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[Africa in the World: A Tale of Extraversion] - Sub-saharan Africa is stereotypically presented as being marginalized from the international system. However, the continent has been integrated into the latter for quite some time. African political actors have constructed strategies for extraversion that allow them to manage and even construct the dependent relations of their respective societies. Between Africa and Europe or the Americas, then, there is interaction and not simply domination and exploitation. The slave trade, colonization, access to independence, and the diplomatic positioning of the new states during the Cold War all correspond to this model. Today, the trompe-l'oeil processes of structural adjustment and democratic transition, as well as the extension of war reproduce these political and moral economies of extraversion. Doubtless, the latter suffers from a deficit in legitimacy, but this extends from the historicity of African societies and not from the non-correspondance between these societies and the state. Six modalities of action - coercion, ruse, flight, intermediation, appropriation, rejection - allow us to better understand how Africans are the subjects of their dependent situations. ; L'Afrique sub-saharienne est souvent présentée comme étant à la marge du système international. Pourtant, le continent y est intégré depuis longtemps déjà. Les acteurs politiques africains ont mis en place des stratégies d'extraversion leur permettant de gérer, voire de construire, les relations de dépendance de leurs propres sociétés. Entre l'Afrique, l'Europe et les Amériques, donc, il y a interaction et non pas simplement domination et exploitation. La traite des esclaves, la colonisation, l'accès à l'indépendance et la position diplomatique des nouveaux Etats pendant la guerre froide s'inscrivent dans ce modèle. Aujourd'hui, les processus en trompe-l'œil de l'ajustement structurel et de la transition démocratique ainsi que l'extension de la guerre reproduisent ces économies politique et morale de ...

[Africa in the World: A Tale of Extraversion] - Sub-saharan Africa is stereotypically presented as being marginalized from the international system. However, the continent has been integrated into the latter for quite some time. African political actors have constructed strategies for extraversion that allow them to manage and even construct the dependent relations of their respective societies. Between Africa and Europe or the Americas, then, there is interaction and not simply domination and exploitation. The slave trade, colonization, access to independence, and the diplomatic positioning of the new states during the Cold War all correspond to this model. Today, the trompe-l'oeil processes of structural adjustment and democratic transition, as well as the extension of war reproduce these political and moral economies of extraversion. Doubtless, the latter suffers from a deficit in legitimacy, but this extends from the historicity of African societies and not from the non-correspondance between these societies and the state. Six modalities of action - coercion, ruse, flight, intermediation, appropriation, rejection - allow us to better understand how Africans are the subjects of their dependent situations. ; L'Afrique sub-saharienne est souvent présentée comme étant à la marge du système international. Pourtant, le continent y est intégré depuis longtemps déjà. Les acteurs politiques africains ont mis en place des stratégies d'extraversion leur permettant de gérer, voire de construire, les relations de dépendance de leurs propres sociétés. Entre l'Afrique, l'Europe et les Amériques, donc, il y a interaction et non pas simplement domination et exploitation. La traite des esclaves, la colonisation, l'accès à l'indépendance et la position diplomatique des nouveaux Etats pendant la guerre froide s'inscrivent dans ce modèle. Aujourd'hui, les processus en trompe-l'œil de l'ajustement structurel et de la transition démocratique ainsi que l'extension de la guerre reproduisent ces économies politique et morale de l'extraversion. Sans doute, cette dernière souffre d'un déficit de légitimité mais cela procède de l'historicité des sociétés africaines et non d'un hiatus entre ces sociétés et l'Etat. Six formalités d'action - la coercition, la ruse, la fuite, l'intermédiation, l'appropriation, le rejet - permettent de mieux comprendre comment les Africains sont les sujets de leurs situations de dépendance.

Sub-Saharan Africa is often presented as being at the margins of the international system. However, the continent has long been integrated into it. African political actors have put in place extraversion strategies that enable them to manage or even build the dependencies of their own societies. Between Africa, Europe and the Americas, there is interaction and not just dominance and exploitation. The slave trade, colonisation, access to independence and the diplomatic position of the new states during the Cold War are part of this model. Today, the processes of structural adjustment and democratic transition and the extension of the war reproduce these political and moral economies of extraversion. The latter probably suffers from a lack of legitimacy, but this stems from the historicity of African societies and not from a gap between these societies and the state. Six forms of action — coercion, rugging, absconding, intermediation, appropriation, rejection — provide a better understanding of how Africans are the subjects of their situations of dependence. ; [Africa in the World: A Tale of Extraversion] - Sub-saharan Africa is stereotypically presented as being marginalized from the international system. However, the continent has been integrated into the latter for quite some time. African political actors have constructed strategies for extraversion that allow them to manage and even construct the dependent relations of their respective societies. Between Africa and Europe or the Americas, then, there is interaction and not simply domination and exploitation. The slave trade, colonization, access to independence, and the diplomatic positioning of the new states during the Cold War all correspond to this model. Today, the trompe-l'oeil processes of structural adjustment and democratic transition, as well as the extension of war reproduce these political and moral economies of extraversion. Doubtless, the latter suffers from a deficit in legitimacy, but this extends from the historicity of African societies and ...

Depuis la fin des années quatre-vingt et l'apogée du "règne " du président Turgut Özal, une hypothèse dominait le débat politique en Turquie : celle de la consolidation de la démocratie, grâce à son intégration, sous une forme ou une autre, à l'espace européen et par le biais d'une réconciliation progressive entre les institutions néo-kémalistes et la problématique de l'islam politique. En deux ans, ce scénario a perdu beaucoup de sa vraisemblance. Non que les prémisses sur lesquelles il s'appuyait aient été infondées. Mais les événements, dans leur contingence, les ont fortement ébranlées (.).

Alors que la succession des plus hautes autorités politico-religieuses et le contrôle de l'institution cléricale constituent l'un des grands enjeux de la lutte factionnelle en Iran, cette étude érudite des deux grandes villes saintes du chiisme, Najaf et Kerbela, au XIXe siècle, vient à point nommé (.).

Depuis la fin des années quatre-vingt et l'apogée du "règne " du président Turgut Özal, une hypothèse dominait le débat politique en Turquie : celle de la consolidation de la démocratie, grâce à son intégration, sous une forme ou une autre, à l'espace européen et par le biais d'une réconciliation progressive entre les institutions néo-kémalistes et la problématique de l'islam politique. En deux ans, ce scénario a perdu beaucoup de sa vraisemblance. Non que les prémisses sur lesquelles il s'appuyait aient été infondées. Mais les événements, dans leur contingence, les ont fortement ébranlées (.).

Alors que la succession des plus hautes autorités politico-religieuses et le contrôle de l'institution cléricale constituent l'un des grands enjeux de la lutte factionnelle en Iran, cette étude érudite des deux grandes villes saintes du chiisme, Najaf et Kerbela, au XIXe siècle, vient à point nommé (.).

The state in Africa and in Asia is often conceived of as a "purely imported product" to use the accepted expression of Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum. However rather than limit ourselves to accounts of some kind of "failed universalisation", questions should rather be raised concerning state creation as a historical process, one which is conflictual, unintentional, generally unconscious and, as a result, often paradoxical. Indeed the argument that the state is fundamentally extraneous cannot be maintained in the light of recent historical and anthropological research. From this research it would seem that institutions of European origin have acquired their own social roots and have become culturally appropriated. They thus must be examined within the "long term" time framework suggested by Braudel, on condition that certain methodological precautions are taken into account.Three ways can be envisaged for reconstituting the historical trajectories of the state in Africa and Asia: as a continuous civilisational process, as expressions of social inequality or cultural configurations of politics. However while an understanding of cultural historicity is a precondition for understanding political historicity it should not, with all due respect to intellectual trendmakers, lead to culturalist explanations. Foucault's concept of gouvernementalité provides a more promising problematic, one which places the creation of the state in relationship to the process of ascribing it with a subjective quality as well as the imaginary dimension of politics. Both of these have to be grasped within their connection to the material. ; L'Etat en Afrique et en Asie est volontiers considéré comme un "pur produit d'importation", selon l'expression désormais classique de Bertrand Badie et Pierre Birnbaum. Mais plutôt que de nous en tenir au constat d'une "universalisation manquée", il convient de nous interroger sur la formation de l'Etat en tant que processus historique conflictuel, involontaire, largement inconscient et de ce fait ...

The state in Africa and in Asia is often conceived of as a "purely imported product" to use the accepted expression of Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum. However rather than limit ourselves to accounts of some kind of "failed universalisation", questions should rather be raised concerning state creation as a historical process, one which is conflictual, unintentional, generally unconscious and, as a result, often paradoxical. Indeed the argument that the state is fundamentally extraneous cannot be maintained in the light of recent historical and anthropological research. From this research it would seem that institutions of European origin have acquired their own social roots and have become culturally appropriated. They thus must be examined within the "long term" time framework suggested by Braudel, on condition that certain methodological precautions are taken into account.Three ways can be envisaged for reconstituting the historical trajectories of the state in Africa and Asia: as a continuous civilisational process, as expressions of social inequality or cultural configurations of politics. However while an understanding of cultural historicity is a precondition for understanding political historicity it should not, with all due respect to intellectual trendmakers, lead to culturalist explanations. Foucault's concept of gouvernementalité provides a more promising problematic, one which places the creation of the state in relationship to the process of ascribing it with a subjective quality as well as the imaginary dimension of politics. Both of these have to be grasped within their connection to the material. ; L'Etat en Afrique et en Asie est volontiers considéré comme un "pur produit d'importation", selon l'expression désormais classique de Bertrand Badie et Pierre Birnbaum. Mais plutôt que de nous en tenir au constat d'une "universalisation manquée", il convient de nous interroger sur la formation de l'Etat en tant que processus historique conflictuel, involontaire, largement inconscient et de ce fait ...

The state in Africa and in Asia is often conceived of as a "purely imported product" to use the accepted expression of Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum. However rather than limit ourselves to accounts of some kind of "failed universalisation", questions should rather be raised concerning state creation as a historical process, one which is conflictual, unintentional, generally unconscious and, as a result, often paradoxical. Indeed the argument that the state is fundamentally extraneous cannot be maintained in the light of recent historical and anthropological research. From this research it would seem that institutions of European origin have acquired their own social roots and have become culturally appropriated. They thus must be examined within the "long term" time framework suggested by Braudel, on condition that certain methodological precautions are taken into account.Three ways can be envisaged for reconstituting the historical trajectories of the state in Africa and Asia: as a continuous civilisational process, as expressions of social inequality or cultural configurations of politics. However while an understanding of cultural historicity is a precondition for understanding political historicity it should not, with all due respect to intellectual trendmakers, lead to culturalist explanations. Foucault's concept of gouvernementalité provides a more promising problematic, one which places the creation of the state in relationship to the process of ascribing it with a subjective quality as well as the imaginary dimension of politics. Both of these have to be grasped within their connection to the material. ; L'Etat en Afrique et en Asie est volontiers considéré comme un "pur produit d'importation", selon l'expression désormais classique de Bertrand Badie et Pierre Birnbaum. Mais plutôt que de nous en tenir au constat d'une "universalisation manquée", il convient de nous interroger sur la formation de l'Etat en tant que processus historique conflictuel, involontaire, largement inconscient et de ce fait ...

On 11 September, crocodiles plummeted with abundance. Because while it is a cross-cutting, if not systemic, 'deadweight effect' of the tragedy, it seems to the opponents of economic reforms and democratisation that he should benefit, at least at first glance. Let's give credit where credit is due: condemning the attacks on the air of 'I had said it well', Tunisian President Ben Ali went into the window of opportunity offered to him by Providence and prepared to respond to the 'call for duty', that of a fourth, unconstitutional term, avoiding the opprobrium of international opinion and the deaf fronts of the Chancelleries which he would enjoy normal manoeuvre (.). ; Le 11 septembre, les crocodiles ont pleuré d'abondance. Car s'il est un " effet d'aubaine " transversal, voire systémique, de la tragédie, c'est bien aux adversaires des réformes économiques et de la démocratisation qu'il semble devoir profiter, au moins en première analyse. À tout seigneur tout honneur : condamnant les attentats sur l'air de " Je vous l'avais bien dit ", le président tunisien Ben Ali s'est engouffré dans la fenêtre d'opportunité que lui offre la Providence et se prépare à répondre à " l'appel du devoir ", celui d'un quatrième mandat, anticonstitutionnel, en évitant l'opprobre de l'opinion internationale et les froncements de sourcil des chancelleries que lui vaudrait la manoeuvre en temps normal (.).

[Autochthony, democracy and citizenship in Africa] - The discourse on autochthonous communities has become a generalized phenomenon on the African continent, often giving rise to atrocities (expulsions, pogroms, genocide). Quite curiously, this development is linked to democratization as well as the return to authoritarianism, with autochthony becoming the high stakes of the political game (Who votes where? Who has the right to candidacy?). Autochthony is also characteristic of a particular economic moment, which can be abbreviated as globalisation and the economic crisis that has provoked intense competition between citizens for access to certain public goods (school, health). Despite its destructive effects, it is not impossible that, as in Athens, autochthony proves to be the seed of future forms of citizenship ; Le discours de l'autochtonie se généralise sur le continent africain et donne parfois lieu à des mises en actes tragiques (expulsions, pogroms et génocides). Cette évolution est curieusement liée à la démocratisation et aussi au retour de l'autoritarisme, l'autochtonie devenant alors un enjeu politique (Qui vote où ? Qui a le droit d'être candidat ?). Elle accompagne aussi un certain moment économique, celui de la mondialisation et du désastre économique qui voit s'aviver la concurrence entre citoyens pour l'accès à certains biens publics (école, santé.). Malgré ses effets destructeurs, il n'est toutefois pas encore exclu que, comme à Athènes, elle ne se révèle le germe d'une future citoyenneté.

[Autochthony, democracy and citizenship in Africa] - The discourse on autochthonous communities has become a generalized phenomenon on the African continent, often giving rise to atrocities (expulsions, pogroms, genocide). Quite curiously, this development is linked to democratization as well as the return to authoritarianism, with autochthony becoming the high stakes of the political game (Who votes where? Who has the right to candidacy?). Autochthony is also characteristic of a particular economic moment, which can be abbreviated as globalisation and the economic crisis that has provoked intense competition between citizens for access to certain public goods (school, health). Despite its destructive effects, it is not impossible that, as in Athens, autochthony proves to be the seed of future forms of citizenship ; Le discours de l'autochtonie se généralise sur le continent africain et donne parfois lieu à des mises en actes tragiques (expulsions, pogroms et génocides). Cette évolution est curieusement liée à la démocratisation et aussi au retour de l'autoritarisme, l'autochtonie devenant alors un enjeu politique (Qui vote où ? Qui a le droit d'être candidat ?). Elle accompagne aussi un certain moment économique, celui de la mondialisation et du désastre économique qui voit s'aviver la concurrence entre citoyens pour l'accès à certains biens publics (école, santé.). Malgré ses effets destructeurs, il n'est toutefois pas encore exclu que, comme à Athènes, elle ne se révèle le germe d'une future citoyenneté.