Suchergebnisse

Evaluates results of the UN Special Session (UNGASS) of June 1997, called to review progress five years after the UN Earth Summit in Rio, and argues that national and regional processes should be given more attention than international debates.

Entrenched positions, particularly between industrialised countries and some major emerging economies, dominated negotiations at June's UN Climate Change Conference in Bonn. Disagreements over the interpretation of "common but differentiated responsibilities" and the principle of equity hindered substantial progress. Preparations for the first Global Stocktake (GST) to ratchet up the ambition under the Paris Agreement (2015), which will conclude at the 28th Conference of the Parties (COP28) in Dubai in December, did not meet expectations. At the same time, some emerging economies, notably China, attempted to lessen the significance of the IPCC's Sixth Assessment Report (AR6) as a common scientific basis. Should China maintain this position, it could result in negative consequences for the multilateral climate process well beyond COP28. (author's abstract)

Though international relations and the rise and fall of European states are widely studied, little is available to students and non-specialists on the origins, development and operation of the diplomatic system through which these relations were conducted and regulated. Similarly neglected are the larger ideas and aspirations of international diplomacy that gradually emerged from its immediate functions. This impressive survey, written by one of our most experienced international historians, and covering the 500 years in which European diplomacy was largely a world to itself, triumphant.

The concept of a regime complex has proved fruitful to a burgeoning literature in international relations, but it has also opened up new questions about how and why they develop over time. This article describes the history of the energy regime complex as it has changed over the past 40 years, and interprets this history in light of an interpretive framework of the sources of institutional change. One of its principal contributions is to highlight what Stephen Krasner referred to as a pattern of "punctuated equilibrium" reflecting both periods of stasis and periods of innovation, as opposed to a gradual process of change. We show that the timing of innovation depends on dissatisfaction and shocks and that the nature of innovation-that is, whether it is path-dependent or de novo-depends on interest homogeneity among major actors. This paper is the first to demonstrate the empirical applicability of the punctuated equilibrium concept to international regime complexes, and contributes to the eventual development of a dynamic theory of change in regime complexes. Adapted from the source document.

International trade agreements lead to more foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries. This article examines the causal mechanisms underpinning this trade-investment linkage bv asking whether institutional features of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which allow governments to make more credible commitments to protect foreign investments, indeed result in greater FDI. The authors explore three institutional differences. First, they examine whether PTAs that have entered into force lead to greater FDI than PTAs that have merely been negotiated and signed, since only the former constitute a binding commitment under international law. Second, they ask whether trade agreements that have investment clauses lead to greater FDI. Third, they consider whether PTAs with dispute-settlement mechanisms lead to greater FDI. Analyses of FDI flows into 122 developing countries from 1971 to 2007 show that trade agreements that include stronger mechanisms for credible commitment induce more FDI. Institutional diversity in international agreements matters. Adapted from the source document.

Since World War II, there has been a trend towards fewer wars, the Russian invasion of the Ukraine standing as a major 'aberration'. With decades of experience as an international lawyer, diplomat and head of UN Iraq inspections, Hans Blix examines conflicts and other developments after World War II. He finds that new restraints on uses of force have emerged from fears about nuclear war, economic interdependence and UN Charter rules. With less interest in the conquest of land, states increasingly use economic or cyber means to battle their adversaries. Such a turn is not free from perils but should perhaps be welcomed as an alternative to previous methods of war. By analysing these new restraints, Blix rejects the fatalistic assumption that there will always be war. He submits that today leading powers are saying farewell to previous patterns of war, instead choosing to continue their competition for power and influence on the battlefields of economy and information

This book deals with two areas: Global Commons and Security: inextricably melted together and more relevant than ever in a world which is ever globalized and… with an incognita looming on the horizon: the effects of the Coronavirus pandemic upon the International Relations and globalization. Global Commons have always been relevant. It was Mahan who argued that the first and most obvious light in which the sea presents itself from the political and social point of view, is that of a great highway; or better, perhaps, of a wide common… Nowadays, this view has been further developed and, in addition to the unique legal implications that the Global Commons introduce, they are viewed, more and more intently, as a common pool of resources. Or perhaps, not that common… Resources, the key word! Which has to be always supplemented by two key words: access and security. And still, another one: data, the cyberspace contribution to the equation.

This innovative survey of Byzantium's relations with pre-Christian Bulgaria in the late eighth and early ninth century offers an entirely new framework for understanding the developments that shaped one of the most turbulent periods in the history of the early Medieval Balkans. Unlike previous studies, it integrates the surviving literary sources with the ever-growing archaeological record to construct a comprehensive narrative account of the Byzantine-Bulgar conflict for political mastery in the region. Moreover, the analysis of the changing socio-political structures of Bulgaria provides a basis for understanding its transformation from a loose tribal confederation into a stable monarchy. While this is primarily a regional study, focusing on the territories and peoples controlled by the two competing powers, it is also of interest to students of the Frankish, Arab and steppe-nomad worlds, since the relations between Byzantium and Bulgaria are put into a wider international context.

This paper addresses the question of the criminalization of war crimes, which are compared at the international and internal legislative level under military law. Considering current threats to the international legal order and security system, justice and defence sector actors, military lawyers and research fellows in military law are faced with the problems of the concept of responsibility for the most serious crimes in the world. The adoption of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in 1998 raises the question of the internal legislation validity. The states Parties to International Criminal Court should revise the established conceptual approaches of responsibility for war crimes. The comparative analysis was made of the core and international military law. ; Рассматривается вопрос криминализации военных преступлений, ответственнось за которые предусмотрена военным правом на международном и государственном уровнях. Вследствие текущих угроз международному правопорядку и безопасности система правосудия и правоохранительные органы, военные юристы и ученые области военного права сталкиваются с проблемами концепции ответственности за наиболее тяжкие преступления в мире. Принятие Римского статута Международного уголовного суда в 1998 г. ставит вопрос актуальности внутреннего законодательства его государств. Все они должны пересмотреть установленные концептуальные подходы к ответственности за военные и другие международные преступления. Украина не завершила ратификацию Римского статута международного уголовного суда, однако признала его юрисдикцию путем направления декларации в порядке п. 3 ст. 12 Римского статута. Это означает, что на сегодня государство активно сотрудничает с Международным уголовным судом в вопросах привлечения к ответственности за международные преступления (военные и преступления против человечности). Такое сотрудничество является частью целостной концепции переходного правосудия, которая должна стать путем к восстановлению суверенитета и безопасности Украины, реинтеграции ...