Suchergebnisse

Los clubes urbanos y los circulos exclusivos representan los pilares arquitectónicos de la clase elitista. Durante más de 200 años, a pesar de las guerras mundiales y las olas feministas, los clubes exclusivos han permanecido como puntos fijos en los movimientos urbanos y sociales de la ciudad. Son cultivados y restaurados, convirtiendose en un ejemplo del patrimonio arquitectónico de la élite y de su vida social tradicional. Este artículo está centrado en el impacto urbano de dos clubes parisinos elitistas, le Cercle de l'Union interalliée, para las familias elitistas, y el Travellers' Club de París, para los hombres elitistas; dos espacios de flujos de la sociedad red. Ambas asociaciones del club son reconocidas como monumentos históricos y son vecinos de la residencia del presidente en París, l'Elysée. Describiré las características de la élite, su poder, sus grupos exclusivos, y sus tendencias espaciales para influenciar las dinámicas urbanas. Los dos estudios de caso se realizarán a través de un análisis de la teoría de la ciudad de Rossi, cuestionando el rol de estas asociaciones en la elaboración urbanística de la ciudad. Pareceria que estas casas club mantienen vínculos íntimos con su entorno urbano, lo que demuestra que la socialización dentro de las paredes del club no sólo es relacionable con el ocio, pero también más directamente relacionada con la política y la economía de la ciudad. ; Urban clubhouses and exclusive unions represent architectural pillars of the elite class. For more than two hundred years, through world wars and feminist waves, exclusive clubs have remained fixed points in the urban and social movements of the city. They are cultivated and restored, making an example of the elite's architectural heritage and their traditional social life. This article is focused on the urban impact of two Parisian elitist clubhouses, le Cercle de l'Union Interalliée, for elitist families, and the Travellers' Club of Paris, for elitist males; two spaces of flows of the network society. Both club associations are recognized as historical monuments and are neighbors to the President's residency in Paris, l'Elysée. I will describe the characteristics of elite, their power, their closed groups, and their spatial trends in influencing urban dynamics. The two case studies will be done through an analysis of Rossi's theory of the city, questioning the role of these associations in the urban making of the city. It appears that clubhouses maintain intimate links to the urban environment, demonstrating that socialization inside the club's walls is not only relatable to leisure but also more directly related to the city's politics and economy. ; Eje 3: Derecho a la ciudad: mutaciones, recomposiciones, adaptaciones, reformulaciones. ; Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo

El texto propone repensar el concepto de cultura política como la lucha por el sentido de lo social, para adaptarlo a las necesidades de un trabajo cualitativo y de perspectiva microsocial, mediante la inclusión de insumos teóricos y metodológicos provenientes de las sociologías de los movimientos sociales y de las emociones. Una vez planteada esta concepción renovada de dicho concepto, el texto se ocupa del análisis de las galerías de la memoria desplegadas por el Capítulo Bogotá del Movimiento Nacional de Víctimas de Crímenes de Estado (Movice), argumentando que el principal objetivo de estos actos públicos de memoria es la transformación de la cultura política de quienes los observan, en un proceso de resocialización cognitiva, emocional y moral dirigido contra los significados, reglas emocionales y principios morales que dan soporte a determinadas estructuras y relaciones de dominación en el ámbito macrosocial. ; The article proposes to rethink the concept of political culture as the strugglefor the construction of meaning in the social world, in an effort to adapt this conceptto the needs of a qualitative research from a micro-social perspective by means ofthe inclusion of theoretical and methodological contributions coming from thesociologies of social movements and emotions. After this new conception is outlined,the article undertakes the analysis of the memory galleries presented by the BogotáChapter of the National Movement of Victims of State Crimes (MOVICE by its initialsin Spanish), arguing that the main purpose of these commemorative public events isthe transformation of the political culture of their observers, in a process of cognitive,emotional and moral re-socialization directed against the meanings, emotional rulesand moral principles upholding certain structures and relations of domination at themacro-social level.

In early September 2014, about 4.000 scientists, activists and artists at the 4th International Conference on Degrowth sent out two messages. 1. Industrialized societies will change, either by disaster or by design. Accelerated resource exploitation and climate change can force societies into a transition. Or they swiftly develop new forms of economic, political and social organization which respect the planetary boundaries. 2. "Degrowth" has become a new social movement which translates scientific insights into cultural change, political change and social practice. Hence, the conference itself was an experiment on the potentials and limits of share economy, commoning and sufficiency. A team of young scholars and activists from different German research institutes and non-govern- mental organisations prepared the conference. The team of the Wuppertal Institute was partly involved in the preperation of the conference. Scientists from all research groups took part in the conference, presenting and discussing project results. The publication is a collection of contributions of the Wuppertal Institute to the conference and covers pivotal issues of the degrowth-debate: indicator development (Freyling & Schepelmann), working time reduction (Buhl), feminist theory (Biesecker & Winterfeld), and urban transition (Best). ; Anfang September 2014 sendeten circa 4.000 Wissenschaftler(innen), Aktivist(inn)en und Künstler(innen) auf der vierten internationalen Degrowth Konferenz in Leipzig zwei Botschaften aus: 1. Industrialisierte Gesellschaften werden sich verändern, mittels Desaster oder Design. Zunehmende Ressourcenausbeutung und Klimawandel können Gesellschaften zur Transition zwingen. Es sei denn sie entwickeln rasch neue Formen ökonomischer, politischer und sozialer Organisation, die die Grenzen des Planeten berücksichtigen. 2. "Degrowth" ist zu einer neuen sozialen Bewegung geworden, die wissenschaftliche Einsichten in kulturellen Wandel, politischen Wandel und soziale Praxis übersetzt. Die Konferenz selbst war ein Experiment bezüglich der Potenziale und Grenzen von share economy, commoning und Suffizienz. Die Konferenz wurde von jungen Wissenschaftler(inne)n und Aktivist(inn)en diverser deutscher Forschungsinstitute und Nichtregierungsorganisationen gestaltet. Das Team des Wuppertal Instituts hat teilweise an der Konferenzvorbereitung mitgewirkt. Wissenschaftler(innen) aller Forschungsgruppen nahmen an der Konferenz teil, präsentierten und diskutierten Projektergebnisse. Die Publikation ist eine Sammlung der Konferenzbeiträge aus dem Wuppertal Institut, sie umfasst alle Schlüsselthemen der degrowth-Debatte: Entwicklung von Indikatoren (Freyling & Schepelmann), Arbeitszeitverkürzung (Buhl), Feministische Theorie (Biesecker & Winterfeld), und Urbane Transition (Best).

Labor history continues to progress. It continues, too, to transform itself from a field staffed by enthusiasts and partisans into a discipline peopled with scholars sympathetic to their subject but also highly conscious of the methods, theories and interpretive frameworks within which they work. The last few years in particular have witnessed a considerable intensification of scholarly controversy within labor history and a growing sophistication of debate. To some extent the discussion parallels the ongoing conversation among social historians about the boundaries of social history, the power of primarily social explanation and the role of language, culture and politics in social history. Unfortunately, however, the stepping up of debate in labor history coincides with a dip – temporary, one hopes, but perhaps more long-term – in the fortunes of labor movements themselves. This conjuncture seems to have produced a sense of pessimism and malaise as the sentimental accompaniment to many of the debates within labor history.

This is part one of a two-part review of the DVD Series DIY Media: Movement Perspectives on Critical Moments, produced by Mark Read. This part of the review covers the following parts of the video series: Expression = Life – ACT UP, Video, and the AIDS Crisis; Many Yeses, One No – Confronting Corporate Globalization; and Resistencia Y Solidaridad – El Salvador, Colombia, and the U.S. Solidarity Movement. Both the technical quality of the series and its content are reviewed. The second part of this review, covering other parts of the series, was written by another reviewer and is not included here.

This essay aims to explore the limits & possibilities of the contract in tile era of globalization. The old metaphor of the social contract was gain back for the contemporary political philosophy by Jonh Rawl's book A Theory of Justice (1971). In the last few years philosophers & political theorist such as Thomas Pogge, Charles Beitz, Richard Falk, Mary Kaldor & David Held have used this metaphor to face the challenges of globalization. However, Rawls refuses to transfer his principles of justice to the international arena. Rawls argues in his book The Law of Peoples (1999) that this movement would have unintended political consequences. This essay proposes a distinction between the narrative of social contract as a mechanism for the rational choice & the contract itself as a mechanism for the creation of a political meaning. The purpose of this distinction is to keep alive the use of the metaphor of the social contract in the global realm. Adapted from the source document.

During the 2000's decade, two social movements, the décroissance movement in France and Transition Towns in the United- Kingdom, have contributed, both in parallel, to a renewal of the green political landscape. This thesis is an international comparative analysis of these two movements, which were first distinct, then progressively overlapped as they evolved to become international. This research will focus in particular on the catastrophist dimension of these two movements, understood as a form of political thought based on the anticipation of major ecological shifts (peak oil, climatechange, ecosystems collapse, etc.) that would put an end to the modern version of the democratic project. Far from being an intellectual framework only, catastrophism also gives rise to experimental deliberative practices that put into question the hypothesis of continuity that generally pervades theories of democracy.The analysis of these two movements aims at proposing new material to provide for a theoretical reflection on the intellectual tools that political science uses to investigate the ecological embeddedness of political communities. Dwelling on the pioneer work of green political theory, we will suggest that a théorie politique environnementale could contribute to reconsider theories of democracy, with an invitation for them to fit within the framework of the global ecological disruption. ; Au cours des années 2000, deux mobilisations parallèles ont contribué à renouveler le paysage de l'écologie politique : la décroissance en France, et les Transition Towns au Royaume-Uni. Nous proposons une approche comparative internationale de ces deux mouvements, d'abord distincts, mais qui se sont progressivement imbriqués à mesure qu'ils s'internationalisaient. Nous nous intéresserons particulièrement à la dimension catastrophiste de ces deux mouvements, entendue comme un mode de pensée politique fondé sur l'anticipation de ruptures écologiques majeures (pic pétrolier, mais aussi réchauffement climatique ou effondrement ...

This paper presents a case study made along the life cycle of the Law for Promotion of Personal Autonomy and Care for Dependent Situations (LAPAD) in the Valencian Community during the period 2006-2012. The objective of this research was to identify the reasons that have contributed to increase the gap between the legal formulation and its effective implementation. The initial hypothesis, subjected to contrast by the ethnographic method, proposes that the Act can not represent a breakthrough in the assertion of rights in the context of a weak culture of legality, as it is the case of Valencia. The qualitative methodology and the ethnographic methodology have guided this research process, using multiple techniques: from the «single narrative» of key informants to the «collective discourses» represented by different actors (trade unions, employers, social movements, etc.). The results have pointed out those dimensions that refer to the institutional model that welcomes social law and the conditions that enable or impede its full exercise. In the recognition and exercise of the law, these results have confirmed the initial hypothesis from the following clear identification of obstacles: the public-private relationship in Valencian social policy, the ratio among the public administration and Valencian citizenship (accountability and transparency), and the conflict and jurisdictional law defense mechanisms that lead to criminalization of politics. ; Este artículo presenta el estudio de caso realizado sobre el ciclo de vida de la Ley de Promoción de la autonomía personal y atención a situaciones de dependencia (LAPAD) en la Comunitat Valenciana durante el periodo 2006-2012. El objetivo de esta investigación ha sido identificar las razones que han contribuido a incrementar la brecha entre la formulación legal y su efectiva implementación. La hipótesis de partida, sometida a contraste mediante método etnográfico, propone que la citada ley no puede representar un avance en la afirmación de derechos sociales en el ...

Precarious objects' explores the traffic between design and activism by telling stories drawn from contemporary counter-precarity cases in Italy. As a category of labour and of global social experience in general, precarity is a wicked problem that affects all aspects of life, regulating the production and circulation of a wide range of material and immaterial effects. In this book, three microhistories of counter-precarity explore existent forms of resistance and resilience to precarity. Drawing on ethnographies and archives and bringing together debates from design theory, cultural studies and geography, this study shows how design objects and practices recode political communication and reorient how things are imagined, produced and circulated. It also shows how design as a practice can reconfigure material conditions and prefigure ways to repair some of the effects of precarity on everyday life

<div><p><em>The objectives of the study were to<ins cite="mailto:usr" datetime="2017-03-14T09:40"> </ins>identify socio-economic characteristics of female entrepreneurs in Zimbabwe and to ascertain the relationship between women empowerment in entrepreneurship and economic/social development. The research looked at economic and social independent variables that affect women empowerment in entrepreneurship. Literature covered but not limited to, power in households, decision making, ownership of property, access to capital, networking and freedom of movement. This study adopted a mixed research methodology that combined the positivism and the interpretivism paradigms. With regard to this study, the target population was the female entrepreneurs in Harare, Zimbabwe. </em><em>Non-probability was chosen as the sampling technique for this study because it is quicker, easier and cheaper. Convenience and judgmental sampling techniques shall were employed. The questionnaire was used to collect primary data for this study.</em><em>The study revealed that married female entrepreneurs continue to be absent from the household decision-making that shapes the allocation of the economic and financial resources, which further perpetuates gender inequality. The study also confirmed that education and training as well as previous work experience are important success characteristics for empowerment, required by emerging female entrepreneurs as they start and grow their business. The study also confirmed that the lack of access to capital exacerbated by lack of collateral and high interest rates is one of the major deterrents for empowering women through entrepreneurship. Recommendations include coalition among female entrepreneurs, mentoring schemes and changing entrenched patriarchal cultural norms.</em></p></div>

The European crisis has provoked widespread critique of capitalist arrangements in most if not all countries in Europe. But to what extent do contemporary social protest and critique indicate a revival of critical capacity? The range of criticisms against the existing capitalist system raised by various social movements is seen as ineffectual and fragmented. Such observations are mirrored in sociological analyses of the critique of capitalism. A distinct type of critique of capitalism has, however, not been explicitly conceptualized. This political critique, denouncing the depoliticization and the erosion of autonomy resulting from capitalist arrangements, indicates the crucial role of the political in formulating common projects. The article will, first, briefly discuss Boltanski and Chiapello's historical identification of forms of critique of capitalism as well as the contemporary relevance of these. In a second step, it will conceptualize and in a way recuperate a political critique of capitalism. In a third step, it will show that the contours of a critique that explicitly refers to the political is available in the contemporary European context, not least in claims made by movements that pursue a 'Europe of the Commons' and an 'alternative Europe'.

The need to communicate is one of the most important human requirements, which the designer seeks to provide its means in interior and exterior spaces, by providing the designed environment the capability for people to meet individually or groups, including designed spaces for movement, gathering and sitting with special characteristics such as providing adequate lighting, audio processors to improve sound quality and noise prevention, The study emphasizes that participatory design is the power of change in the creation and management of communities for people by an analytical descriptive Method: based on gathering information to build the theoretical framework and the analysis of two examples in Cairo – Egypt, where its strength lies in a movement that transcends traditional professional boundaries and cultures. Its roots lie in the ideals of participatory democracy where residents' decision-making is highly decentralized in all sectors of the society, So that all individuals learn the skills of participation and can participate effectively in different ways in making all the decisions that affect them and their lives, where interior designers and architects who facilitate the design process are described as "design colleagues" with benefits such as creating spaces that allow for social interaction and the development of a sense of community through direct interactions and community values. Objective: to discuss the community interaction between users and citizens of a residential community toward the space around them, and how this interaction leads to an innovative design that meets social needs, and consolidate social values which revitalize the identity of the Egyptian community to become a symbol for a sustainable residential community that supports the interior urbanism fabric, also adding a vibrant, liveable atmosphere to the residential community intended to this study. Conclusion: Interior Urbanism and population development processes involve all stakeholders in identifying priority issues and needs to take the necessary decisions and implement them, by participatory design which is one of the design approaches that engages the user in the design process to help effectively use the product and realize the real needs of users. Community participation leads to mobilizing the energies of citizens in the local community to contribute the challenges of human development. Strengthen the link between people and social projects that serve their interests and expand the scope of services.

Migration is most concretely defined by the movement of human bodies, but it leaves indelible traces on everything from individual psychology to major social movements. Drawing on extensive field research, and with a special focus on Italy and the Netherlands, this interdisciplinary volume explores the interrelationship of migration and memory at scales both large and small, ranging across topics that include oral and visual forms of memory, archives, and artistic innovations. By engaging with the complex tensions between roots and routes, minds and bodies, The Mobility of Memory offers an incisive and empirically grounded perspective on a social phenomenon that continues to reshape both Europe and the world

The article finds out the main directions of activity of the All-Russia social movement People's Front For Russia (All-Russia People's Front) in implementing principles of civil society on a regional level. The main research objectives are as follows: finding out the main activities of the All-Russian People's Front in Russia and the Republic of Udmurt; defining the main ways of activists' identification with civil society. The specific of Russian civil society is the enhanced state control of the 'third sector. As a result, there emerge organizations, which identify themselves as the mediator between the state and civil society. Despite the close linkage with the state, they accumulate civic activity and exercise public control. Among these organizations is the All-Russian People's Front. It was founded in 2011 on the initiative of Vladimir Putin. As methods of empirical analysis, the authors exploited the content analysis of websites, social network VKontakte, and semi-structured interviews with leaders and activists of the movement. The main activities of the Udmurt regional branch include addressing the following problems: housing and public utilities; constructions; improvement of territories; educational and environmental projects; youth policy, etc. Active social position, the attractiveness of the movement's goals in solving the problems of regional development determine the activists' motivation of being involved in the cause. They indicated the realization of principles of civil society in the framework of All-Russian People's Front activities such as the development of civic activeness, public control, volunteering, and improving social trust. By consolidating political and public resources, the movement integrates civil society into a vertical of authority. By Representing and protecting public interests, this cause becomes an effective mediator between the state and civil society. ; В настоящей статье авторы стремятся выявить роль Общероссийского общественного движения «Народный фронт «За Россию» в реализации принципов гражданского общества на региональном уровне. Основными исследовательскими задачами настоящей статьи являются показ основных направлений деятельности Общероссийского общественного движения «Народный фронт «За Россию» в Удмуртской Республике; определение форм идентификации активистов общественного движения с гражданским обществом. Особенностью российского гражданского общества является повышенный контроль государства над организациями «третьего сектора», вследствие чего формируются организации, занимающие промежуточное положение между гражданским обществом и государством, которые, несмотря на тесную связь с государством, аккумулируют общественную активность и осуществляют гражданский контроль. Одной из таких организаций является Общероссийский народный фронт, созданный в 2011 году по инициативе В. В. Путина. В качестве методов эмпирического анализа были использованы контент-анализ, анализ данных социальной сети «ВКонтакте», полуформализованные интервью с лидерами и активистами движения. Для Удмуртской Республики актуальны проблемы ЖКХ, строительства, благоустройства, образования, молодежной политики, а также экологические проблемы. В качестве основной мотивации участия в общественном движении активисты выделяли, прежде всего, соответствие сферы деятельности ОНФ жизненным и социальным приоритетам участников; активную жизненную позицию; привлекательность деятельности Общероссийского народного фронта в решении конкретных дел, связанных с задачами регионального развития. Информанты отмечают частичную реализацию данных принципов в деятельности Общероссийского народного фронта, а именно: развитиегражданской активности, налаживание диалога граждан и власти, осуществление общественного контроля, развитие добровольчества и социального доверия. Консолидируя политические и гражданские ресурсы, Общероссийский народный фронт встраивает гражданское общество в вертикаль власти, что позволяет ему быть эффективным посредником между государством и гражданским обществом, способствовать реализации гражданским обществом своих интересов.

The Solidarity movement of the early 1980s not only triggered a transformation in Polish society, it forced a fundamental reconsideration of the nature of socialism throughout the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Seen as one of the most important social movements of the twentieth century, Michael Kennedy develops a theoretical conception of Soviet-type societies by analysing Solidarity's significance. He explains the background to the nature of the conflict between Solidarity and the authorities and considers the implications of Solidarity's struggle for the theory of the Soviet-type system's reproduction and transformation. Then, the internal constitution of Solidarity in terms of gender and, in particular, cross-class alliances is examined, which is followed by the implications of his analysis both for understanding perestroika in the Soviet Union and more generally for reformulating a critical sociology of Soviet-type societies