Suchergebnisse

In the past few decades we have been improving our understanding of the weather system and exploring ways to modify it. Over sixty countries have experimented with modifying the weather. The new technology of weather and climate modification will raise important political problems which will demand new responses from the international community. Whether states will be able to establish the cooperative measures necessary to develop and manage new technology depends upon whether there are sufficient incentives to do so. This article analyzes the historical patterns of international cooperation in meteorology, and then plots against several time horizons projected developments and capabilities in weather modification technology and the potential problems emerging from using the technology. It derives a tentative picture of the responsibilities demanded, compares the likely responses with those needed, and assesses whether they will be adequate for the problems projected.

Effects of international political and economic events on national economy since World War II. Discusses postwar reconstruction,the European Economic Community, industrialization, the European Monetary System, German reunification, the demise of the Soviet Union, 1992 currency devaluations, and other influences.

In a recent paper, Barry Buzan disputes the widespread theory that associates a liberal international economic structure positively, and a mercantilist structure negatively, with international security. We do not take issue with Buzan's arguments on this point; rather we disagree with some of his assumptions concerning the relationship between mercantilistic policies and the international economic order. Those of Buzan's points that we question represent generally accepted views in the literature on mercantilismBuzan's definition of mercantilism focuses essentially if not exclusively on protectionist trade policies. We prefer a more general definition based on Keynesian and post-Keynesian literature. By including the macroeconomic goals of neomercantilism, this definition accounts for a country's foreign economic policy.

AbstractAlthough international relations often involves a trade of favors or services, political scientists have not often used exchange theory. Social exchange is motivated by the prospect of mutual gain. The exercise of power entails exchange of needed resources for compliance with the influencer's wishes. The timing of repayment and explicitness of obligation are important dimensions of exchange that vary by issue area and relationship. In sequential exchange, the party that moves first risks being exploited and must therefore trust the other. The parties to an exchange may either leave open or specify what the other should do in return. Reciprocity refers to exchanges which are mutual and perceived by the parties as fair. It is difficult to determine whether exchanges are reciprocal without a common measure of value. Norms and customary expectations determine what is considered fair when there is no standardized measure of value. In negotiations, there are several competing principles of justice. Reciprocity requires that concessions be matched; it does not mean that their magnitude must be equal.

Each volume includes a "Note on the competent authorities having jurisdiction in labour matters" and a list of abbreviations. ; 1925-1926 include legal decisions of England, France, Germany and Italy; 1927-1938 also those of the United States. ; At head of title: International Labour Office. ; Each volume includes a "Note on the competent authorities having jurisdiction in labour matters" and a list of abbreviations. ; 1925-1926 include legal decisions of England, France, Germany and Italy; 1927-1938 also those of the United States. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractThis article critically interrogates the episteme of alternativity in international relations (IR) to rethink the purpose of critical knowledge in global politics. It questions what critical knowledge is for and whose purpose it serves. While alternativity is the very condition that has given rise to critical approaches, there is a deep-rooted division among critical scholars regarding the relationship between criticality and alternativity. This article argues that alternativity provides an opportunity for critical scholars to remain relevant without being affiliated with positivist logics of inquiry. In examining the potential of alternativity, the article explores three modes of alternativity in peace and conflict studies: critique-without-alternative, critique-as-alternative, and critique-with-alternative. It probes the merits and limits of the episteme of alternativity in generating new possibilities for advancing emancipatory interests and saving critical theory from losing its original transformative impetus. In the final part, the article explores future directions for rejuvenating the purpose of critique by exploring the nexus between criticality and alternativity on postparadigmatic and practical grounds.

AFRICA'S NEW CONSTITUTIONS HAVE ARISEN FROM A DYNAMIC OF RELATIVE GLOBALIZATION IN AN ERA OF WESTERN PREEMINENCE. THUS, THEY ARE BOTH BAROMETERS AND INSTRUMENTS OF INTERNATIONAL POLICY. THE METHOD OF CONSTITUTIONAL ECOLOGY CAN BE USED TO MEASURE THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL POLICY BY EXAMINING THE DEGREE TO WHICH HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE BEEN FIRMLY ENTRENCHED IN AFRICA'S NEW CONSTITUTIONS. IT IS ALSO POSSIBLE TO MEASURE THE RELATIVE EXTENT TO WHICH THE INTERNATIONAL VIEWPOINT HAS BEEN TAKEN INTO ACCOUNT IN THE INTERNAL ORDER. AS 'BAROMETERS', THE INSTRUMENTALITY OF AFRICA'S NEW CONSTITUTIONS IS IN RELATION TO THEIR BEING TEMPLATES OF THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ORDER. HENCE THE PRINCIPLE OF CONSTITUTIONALITY (OR 'CONSTITUTIONAL BASES') OF OFFICIAL DIPLOMACY.