel nicht zu erreichen. (IP)

PART 1- SOFT POWER ACTORS: A supreme court for history? UNESCO as battleground for the legitimacy of historiographical narratives -- Spatial disposition of UNESCO's Cultural Heritage and Soft Power: a survey on the possibility of reification of power discrepancies -- Polycam and the power of heritage registration in the palm of your hand: UNESCO's strategy to safeguard memory in ukraine war -- Peace and Hiroshima's Cultural Heritage: exploring the soft-power of paradiplomacy and international youth engagement for a Culture of Peace -- Cultural Mercosur: a regional vision of cultural heritage as Soft Power -- Heritage diplomacy matters? Brazil's foreign policy and South-South Cooperation in cultural heritage -- Intangible Cultural Heritage and the Brazilian Soft Power: exploring the relationship in international politics -- Brazil's Active and Loyal Politics with the African Continent on the Relationship of Soft Power and Heritage (2002-2008) -- The possible paths of power: soft power on the agenda -- PART 2 – SOFT POWER SPACES: Universalism and diversity: the 50th anniversary of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention -- Decolonizing the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. A question of rupturing the perpetuation of hierarchy of memories and knowledge -- The African soft power: the case of Republic Democratic of Congo -- Cultural experiences from Brazil and Africa: the management of intangible cultural heritage within the scope of soft power -- The Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage: an important soft power strategy -- Destruction of antiquities, museums and archaeological sites in Syria during the war: methods of protecting them -- Circulation of Sacred Art in the Internet Underworld -- "We're back": Background and outcomes of repatriation, return and restitution of cultural property -- African museums in the face of the debate around the decolonization of museums: cases of Senegal and Guinea-Bissau -- PART 3 - SOFT POWER BORDERS: Cultural heritage and international cooperation: Lusophone diplomatic strategies -- Between the power of the museum and the power of the community: case studies in Portugal and Brazil -- Museum Documentation as a weapon of Soft Power -- Energy transition: Chinese capital in the renewable energy production in Brazil -- Timorese Tais: Protection and preservation of a traditional weaving technique -- Soft Power and the diffusion of Brazilian music -- Collective memory of public space: a path for preservation through affective appropriation -- The decolonial study of cultural heritage in the school environment: Historical consciousness in development -- Soft Power, Heritage and Memory during Colonialism and Post Independence in Mozambique.

"The influence of soft power is very difficult to measure. It is associated with intangible resources such as culture or ideology, as well as the ability to use them skillfully in order to gain allies through attraction rather than coercion or payments. After the collapse of communism, Russia retained a huge military potential from the Soviet Union but largely lost its cultural and ideological appeal. Therefore, in order to rebuild its external attractiveness (at least in the post-Soviet space), Russia began to develop its foreign policy according to soft power principles. But Russian policy-makers misinterpreted the concept of soft power. They failed to appreciate the idea of partnerships with clear advantages for both sides in the near and long term. Instead, Moscow perceives soft power as the capacity to influence, or even manipulate, public opinion in target countries.
Although Russia possesses influential soft power channels to post-Soviet states like access to its labor market, language proximity, a common culture, and enormous energy resources, Moscow has been unable to enhance its attractiveness among its closest neighbors. Russian authorities focus most of all on loyal constituencies (such as compatriots living abroad) and seek to mobilize people who already follow Russia's goals and principles. Russia's insufficient soft power activism in the post-Soviet area is also due to its neo-imperial attitude toward neighboring states. Moscow is not able to offer them an attractive vision of integration without building patterns of strong dependence. Therefore, its proposal of close political and economic cooperation seems quite dangerous for the sovereignty and long-term development of its neighbors.
The notion of soft power holds strong normative potential based on domestic standards and norms of social and political life that are practiced in the state seeking to enhance its influence abroad. It is impossible to create an appealing external image without dealing effectively with domestic problems. Russia has many problems with corruption, the abuse of human rights, the lack of democracy, and the rule of law. Thus its model of political and socio-economic transformation cannot be seen as a positive example for other post-Soviet countries.
As soft powers usually use the most transparent and democratic measures to build their external attractiveness, the only way for Russia to become a real soft power in the post-Soviet area is to introduce serious internal reforms that focus on the liberalization of its economy and the democratization of its political system. It is only through real democratic change that Russia will reach its soft power potential." [author's abstract]

В статье рассматриваются показатели «мягкой силы» Колумбии согласно подходу RGMs. Руководствуясь статистическими данными, автор анализирует сильные и слабые стороны в сложившихся условиях политической турбулентности. ; The article deals with indicators of Colombia's soft power, according to the RGMs system. Guided statistics, the author analyzes the strengths and weaknesses in the current context of political turbulence.