Suchergebnisse

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a national strategy proposed by China to strengthen globalization and regional economic integration, connecting the country to the world. The BRI will drive China's ports to expand connectivity through construction and operation along the '21st-Century Maritime Silk Road (MSR)'. At the same time, port governance involves central, provincial and local governments engaging in overseas investment and financing in the context of the BRI. Under the double-level governance of the central and local governments, discrepancies, disjointed actions and gaps inevitably arise between the policies launched by the central and local governments. This article evaluates 14 major coastal ports operating with state-level support and overseas investment. 11 evaluation indexes are determined from the existing development conditions of ports and the economic strength of port cities. Fuzzy clustering method is applied to evaluate and classify the development of the coastal ports in China and to develop a reasonable implementation mode of the 'going global strategy' of the ports. Consequently, it would help policymakers and stakeholders in China deal with the rivalry of provincial governments, alleviate overseas investment risks and strengthen the foreign port chain management along the MSR. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

An examination of the impact of economic reforms on the configuration of class processes in the People's Republic of China, in particular, the growth in self-employment. Speculations are offered on the role of the reforms in recent political upheavals, & on the potential impact of the growth in self-employment on the publicly stated socialist goals of the Chinese Communist party. 58 References.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- INTRODUCTION: What's the Harm? -- CHAPTER 1 The Discovery of Drunk Driving -- CHAPTER 2 Science and Government Enter the Fray -- CHAPTER 3 The MADD Mothers Take Charge -- CHAPTER 4 The Movement Matures and Splinters -- CHAPTER 5 Lawyers, Libertarians, and the Liquor Lobby Fight Back -- CHAPTER 6 More (and More) Tragedies -- Afterword -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z.

Examines efforts at regional co-operation, political background, security concerns, and economic development of the region and ASEAN membership. Includes discussion of the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA), MAPHILINDO, ASEAN expansion, and political background.

Twenty five years after the dissolution of the former Soviet Union and the reemergence of the Central Asian Republics as independent States, this region continues to be the scene of rivalries amongst the big powers (Russia, China, the European Union, USA, India, Japan, Turkey and Iran) competing in a sort of a "new Grand Game" to increase their geopolitical and economic influence in the region. Its geography, diverse and rich natural resources, like oil and gas, explain the ongoing hidden rivalries. Despite its common historical and cultural past, Central Asia constitutes a heterogeneous region with a multiethnic and multi-linguistic composition and a low degree of physical, economic and trade integration. The lack of mutual trust, the persisting tension over borders and the use and sharing of natural resources, as well as different levels of economic performance have so far jeopardized the development of genuine regional cooperation. Against this background, the idea behind the Chinese OBOR Initiative to develop rapid transportation, if well implemented, could theoretically, by improving interregional connectivity, develop the Central Asia regional market and foster intergovernmental cooperation and people-to-people contacts within the region. In this context, could we expect that the ambitious Chinese OBOR Initiative will boost geopolitical stability and promote shared economic and trade benefits in Central Asia? What are the conditions for that need to be fulfilled?The author analyzes in depth certain crucial political, economic and institutional requirements for the successful implementation of the OBOR Strategy and concludes, however, that three years after the launching of this crucial instrument of the Chinese "globalization without democracy" model, its implementation faces major problems and thus raises more doubts than certainties.

This paper studies Chinese coercive diplomacy by first analyzing the South China Sea (SCS) issue from the perspective of China national interest which has Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI) political agenda (formerly known as OBOR). Through BRI, China will be a counterweight to the world economic power in countering US hegemony. This paper aims to describe the coercive form of China diplomacy which has been implemented through both phenomena and to analyze China coercive diplomacy using theory and relevant concept. To achieve those goals, this paper employs qualitative research method as well as national interest and neorealism theory. The findings of this paper suggest that, in reflection of China-Sri Lanka bilateral experience, BRI is one of debt-track diplomacy of China commodities in maintaining energy and economy security. This paper is expected to be one of the studies about South China Sea which can see BRI more in the opportunities it brings