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Although Professor Lewin is not testing existing views that, for people in politics, 'egoism rules' on deep theoretical grounds, he strongly argues that empirical facts do not support such views and thus opens a new chapter in the debate on individuals' rationality

I am therefore I have rights," argues this paper. Mere existence qualifies a human being for universal human rights. Yet human beings do not live in solitude; they are always embedded in a network of social relations which determines their rights and duties in its own terms. Consequently, the debate about the universality and relativism of human rights can be best understood by combining legal and sociological perspectives. Such an approach is used in this article to explore the tensions and contests around the universality of human rights in Islamic law. Whether all human beings or just citizens are qualified for the inviolability of human rights is a question which divided Muslim jurists into two schools: Universalistic School, emanating from Abu Hanifa, advocated for the universality of human rights, while Communalistic School, originating from Malik, Shafii and Ibn Hanbal, advocated for civil rights. Universalistic School was adopted by such great cosmopolitan empires as Umayyads, Abbasids, Mughals and Ottomans. It was also reformed by the Ottomans during the nineteenth century in the light of the new notions of universal human rights in Europe to purge remaining discriminatory practices against non-Muslim citizens and to justify constitutionalism and democracy. Yet the universalistic tradition in Islamic law has been forgotten as the chain of memory was broken after the collapse of Ottoman Empire. This article briefly unearths the forgotten universalistic approach in Islamic law to build upon it a modern universalistic human rights theory for which there is a pressing need at this age of globalization.

The German lacuna in Edward Said's 'Orientalism' has produced varied studies of German cultural and academic Orientalisms. So far the domains of German politics and scholarship have not been conflated to probe the central power/knowledge nexus of Said's argument. Seeking to fill this gap, the diplomatic career and scholarly-literary productions of the centrally placed Friedrich Rosen serve as a focal point to investigate how politics influenced knowledge generated about the "Orient" and charts the roles knowledge played in political decision-making regarding extra-European regions. This is pursued through analyses of Germans in British imperialist contexts, cultures of lowly diplomatic encounters in Middle Eastern cities, Persian poetry in translation, prestigious Orientalist congresses in northern climes, leveraging knowledge in high-stakes diplomatic encounters, and the making of Germany's Islam policy up to the Great War. Politics drew on bodies of knowledge and could promote or hinder scholarship. Yet, scholars never systemically followed empire in its tracks but sought their own paths to cognition. On their own terms or influenced by "Oriental" savants they aligned with politics or challenged claims to conquest and rule.

The German lacuna in Edward Said's 'Orientalism' has produced varied studies of German cultural and academic Orientalisms. So far the domains of German politics and scholarship have not been conflated to probe the central power/knowledge nexus of Said's argument. Seeking to fill this gap, the diplomatic career and scholarly-literary productions of the centrally placed Friedrich Rosen serve as a focal point to investigate how politics influenced knowledge generated about the "Orient" and charts the roles knowledge played in political decision-making regarding extra-European regions. This is pursued through analyses of Germans in British imperialist contexts, cultures of lowly diplomatic encounters in Middle Eastern cities, Persian poetry in translation, prestigious Orientalist congresses in northern climes, leveraging knowledge in high-stakes diplomatic encounters, and the making of Germany's Islam policy up to the Great War. Politics drew on bodies of knowledge and could promote or hinder scholarship. Yet, scholars never systemically followed empire in its tracks but sought their own paths to cognition. On their own terms or influenced by "Oriental" savants they aligned with politics or challenged claims to conquest and rule. ; TU Berlin, Open-Access-Mittel – 2020

Introduction -- Faith and fatherland through the eyes of clergy -- National socialism as a catalyst for German Protestant renewal? -- Pastoral appointments and the local church struggle -- Clerical responses to euthanasia and anti-semitism -- The church struggle in Nauen, Brandenburg -- The church struggle in Pirna, Saxony -- The church struggle in Ravensburg, Württemberg

Ontology and World Politics presents a new approach to political universalism, grounded in the reinterpretation of world politics from an ontological perspective. In the discipline of International Relations the concept of world politics remains ambivalent, functioning both as a synonym of international relations and their antonym, denoting the aspirations for the overcoming of interstate pluralism in favour of a universalist politics of the global community or the world state. Rather than distinguish 'world politics' from 'international politics' by its site, level or issues, Prozorov interprets it as another kind of politics. Drawing on Martin Heidegger's account of world disclosure and Alain Badiou's phenomenology of worlds, this book posits world politics as a practice of the affirmation of universal axioms across an infinite plurality of limited and particular situations or 'worlds'. Prozorov reinterprets the familiar principles of community, equality and freedom in ontological terms as attributes of pure being, subtracted from all positive determinations, and presents them as axioms of universalist politics valid in any world whatsoever. This approach to world politics serves as the groundwork for a comprehensive reconsideration of the central themes of political and international relations theory. ; Peer reviewed

Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memberikan penjelasan secara komprehensif, sistematis,dan integrated tentang transformasi pendidikan Islam di Aceh (1966-1998). Pemilihan waktupenelitian ini didasarkan pertimbangan bahwa dalam kenyataannya, pendidikan Islam di Acehtidak bisa dipisahkan dengan kepentingan politik pemerintah dan pengaruh ideologi dalam memposisikanpendidikan Islam. Objek kajian penelitian ini adalah pendidikan Islam di Aceh (1966-1998). Pendekatanyang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalahhistorical approach dengan pengimplementasian metodesinkronis dan diakronis. Dari kajian yang dilakukan ditemukan bahwa transformasi pendidikanIslam di Aceh mencakup pada dua aspek utama, yaitu kelembagaan dan sistem. Kelembagaanmencakup penginternalisasian sistem tradisional dan modern, sedangkan sistem mencakup tujuan,pendidik, peserta didik, metode dan sarana-prasarana.Kata Kunci: Pendidikan Islam, Transformasi, Orde Baru

Ada kesalahpahaman terkait dengan statemen bahwa hukum Islam dalam hal ini syariat menolak keberadaan nilai-nilai lokal (hukum adat) pada sebuah komunitas dalam batas geografi tertentu. Paradigma itu tentu saja keliru mengingat sebagian ajaran-ajaran dalam Islam justru merupakan adopsi, adaptasi, reformasi, inovasi dari tradisi, kebiasaan atau hukum adat bangsa Arab sendiri. Dalam konteks keindonesiaan, munculnya teori Receptie yang diinisiasi oleh Snouck Hurgronje mendegradasi pengamalan hukum Islam yang harus diresepsi terlebih dahulu oleh hukum adat. Teori iblis ini kemudian menjadi senjata politik dengan program devide et imperayang ingin membenturkan kaum adat dengan ulama yang mewakili pembela hukum Islam, dengan maksud ingin menjauhkan umat Islam dari hukum agamanya

Close analysis of how non-state actors adapt to state collapse is critical for effective peacebuilding, development, and counter-terrorism strategies in those crises. In Somalia, the nature of state collapse has changed significantly since 1995. Armed conflict is more localised; lawlessness is better contained by local authorities; and warlords have been weakened by an emerging commercial elite whose interests lie in stability, not plunder. Risk-aversion drives political behavior and partially explains the reluctance of local elites to support a revived central government. Somalia, to date, has not been particularly attractive as a safe haven for terrorists due to the risk of betrayal and extortion foreigners face there. Instead, terrorist networks have used Somalia principally as a short-term transshipment site into Kenya. Efforts to revive a central state in Somalia risk creating a "paper state"--One which lacks a capacity to govern and is prone to police corruption, providing an environment in which terrorist networks thrive