Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über das zwischen 1996 und 1999 vom Institut für Migrations- und Rassismusforschung in London und Hamburg durchgeführte Forschungsprojekt "Transformationen des Alltagslebens von Jugendlichen durch Wanderungsprozesse". Ziel dieses Projekts war es, etwas über die alltäglichen Beziehungen von Jugendlichen zu erfahren, zu erkunden, wie sich bestimmte Gruppen konstituieren und was sich im Alltag von Jugendlichen durch Einwanderung verändert hat. Dabei ging es hauptsächlich um alltägliche Erfahrungen und das Erleben sogenannter ethnischer Unterschiede. Neben Befragungen von Jugendlichen in jeweils zwei unterschiedlichen Stadtteilen in London und Hamburg wurde auch eine "Modenschau" durchgeführt, die eine grobe Orientierung über die von den Jugendlichen bevorzugten und abgelehnten Stile gab. Die Ergebnisse verdeutlichen, dass Jugendliche aus Einwanderungsfamilien dazu tendieren, nach einem anderen Weg in die Gesellschaft zu suchen, wenn sie nicht als zur Nation zugehörig definiert sind, entweder durch Aneignung der Symbole der Mainstream-Kultur (Fitness, Markenkleidung) oder aber auch durch Gewalt. (ICH).

Der Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über das zwischen 1996 und 1999 vom Institut für Migrations- und Rassismusforschung in London und Hamburg durchgeführte Forschungsprojekt "Transformationen des Alltagslebens von Jugendlichen durch Wanderungsprozesse". Ziel dieses Projekts war es, etwas über die alltäglichen Beziehungen von Jugendlichen zu erfahren, zu erkunden, wie sich bestimmte Gruppen konstituieren und was sich im Alltag von Jugendlichen durch Einwanderung verändert hat. Dabei ging es hauptsächlich um alltägliche Erfahrungen und das Erleben sogenannter ethnischer Unterschiede. Neben Befragungen von Jugendlichen in jeweils zwei unterschiedlichen Stadtteilen in London und Hamburg wurde auch eine "Modenschau" durchgeführt, die eine grobe Orientierung über die von den Jugendlichen bevorzugten und abgelehnten Stile gab. Die Ergebnisse verdeutlichen, dass Jugendliche aus Einwanderungsfamilien dazu tendieren, nach einem anderen Weg in die Gesellschaft zu suchen, wenn sie nicht als zur Nation zugehörig definiert sind, entweder durch Aneignung der Symbole der Mainstream-Kultur (Fitness, Markenkleidung) oder aber auch durch Gewalt. (ICH)

Are national governments responsive to citizens' opinions when negotiating policies in the Council of the European Union? Conceiving of the Council's policy-making space as encompassing left-right and pro-anti integration issues, I argue that governments apply different modes of responsiveness' on these issues. As left-right issues are more reliably and intensely salient in domestic elections than pro-anti integration issues, governments' responsiveness to left-right public opinion should be more systematic than to pro-anti integration opinion. Statistical analyses of 3700 policy positions of governments in the Council demonstrate that governments highly structure their responsiveness on left-right issues according to electoral cycles and systems (systematic mode'). However, they only sporadically respond to public opinion on pro-anti integration issues, when parties and events trigger the public salience of integration (sporadic mode').

The current political conditions dictate a necessity to revise the public opinion of Russia's role in the world. The situation generated by the Ukrainian events has caused patriotic feelings in the Russian society. These feelings combined with the current prospect of mutual relations between Russia and other countries have set the scene for reorientation of both the society and the Russian state machinery to protection of national interests. A key role in this process belongs to the Russian political elite. At this stage, the issue of comprehension and assimilation of moral bearings of patriotism by the Russian establishment is the issue of transformation of the elite. Over the recent twenty-five years, the generation of those who came to power on the wave of perestroika was largely replaced by those who are focused not on work to the benefit of a particular leader, but on implementation of the national idea. However, this process is going on, and now we can speak about nationalisation of the socio-political, as well as economic, elite. The theses presented show how this process is developing in the light of the current situation in the foreign policy. We analyse the possibility of construction of a Russia-centric geopolitical project of development of the state in the conditions of redirection of economy from the West to the East. In particular, we show how the issue of geopolitical choice becomes an axiological issue for the domestic elite. We bring up an issue of a necessity to develop a new type of patriotism that would fully meet the present challenges if included not only the idea of love for the Motherland but also service to it. The current political conditions dictate a necessity to revise the public opinion of Russia's role in the world. The situation generated by the Ukrainian events has caused patriotic feelings in the Russian society. These feelings combined with the current prospect of mutual relations between Russia and other countries have set the scene for reorientation of both the society and the Russian state machinery to protection of national interests. A key role in this process belongs to the Russian political elite. At this stage, the issue of comprehension and assimilation of moral bearings of patriotism by the Russian establishment is the issue of transformation of the elite. Over the recent twenty-five years, the generation of those who came to power on the wave of perestroika was largely replaced by those who are focused not on work to the benefit of a particular leader, but on implementation of the national idea. However, this process is going on, and now we can speak about nationalization of the socio-political, as well as economic, elite. This paper is to analyze how this process is developing in the light of the current situation in the foreign policy.

Are national governments responsive to citizens' opinions when negotiating policies in the Council of the European Union? Conceiving of the Council's policy-making space as encompassing left-right and pro-anti integration issues, I argue that governments apply different 'modes of responsiveness' on these issues. As left-right issues are more reliably and intensely salient in domestic elections than pro-anti integration issues, governments' responsiveness to left-right public opinion should be more systematic than to pro-anti integration opinion. Statistical analyses of 3700 policy positions of governments in the Council demonstrate that governments highly structure their responsiveness on left-right issues according to electoral cycles and systems ('systematic mode'). However, they only sporadically respond to public opinion on pro-anti integration issues, when parties and events trigger the public salience of integration ('sporadic mode').

В статье представлена оценка положения казачества в современном об- ществе, на основе объективного анализа ряда исследований. В настоящее время данная проблема всесторонне обсуждается и носит острый дискуссионный ха- рактер между общественностью, представителями казачьих войск, учёными различных научных направлений. Также, на этот счёт имеется своё отношение и у власти. Выдвинуто множество точек зрения, суть которых сводиться к ди- лемме: казаки это явление социальное или национальное, третья позиция предпо- лагает совокупность первых двух взглядов. ; In article the estimation of position of the Cossacks in a modern society, on the basis of the objective analysis of some researches is presented. Now the given problem is comprehensively discussed and has sharp debatable character between the public, representatives of the Cossack armies, scientists of various scientific directions. Also, it is in this respect referred and in power. The set of the points of view which essence to be reduced to a dilemma is put forward: Cossacks it is the phenomenon social or national, the third position assumes set of first two sights.

AbstractWomen did not gain from the Revolution or the Enlightenment as men did. Seeking the cause for this, the paper concentrates upon the period of 1770–1810, and the area of Central and Western Europe. It is found that during the French Revolution a number of persons, mostly women, did fight on behalf of women's rights to freedom and equality. However, even before the Revolution was over, they had lost what little they had gained earlier. With Napoleon's Civil Code, a modern code in many ways, the time-honoured supremacy of the male was reasserted. In Prussia, a less violent struggle went on about women's rights. It was fought by men on both sides and it was occasioned by the lengthy creative process which resulted in the first of the modern codes by 1796. It reflected a few of the arguments made in favour of women, but in principle it enshrined male supremacy. The Austrian Civil Code extended the recognition of female equality a bit further. Both German codes were influenced by Enlightened theories; however, they were unable to overcome the long-established principle of "natural" male dominance.

The analysis of scientific approaches to understanding the psychological characteristics of the role of the management team is important in the context of ensuring the organizational development of educational institutions. The purpose of the study is to explore the basic approaches and views of modern researchers on defining team roles, to identify the main functional and role positions in the management team.Determining the types of leadership roles of educational institutions based on empirical research data. Also based on the method of case studies problem-situational analysis − solving leadership problems by educational managers − were analyzed the effectiveness of role-playing positions in management teams. Conclusions were made about the need for some correction of understanding and assessment of the importance of all roles in the staff of heads of educational institutions. Each of these command roles related to specific personality traits identified by the tests.An analysis of the orientation of education leaders towards team roles shows that they tend to focus on all team roles. However, one can say that some roles are more attractive to researchers, while others are less attractive. The government can use the research findings to create and implement training programs for educational leaders.