Suchergebnisse

This paper uses a large national household panel from 1999/2000 and 2007/08 to analyze the short-term effects of India's Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme on wages, labor supply, agricultural labor use, and productivity. The scheme prompted a 10-point wage increase and higher labor supply to nonagricultural casual work and agricultural self-employment. Program-induced drops in hired labor demand were more than outweighed by more intensive use of family labor, machinery, fertilizer, and diversification to crops with higher risk-return profiles, especially by small farmers. Although the aggregate productivity effects were modest, total employment generated by the program (but not employment in irrigation-related activities) significantly increased productivity, suggesting alleviation of liquidity constraints and implicit insurance provision rather than quality of works undertaken as a main channel for program-induced productivity effects.

The objective of this policy note is to develop a set of actionable recommendations for tackling poverty and social exclusion in Poland based on evidence. In recent years, the World Bank has deepened its engagement in Poland around issues of social inclusion, through work on effective labor market and activation policies, social assistance benefits, and investment financing for local social inclusion initiatives. This note purports to integrate the outputs of these activities and complement them with insights from the new analytical work to develop recommendations for the government of Poland for program choices to enhance the impact of inclusion programs and employment services. This policy note is structured as follows: (i) introduction; (ii) section two provides a definition of social inclusion and describes the country context by key trends and key groups at risk of social exclusion; (iii) section three provides an overview of the institutional set-up to deliver policies for social inclusion at the national and local level and presents an assessment of the achievements and challenges of key policy instruments (employment services, social benefits, social services, and the work of civil society); (iv) section four focuses on two recent operational experiences of relevance to a future operation: an assessment of the execution of the European Social Fund in Poland against the social and labor agendas and a presentation of the learning generated through the social inclusion component of the World Bank Post Accession Rural Support Project; and (v) section five illustrates areas for potential intervention at the policy and operational level in Poland. Recognizing that social inclusion outcomes are the result of a complex set of factors on the demand and supply side,recommendations include macro-level institutional reforms and changes to local service delivery for inclusion of vulnerable groups, mobilization and capacity support, strategies for local employment generation, and monitoring and accountability support.

Grenada has faced various socioeconomic challenges within the last decade, including the destruction wrought by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 and the global financial crisis. As a result, economic indicators for Grenada illustrate unfavorable. Increases in the poverty and unemployment rates, especially among the youth and young adults. This report presents an assessment of the regulatory, legislative, and institutional landscape governing workforce development (WfD) in Grenada. The results of this analysis are based on a newly designed analytical tool developed by the World Bank under the Systems Approach for Better Education Results (SABER) initiative. The aim of this initiative is to garner data so as to provide systematic documentation and assessment of the policy and institution factors that influence the performance of education and training systems of SABER-participating countries. The SABER-WfD tool encompasses initial, continuing, and targeted vocational education and training that are offered through multiple channels, and focus largely on programs at the secondary and post-secondary levels. The results of the assessment presented in this report are expected to assist in clarifying priorities. They classify the WfD system according to four stages of maturity in policy and institutional development, as follows: (1) Latent, (2) Emerging, (3) Established, and (4) Advanced.

Nell'ordinamento italiano, il tema della disciplina delle procedure e dei contenuti della contrattazione collettiva rappresenta una delle maggiori questioni giuslavoristiche, che non ha ancora trovato una stabile soluzione. Ad essa, inoltre, si lega strettamente il tema della regolamentazione, a fini negoziali, dei soggetti dell'autonomia collettiva. La finalità della presente trattazione è quella di esaminare, dapprima, lo sviluppo storico del dibattito nell'ordinamento italiano, per concentrare, in seguito, l'attenzione sulle tematiche più recenti che, anche alla luce della crisi dell'unità sindacale e della frammentazione dei tessuti produttivi generata dalla globalizzazione, evidenziano una richiesta di regolamentazione obiettiva dell'attività negoziale. In merito a tali questioni verrà infine esaminato, in una logica comparata, l'ordinamento francese che, a differenza di quello italiano, ha disciplinato per legge i presupposti, le procedure e i requisiti di accesso alla negoziazione collettiva sin dalla prima metà del XX Secolo. In particolare, il primo capitolo della tesi prende in esame, dapprima, la questione che si pone alla base dell'intero dibattito nazionale sulle modalità di regolamentazione della contrattazione collettiva: la mancata attuazione da parte del legislatore della seconda parte dell'art. 39 Cost. e la conseguente illegittimità costituzionale di quelle norme volte a generalizzare l'efficacia degli accordi collettivi aggirando quanto previsto dalla Carta fondamentale. L'analisi prosegue con la disamina dell'evoluzione storica della contrattazione anomica nel nostro ordinamento: a partire dalla negoziazione accentrata a livello nazionale nei primi anni Cinquanta, dalle istanze di decentramento e dall'effimera introduzione della contrattazione articolata con il Protocollo Intersind-Asap del 1962, fino alla bipolarità totale tra livello confederale e aziendale manifestatasi tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà degli anni Settanta del Novecento, per giungere alla negoziazione collettiva della crisi, con gli accordi triangolari e la concertazione che, tra alterni risultati, hanno prodotto i loro effetti fino alla metà degli anni Duemila. In tale contesto, particolare attenzione è dedicata al sistema degli accordi del luglio-dicembre 1993 che, per quasi vent'anni, hanno costituito il fulcro di una disciplina delle relazioni industriali organizzata su due livelli, e che hanno tentato, nel contempo, con l'introduzione delle RSU, di contrastare la crisi di rappresentatività delle organizzazioni sindacali, evidenziata nella sua gravità, pochi mesi dopo, dal referendum del 1995 sull'art. 19 della l. 300/1970. La parte finale del primo capitolo si pone in ideale continuazione con l'inizio del secondo. Al centro dell'esame vi sono le questioni dei nostri giorni che hanno indotto le parti sociali, significativamente del settore industriale – a seguito della crisi del sistema del 1993, che ha avuto il proprio epicentro nella vertenza Fiat del 2009-2011, della successiva e connessa sentenza manipolativa della Corte Costituzionale del 2013 in riferimento, ancora una volta, all'art. 19 St. lav., e all'introduzione da parte del legislatore del discusso art. 8 del d.l. 138/2011 – a ritenere maturi i tempi per una nuova regolamentazione pattizia del sistema. Al riguardo, vengono analizzati nel dettaglio i tre accordi interconfederali del 28 giugno 2011, 31 maggio 2013 e 10 gennaio 2014, l'ulteriore e recentissima intesa del 28 febbraio-9 marzo 2018 e il dibattito, in una prospettiva de iure condendo, sull'opportunità di introduzione di una legge sindacale, capace, eventualmente, di dare completa attuazione all'art. 39 Cost. Il terzo capitolo, infine, si pone in parallelo con i primi due, dal punto di vista dell'ordinamento francese. Pertanto viene inizialmente presa in considerazione l'evoluzione normativa di tale contesto giuridico, a partire dalla loi del 1919 sulla contrattazione collettiva di diritto comune e dalla leggi del 1936 e 1950 sull'estensione erga omnes in via amministrativa dei contratti collettivi sottoscritti dalle organizzazioni sindacali rappresentative, fino al nuovo modello di "cittadinanza nell'impresa" proposto dalla leggi Auroux del 1982 e alla frammentazione del sistema tra gli anni Ottanta e Duemila, punteggiata di provvedimenti privi di carattere sistematico e, in alcuni casi, contraddittori. Ci si sofferma, infine, sulle riforme che, in tempi recenti, hanno svolto il ruolo di pietre angolari nella ridefinizione degli assetti dell'ordinamento francese: l'introduzione di criteri obiettivi per la selezione dei sindacati rappresentativi nel 2008, l'estensione di tale modello alle organizzazioni datoriali nel triennio 2014-2016 e, sul versante dell'assetto contrattuale, le discusse riforme introdotte con la loi Travail dell'8 agosto 2016 e dalle ordonnances promosse dal neo-presidente Macron nell'autunno del 2017, nella direzione di una forte valorizzazione del secondo livello negoziale, a discapito delle conventions de branche. Il punto d'arrivo del percorso tracciato supra porterà a cercare di dare una risposta, da un lato, all'interrogativo inerente all'opportunità di intervenire, nell'ordinamento italiano, con una legge sindacale, per fornire certezza, chiarezza e stabilità al sistema contrattuale e, in seconda istanza, anche sulla base della riflessione comparata, ad una valutazione su quali potrebbero essere gli istituti più efficienti da adottare, nei termini anzidetti, per assicurare un'estensione generalizzata della contrattazione collettiva, idonea a permettere un armonico sviluppo anche degli accordi di secondo livello. ; In the Italian legal framework, the question concerning the regulation of procedures and contents of collective bargaining represents one of the major labour law issues, which has not found a satisfying solution yet. The abovementioned topic is, in addition, strictly connected to the selection of criteria aimed to determine the actors of the bargaining process. The purpose of the present dissertation is then to examine, first of all, the historical development of the debate on the aforementioned issues in the Italian context, to focus attention, afterwards, on the most recent instances to enact a clearer regulation of the bargaining process, in reason of the crisis of trade unions' cohesion and of the fragmentation of production originated by globalisation. Finally, the last part of the dissertation will be centred on a comparative analysis with the French regulative context that, in opposition to the Italian one, disciplined by law prerequisites and procedures to accede to collective bargaining process already at the beginning of XX Century. In particular, the first chapter starts from the matter of contention at the base of the whole national discussion referred to the regulative process of arrangements executed between employers' and workers' organizations: the incapability of the Italian legislator to enact a law concerning the collective bargaining proceeding respecting, in the meantime, the criteria set forth by Article 39 of the Constitution, that has been at the base of the consequential declaration of illegitimacy of all the legislative attempts to generalize the efficacy of the considered agreements, circumventing the provision of the Fundamental Chart. The analysis continues focusing on the evolution of collective agreements regulated by civil law in the national legal framework: highly centred during the Fifties, then organized on two ordered levels in the brief period of "contrattazione articolata" – introduced initially in public industries with the Protocol Intersind-Asap of 1962 and soon extended to the private field – until the total independence between company and sectorial bargaining level in the years between the end of the Sixties and the beginning of the Seventies, and to the particular characteristics assumed by the said agreements during the oil crisis and in the following years, when the practice of the three-side covenants executed between main trade unions, employers' organizations and the government, with different outcomes, perdured until the middle of 2000's. In this context, particular attention is devoted to the collective agreements executed at national level in July-December 1993 that, during the following twenty years, have been considered the fulcrum of the two-level collective bargaining system, and which attempted, in the meantime, with the introduction of Trade unions' Unitary Representative bodies (in Italian, Rappresentanze Sindacali Unitarie, RSU) to contrast the deep crisis of representativeness of workers' organizations, whose gravitas has been highlighted, several months after, by the national referendum held in 1995 on Article 19 of law no. 300 of 1970. The last section of the first chapter founds an ideal continuation in the second one. In this field, the main topic become the most recent issues concerning the Italian bargaining system, and significantly the one which moved social actors of the industrial sector – on the base of the crisis of the system of 1993, showed by the Fiat dispute of 2009-2011, followed by the connected judgment of Constitutional Court that in 2013 modified another time the interpretation of Article 19 of law no. 300 of 1970, expanding the criteria to admit workers' organization to benefits provided by the law, and by the enactment of Article 8 of law-decree no. 138 of 2011 – to affirm that is come the time to set new rules to try to govern the bargaining system. On this point, the dissertation focuses attention on the three national collective agreements held on 28 June 2011, 31 May 2013 and 10 January 2014 and on the further arrangement of 28 February-9 March 2018 and on the respective debate centred, in a perspective of reform, on the opportunity to introduce a bill able to completely fulfil the requirements of Article 39 of the Italian Constitution. The third chapter, finally, follows the scheme of the precedent ones, from the point of view of the French legal framework. Therefore, firstly is described the evolution of the said juridical context, from the loi of 1919 concerning collective agreements regulated by civil law and the regulations of 1936 and of 1950 on the extension erga omnes, through an administrative decree, of collective agreements signed by representative trade unions, until the new model of "citizenship in the company" promoted by the laws Auroux enacted in 1982 and to the fragmentation of the labour law system occurred between the 80s and 2000s, characterised by measures without a systematic approach and, sometimes, in contrast between each other. The attention is focused, then, on the reforms that, recently, heavily redefined the structure of the French labour law framework consisting in the introduction, in 2008, of objective criteria to select representative trade unions, in the extension of this model to employers' organizations in 2014-2016 and, with reference to the bargaining structure, in the disputed reform responding to the name of loi Travail, held in 2016, and in the ordonnances promoted by the new President Macron in the late 2017, towards the direction of a relevant and decisive expansion of company collective agreement, to the detriment of sectoral level. The arrival point of the path traced above regards the attempt to reply to the issue concerning the opportunity to provide or not, in the Italian context, for a law regulating collective bargaining and the related obligations and rights of social actors, to clarify and stabilize the arrangement system. Secondly, also on the base of the comparison with the French frame of reference, the dissertation is closed by a reflection on the possible legal institutes to be introduced in the Italian juridical framework, in order to assure a general extension of collective bargaining, in the light to allow an harmonious development also of the company level.

Professor David Dabydeen is a Guyanese-born writer, critic and academic at the Centre of Caribbean Studies at the University of Warwick. In 1993 he became Guyana's ambassador at UNESCO and is still a member of their Executive Board. He has been Guyana's ambassador to China since 2010. Professor Dabydeen has also won several international and national prizes such as the Commonwealth Poetry Prize, the Quiller-Couch Prize, and the Hind Rattan (Jewel of India). Among his works are Slave Song (1984), The Intended (1991), Disappearance (1993); and Our Lady of Demerara (2004). He also co-edited The Oxford Companion to Black British History in 2007. RB[1]: You are both a writer and a university professor of comparative literature. Do you know yourself first as a writer or a university professor?DD[2]: First as a writer. When I was a boy that is basically all I wanted to be. As a teenager I wrote the usual self-pitying stuff and, at 16 or 17, I attempted a novel in verse, inspired by some story in the Bible, I forgotten which; but gave up after a couple of pages. Why want to be a writer? I don't know. In my youth in Guyana I never encountered a writer. I think it must have been youthful aspiration to emulate the writers of Nancy Drew and Hardy Boys novels, which were standard childhood fare in Guyana. Also, since I come from a large family, it must have been the regular escape to the New Amsterdam public library to be alone, and whilst there( the place was usually empty), discovering books in the Ladybird series on great scientists, great politicians etc. I distinctly remember reading about Benjamin Franklin, Madame Curie, Alexander the Great, and others, at the age of nine or ten. There were also the odd books on Greek myths, lavishly illustrated for children. The story of Andromeda chained and naked and threatened by a monster, before being saved by Perseus, awakened unfamiliar boyish erotic feelings… perhaps not 'unfamiliar '( I was 8 or 9 ) but certainly the first time a book had aroused such feelings. When I was about 11 or 12 I came across V.S. Naipaul's MIGUEL STREET and was awed by how it made our lives in Guyana so familiar. It was set in Trinidad but the characters lived down my street. A great contrast to the Andromeda story which was exotic and erotic as opposed to the familiar lives of ordinary folk described by Naipaul.Being an academic has also been important to my writing. Firstly, you get a lot of time to read and discuss books with very bright students. Teaching in seminar groups has been amazingly exciting at times, and that intellectual excitement, sensuous in intensity, inspires the act of writing. I used to teach MA courses on Black British Literature and on Literature and Slavery. Certainly, Olaudah Equiano's autobiography in 1789, which I read multiple times for teaching purposes, left an impact on my writing, which is dotted with 'Equiano' figures ( people who moved from deprivation to the craft of writing, through cunning and an inclination for mischief mostly). Secondly, as an academic, you are exposed to theory, which can fertilised your writing and give it a 'metaphysical' content. Overexposure leads to didacticism, which I am sure my writing suffers from. As Derek Walcott says, you shouldn't "put Descartes before the horse." Most importantly, being an academic pays the bills, so whilst hunger has provoked a lot of writers, I preferred to have a house rather than a hovel. Growing up in Guyana was to exist in relative lack of material things. Many years ago I met Maya Angelou, she had kindly invited me to her house, and she had cooked a lovely Southern meal. She said: "I drive a Cadillac. I don't do bicycles, which were my youth. And I eat meat, because all I had as a child was garden vegetables'. I appreciated her extravagance, though deep down she was a kindly person, and generous. RB: You are also a politician. In 2010 you were appointed as Guyana's Ambassador in China. How have you proved yourself as a politician?DD: I don't belong to any political party in Guyana, but I enjoyed a close friendship with Cheddi and Janet Jagan. Cheddi had been cheated out of office as a result of the CIA and the British Government, in the 1960s, because he was a committed man of the left. In 1984, when I was appointed to Warwick University, I invited Cheddi to lecture there. He had no money, so the University and a travel agent friend, Vino Patel, were persuaded to provide his economy ticket and accommodation whilst at Warwick. We treated him as the true President of Guyana. All the national elections had been fiddled, and he was kept out of office for decades. Warwick offered him a platform, when other places thought of him as a 'has been'. He visited about five times, then in 1992, the Berlin Wall having fallen and the Cold war ended, the Americans allowed us to have free and fair elections, supervised by President Carter and Cheddi Jagan won and became President of Guyana. I was his regular houseguest from 1992 until 1997 when he died. He taught me more about how colonialism behaved than any textbook. He had lived through the colonial period and was jailed by the British in 1953. All his life was dedicated to the betterment of the poor: he was fiercely concerned with reducing and eliminating poverty. In return for his great hospitality, all I could do was to edit and publish some of his political speeches. He also asked me to be his Ambassador at Large and to sit on the UNESCO Executive Board representing Guyana. He had no money, since he inherited a bankrupt country in 1992, so it was an amazing honour to serve him pro bono. One day I will write something more extensive about him… one of the stories he told me was about Fidel Castro. The two of them were friends and political comrades in the late 50s and early 60s. It was Cuba who supplied us with food in the early 1960s when the CIA formented strikes and shortages in Guyana. Castro, however, needed allies in the region, against American embargo, so when Cheddi was manoeuvred out of Office, Castro started to court the friendship of our new autocratic Prime Minister, Forbes Burnham, and more or less dropped his relationship with Cheddi. I learn from this that politics trumps decency; that politicians by and large are opportunists. Learning this first hand from a great and ethical politician like Cheddi Jagan was more powerful than learning this from textbooks.As to Janet Jagan, his wife, who, when he died, was elected President in our national elections, with an enhanced vote, she was an astonishingly generous host. My role was to edit and publish her short stories for children. She was a bit lonely in Guyana, in terms of only a few people to share her passion for the arts, so whenever I showed up, a bottle of wine was uncorked, or better still, a bottle of Bailey's Irish Cream( we had a local equivalent). She too had been jailed by the British in 1953, so, again, I learnt from her intimate details of Guyana's struggle for independence, and the callousness of politicians ( Forbes Burnham had attempted to murder her in the 1964 but his bomb went off in the wrong place in the Party's Headquarters, killing a young activist instead, Michel Forde. Janet suffered from minor injuries.)As to Walter Rodney, Guyana's internationally renowned historian, assassinated by Forbes Burnham and the State apparatus in 1980( the International Commission of Enquiry into his death was issued to Guyana's Parliament last month), it was an enlightened decision on the part of the University of Warwick to set up an annual Memorial Lecture . The Walter Rodney lecture has been given, since 1985, by some of our leading Caribbean scholars, like Hilary Beckles, Carolyn Cooper, Harold Goulbourne, Michael Gilkes, Clem Seecharan, Ken Ramchand, Verene Shepherd and others.I don't think I have proved myself as a politician in any concrete way. My only possible 'political' act was, in 2012-2013 lobbying the Government of Guyana vigorously and regularly to set up an International Commission of Enquiry into the death of Walter Rodney. I took full advantage of my friendship with the then President, Donald Ramotar, who was readily sympathetic to Pat Rodney's written request for such an Inquiry( Walter's widow). As a member of the Walter Rodney Foundation's Advisory Group, I liaised with Pat Rodney and in 2013 the Government of Guyana agreed to set up the Commission. I don't think this was a 'political' act on my part, merely the obligation I felt to Walter Rodney, a fellow academic whose books were monumental. RB: How do you define politics?DD: In a small underdeveloped or developing country, politics normally is about the acquisition of power over state resources for the benefit of family and friends. Idealism goes out of the window as soon as the politician assumes Office; the struggle then is for survival and continuation of Office, so very little good gets done, political energy being spent on maintaining and expanding the arena of privilege. Exceptions are rare, people like CheddiJagan, Nelson Mandela…Cheddi was famous for his frugal lifestyle. He died intestate, owning no property. He never stole from the national treasury, rare for a politician from the developing world. Had Rodney lived, he would have been a leader of exemplary ethics. I should add my admiration for a previous, undemocratically elected President of Guyana, Desmond Hoyte, who, long before the Rio Summit and long before 'Climate Change' was topical, bequeathed a million acres of Guyana's rainforest to the Commonwealth, for the study of sustainable development (the Iwokrama Project). This was in 1989. It was an act of rare vision by a Caribbean politician. So, politicians like Hoyte might have been elected by crookery, but can prove to be significant and visionary leaders. I enjoyed cordial relations with him, when he was President (1985-1992) as well as when he was Leader of the Opposition, again based on books. We talked a lot about Egbert Martin, the first Guyanese poet and short story writer (19th century), and about the Guyana Prize for Literature which he had instituted in 1987, in the hope of bolstering the literary and intellectual life of Guyana and its Diaspora. He had a wonderful library, and he cared deeply for literary achievement. We talked little about party politics, except about the sharing of political power and the Mandela Rainbow ideal. Towards the end of his life he was all for power sharing, though he had enough integrity to worry about where oppositional ideas would come from if we were all in alliance. RB: Do your political affairs affect your creative writing?DD: There is no direct link, though I have written about the dereliction of Guyana under the autocratic rule of Forbes Burnham. My new novel-in-progress, set partly in China, is provoked by the unimaginable cruelty imposed on the people by the Emperors and their warlords. So, politics breeds in me a despair which can stimulate writing. One of the great disappointments, living in Britain, was Tony Blair's loss of idealism ( he seemed abundantly idealistic , which is why people voted him into Office in 1992) and the lies he told about Iraq's military capacity to justify a hideous and bloody invasion of Iraq. On the other hand, in Britain, there were politicians like Jo Cox, who was visionary and full of promise( she was murdered recently), and who made all of us feel hopeful and glad to be alive. If only we had a handful of such politicians in Guyana! I am privileged to enjoy a long-standing friendship with Clare Short, the former Labour politician whose heart is as big as Mount Kilimanjaro.RB: You have often depicted Guyanese characters and settings in your fiction such as Disappearance (1993), The Counting House (1996), and Our Lady of Demerara (2004). Does it mean that you still live in your past? and that you know yourself devoted to your homeland?DD: I do live in the past, in that my childhood in Guyana left indelible memories of family and friends and village landscape. Especially the creole language we spoke at home, and the creative tension with the 'proper' English we spoke at school. The slippages between the two are fascinating, with potential for comedy and pathos. The vigour of creole is always with me.Leaving Guyana as a boy was exciting (the prospect of adventure) but then proved to be lonely and hurtful, since I was never settled in England. On the one hand, England was a world of books but at the same time a world of grunting and guttural 'skinheads' daubing racist slogans on walls and threatening to assault immigrants. London has changed profoundly since the 60's and 70's, it is now a diverse space, enriched by waves of immigrants from the Commonwealth and from Europe. There is still a strong undercurrent of racial hostility, but more in the north of England, hence the recent vote to leave the European Community. Many in the north of England have not got accustomed to the loss of Empire and the new order of the free movement of goods and people. This hostility is at the ideological level, and contradictory, because on a day to day level, people are, by and large, decent to each other, irrespective of ethnicity. London is different; it is run by people of immigrant backgrounds: nurses, doctors, builders, hotel and retail staff, care workers. I am astonished at how much has changed, and I am excited to be living in London. The creative energy of the city is palpable, and the diversity of people is inspiring. I no longer feel culturally or physically threatened, as in the 1960's and 1970's. In other words, I feel London is home, but so is Guyana. I return to Guyana at least once a year, to renew my sense of the past, to be refreshed by creole language and creole ways, and to be awed and terrified by the rainforest. I also keep writing about Guyana partly out of a sense of obligation to the place. We only have a handful of writers, so I feel it is important to write about the place. Guyana came into modern being, in a sense, through literature: I am thinking specifically of Walter Raleigh's DISCOVERIE OF GUIANA (1596), the first text about us. RB: Why do you often depict historical tensions and challenge traditional cultural representations of the slave in your novels?DD: Guyanese history, in relation to contact with Europe, is stark: the decimation of indigenous people, the enslavement of Africans, the system of Indian indentureship. It is stark in terms of the immensity of suffering, and the sheer injustices of colonial rule. Yet, we became acquainted with Samuel Johnson's DICTIONARY and the magical properties of the English language; with the lyricism and storytelling of the Bible, of Shakespeare, of Victorian poetry. These new texts supplemented the ones we brought from Africa and India ( the KORAN, the RAMAYANA) . Ancient and living Carib, Arawak and other Amerindian stories fertilised the situation. We rewrote and reimagined our inheritance, hence Walcott, Naipaul, Jean Rhys, Pauline Melville, Grace Nichols, John Agard, and a host of others. I write about the injustice (historical, but also self-inflicted in our postcolonial condition) but more about the urge to creativity and expression that emerged from being on the margins; the fierce resolve to become educated, literate, creative, venturing beyond boundaries. Our postcolonial politicians may have failed us repeatedly, but I am forever astonished at how resilient Guyanese are. When I visit parts of India, parts of China, the nature of poverty there is brutal and overwhelming. We don't have that level of deprivation, because we have created the means of survival and the prospect of abundance, whether on the plate or on the page. RB: Do you believe that there is any nation on earth that enjoys true freedom and independence?DD: I don't know what true freedom or independence mean, we are all constrained and liberated and catapulted into creativity by being with each other. However, I recall what Walcott said about slavery: that the enslaved African being herded to the cane fields would have seen something sensationally beautiful along the way, given how lush Caribbean landscapes are. A hummingbird or kiskadee or blue-saki or brightly coloured viper…Walcott said that such encounters with beauty were moments of freedom which could only be partially understood, partially described, because they also contained the seeds of tragedy and terror. If you venture into Guyana's rainforest, you will experience the sublime which contain elemental terror and a tragic sense of how life is constantly being destroyed and remade and destroyed by tooth and claw.[1] Ruzbeh Babaee[2] David Dabydeen

Loet Leydesdorff on the Triple Helix: How Synergies in University-Industry-Government Relations can Shape Innovation Systems





This is the sixth and last in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich 







The relationship between technological innovation
processes and the nation state remains a challenge for the discipline of
International Relations. Non-linear and multi-directional
characteristics of knowledge production, and the diffusive nature of knowledge
itself, limit the general ability of governments to influence and steer
innovation processes. Loet Leydesdorff advances the framework of the "Triple
Helix" that disaggregates national innovation systems into
evolving university-industry-government eco-systems. In this Talk, amongst others, he shows that these eco-systems can be
expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales, and emphasizes that, though
politics are always involved, synergies develop unintentionally.




Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is the most relevant aspect
of the dynamics of innovation for the discipline of International Relations?



The
main challenge is to endogenize the notions of technological progress and
technological development into theorizing about political economies and nation states.
The endogenization of technological innovation and technological development
was first placed on the research agenda of economics by evolutionary economists
like Nelson and Winter in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In this context, the
question was how to endogenize the dynamics of knowledge, organized knowledge,
science and technology into economic theorizing. However, one can equally well
formulate the problem of how to reflect on the global (sub)dynamics of
organized knowledge production in political theory and International Relations.



From
a longer-term perspective, one can consider that the nation states – the
national or political economies in Europe – were shaped in the 19th
century, somewhat later for Germany (after 1871), but for most countries it was
during the first half of the 19th century. This was after the French
and American Revolutions and in relation to industrialization. These nation
states were able to develop an institutional framework for organizing the
market as a wealth-generating mechanism, while the institutional framework
permitted them to retain wealth, to regulate market forces, and also to steer
them to a certain extent. However, the market is not only a local dynamics; it
is also a global phenomenon.



Nowadays,
another global dynamics is involved: science and technology add a dynamics different
from that of the market. The market is an equilibrium-seeking mechanism at each
moment of time. The evolutionary dynamics of science and technology nowadays
adds a non-equilibrium-seeking dynamics over time on top of that, and this puts
the nation state in a very different position. Combining an equilibrium-seeking
dynamics at each moment of time with a non-equilibrium seeking one over time
results in a complex adaptive dynamics, or an eco-dynamics, or however you want
to call it – these are different words for approximately the same thing.



For
the nation state, the question arises of how it relates to the global market
dynamics on the one side, and the global dynamics of knowledge and innovation on
the other. Thus, the nation state has to combine two tasks. I illustrated this
model of three subdynamics with a figure in my 2006 book entitled The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled,
measured, simulated (see image). The figure shows that first-order interactions
generate a knowledge-based economy as a next-order or global regime on top of
the localized trajectories of nation states and innovative firms. These complex
dynamics have first to be specified and then to be analyzed empirically.



For
example, the knowledge-based dynamics change the relation between government
and the economy; and they consequently change the position of the state in
relation to wealth-retaining mechanisms. How can the nation state be organized
in such a way as to retain wealth from knowledge locally, while knowledge (like
capital) tends to travel beyond boundaries? One can envisage the complex system
dynamics as a kind of cloud – a cloud
that touches the ground at certain places, as Harald Bathelt, for example,
formulated.



How
can national governments shape conditions for the cloud to touch and to remain
on the ground? The Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations can
be considered as an eco-system of bi- and tri-lateral relations. The three
institutions and their interrelations can be expected to form a system carrying
the three functions of (i) novelty production, (ii) wealth generation, and
(iii) normative control. One tends to think of university-industry-government
relations first as neo-corporatist arrangements between these institutional
partners. However, I am interested in the ecosystem shaped through the tri- and
bilateral relationships.



This
ecosystem can be shaped at different levels. It can be a regional ecosystem or
a national ecosystem, for instance. One can ask whether there is a surplus of synergy
between the three (sub-)dynamics of university-industry-government relations
and where that synergy can generate wealth, knowledge, and control; in which
places, and along trajectories for which periods of time – that is, the same
synergy as meant by "a cloud touching the ground".



For
example, when studying Piedmont as a region in Northern Italy, it is
questionable whether the synergy in university-industry-government relations is
optimal at this regional level or should better be examined from a larger perspective
that includes Lombardy. On the one
hand, the administrative borders of nations and regions result from the
construction of political economies in the 19th century; but on the
other hand, the niches of synergy that can be expected in a knowledge-based
economy are bordered also; for example, in terms of metropolitan regions (e.g.,
Milan–Turin–Genoa).



Since
political dynamics are always involved, this has implications for International
Relations as a field of study. But the dynamic analysis is different from
comparative statics (that is, measurement at different moments of time). The
knowledge dynamics can travel and be "footloose" to use the words of Raymond
Vernon, although it leaves footprints behind. Grasping "wealth from knowledge"
(locally or regionally) requires taking a systems perspective. However, the
system is not "given"; the system remains under reconstruction and can thus be
articulated only as a theoretically informed hypothesis.



In
the social sciences, one can use the concept of a hypothesized system
heuristically. For example, when
analyzing the knowledge-based economy in Germany, one can ask whether more synergy
can be explained when looking at the level of the whole country (e.g., in terms
of the East-West or North-South divide) or at the level of Germany's Federal
States? What is the surplus of the nation or at the European level? How can one
provide political decision-making with the required variety to operate as a
control mechanism on the complex dynamics of these eco-systems?



A
complex system can be expected to generate niches with synergy at all scales,
but as unintended consequences. To what extent and for which time span can
these effects be anticipated and then perhaps be facilitated? At this point,
Luhmann's theory comes in because he has this notion of different codifications
of communication, which then, at a next-order level, begin to self-organize
when symbolically generalized.



Codes
are constructed bottom-up, but what is constructed bottom-up may thereafter
begin to control top-down. Thus, one should articulate reflexively the
selection mechanisms that are constructed from the bottom-up variation by
specifying the why as an hypothesis.
What are the selection mechanisms? Observable relations (such as
university-industry relations) are not neutral, but mean different things for
the economy and for the state; and this meaning of the observable relations can
be evaluated in terms of the codes of communication.



Against
Niklas Luhmann's model, I would argue that codes of communication can be
translated into one another since interhuman communications are not
operationally closed, as in the biological model of autopoiesis. One also needs a social-scientific perspective on the
fluidities ("overflows") and translations among functions, as emphasized, for
example, by French scholars such as Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes between market and non-market
selection environments, but not among selection environments that are
differently codified. Here, Luhmann's theory offers us a heuristic: The complex
system of communications tends to differentiate in terms of the symbolic
generalizations of codes of communication because this differentiation is
functional in allowing the system to process more complexity and thus to be
more innovative. The more orthogonal the codes, the more options for
translations among them. The synergy indicator measures these options as
redundancy. The selection environments, however, have to be specified historically
because these redundancies—other possibilities—are not given but rather constructed
over long periods of time.





How did you arrive where
you currently work on?


I
became interested in the relations between science, technology, and society as
an undergraduate (in biochemistry) which coincided with the time of the student
movement of the late 1960s. We began to study Jürgen Habermas in the framework
of the "critical university," and I decided to continue with a second degree in
philosophy. After the discussions between Luhmann and Habermas (1971), I
recognized the advantages of Luhmann's more empirically oriented systems approach
and I pursued my Ph.D. in the sociology of organization and labour.



In
the meantime, we got the opportunity to organize an interfaculty department for
Science and Technology Dynamics at the University of Amsterdam after a
competition for a large government grant. In the context of this department, I
became interested in methodology: how can one compare across case studies and
make inferences? Actually, my 1995 book The
Challenge of Scientometrics
had a kind of Triple-Helix model on the cover: How do cognitions, texts, and
authors exhibit different dynamics that influence one another?



For
example, when an author publishes a paper in a scholarly journal, this may add
to his reputation as an author, but the knowledge claimed in the text enters a
process of validation which can be much more global and anonymous. These
processes are mediated since they are based on communication. Thus, one can add
to the context of discovery (of authors) and the context of justification (of
knowledge contents) a context of mediation (in texts). The status of a journal,
for example, matters for the communication of the knowledge content in the article.
The contexts operate as selection environments upon one another.



In
evolutionary economics, one is used to distinguishing between market and
non-market selection environments, but not among more selection environments
that are differently codified. At this point, Luhmann's theory offers a new
perspective: The complex system of communications tends to differentiate in
terms of the symbolic generalization of codes of communication because this differentiation
among the codes of communication allows the system to process more complexity
and to be more innovative in terms of possible translations. The different
selection environments for communications, however, are not given but constructed
historically over long periods of time. The modern (standardized) format of the
citation, for example, was constructed at the end of the 19th
century, but it took until the 1950s before the idea of a citation index was
formulated (by Eugene Garfield). The use of citations in evaluative
bibliometrics is even more recent.



In
evolutionary economics, one distinguishes furthermore between (technological)
trajectories and regimes. Trajectories can result from "mutual shaping" between
two selection environments, for example, markets and technologies. Nations and
firms follow trajectories in a landscape. Regimes are global and require the
specification of three (or more) selection environments. When three (or more)
dynamics interact, symmetry can be broken and one can expect feed-forward and
feedback loops. Such a system can begin to flourish auto-catalytically when the
configuration is optimal.



From
such considerations, that is, a confluence of the neo-institutional program of
Henry Etzkowitz and my neo-evolutionary view, our Triple Helix model emerged in
1994: how do institutions and functions interrelate and change one another or,
in other words, provide options for innovation? Under what conditions
can university-industry-government relations lead to wealth generation and
organized knowledge production? The starting point was a workshop about Evolutionary Economics and Chaos Theory: New
directions for technology studies held in Amsterdam in 1993. Henry
suggested thereafter that we could collaborate further on university-industry
relations. I answered that I needed at least three (sub)dynamics from the
perspective of my research program, and then we agreed about "A Triple Helix of
University-Industry-Government Relations". Years later, however, we took our
two lines of research apart again, and in 2002 I began developing a
Triple-Helix indicator of synergy in a series of studies of national systems of
innovation.





What would you give as
advice to students who would like to get into the field of innovation and
global politics?



In
general, I would advise them to be both a specialist and broader than that.
Innovation involves crossing established borders. Learn at least two languages.
If your background is political science, then take a minor in science &
technology studies or in economics. One needs both the specialist profile and
the potential to reach out to other audiences by being aware of the need to
make translations between different frameworks. Learn to be reflexive about the
status of what one can say in one or the other framework.



For
example, I learned to avoid the formulation of grandiose statements such as
"modern economies are knowledge-based economies," and to say instead: "modern
economies can increasingly be considered as knowledge-based economies." The
latter formulation provides room for asking "to what extent," and thus one can
ask for further information, indicators, and results of the measurement.



In
the sociology of science, specialisms and paradigms are sometimes considered as
belief systems. It seems to me that by considering scholarly discourses as
systems of rationalized expectations one can make the distinction between
normative and cognitive learning. Normative learning (that is, in belief
systems) is slower than cognitive learning (in terms of theorized expectations)
because the cognitive mode provides us with more room for experimentation: One
can afford to make mistakes, since one's communication and knowledge claims
remain under discussion, and not one's status as a communicator. The cognitive
mode has advantages; it can be considered as the surplus that is further
developed during higher education. Normative learning is slower; it dominates
in the political sphere.





What
does the "Triple Helix" reveal about the fragmentation of "national innovation
systems"?



In
2003, colleagues from the Department of Economics and Management Studies at the
Erasmus University in Rotterdam offered me firm data from the Netherlands containing
these three dimensions: the economic, the geographical, and the technological dimensions
in data of more than a million Dutch firms. I presented the results at the
Schumpeter Society in Turin in 2004, and asked whether someone in the audience
had similar data for other countries. I expected Swedish or Israeli colleagues
to have this type of statistics, but someone from Germany stepped in, Michael
Fritsch, and so we did the analysis for Germany. These studies were first
published in Research Policy.
Thereafter, we did studies on Hungary, Norway, Sweden, and recently also China
and Russia.



Several
conclusions arise from these studies. Using entropy statistics, the data can be
decomposed along the three different dimensions. One can decompose national
systems geographically into regions, but one can also decompose them in terms
of the technologies involved (e.g., high-tech versus medium-tech). We were
mainly relying on national data. And of course, there are limitations to the
data collections. Actually, we now have international data, but this is
commercial data and therefore more difficult to use reliably than governmental
statistics.



For
the Netherlands, we obtained the picture that would more or less be expected:
Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Eindhoven are the most knowledge-intensive and
knowledge-based regions. This is not surprising, although there was one surprise:
We know that in terms of knowledge bases, Amsterdam is connected to Utrecht and
then the geography goes a bit to the east in the direction of Wageningen. What
we did not know was that the niche also spreads to the north in the direction
of Zwolle. The highways to Amsterdam Airport (Schiphol) are probably the most
important.



In
the case of Germany, when we first analyzed the data at the level of the
"Laender" (Federal States), we could see the East-West divide still prevailing,
but when we repeated the analysis at the lower level of the "Regierungsbezirke"
we no longer found the East-West divide as dominant (using 2004 data). So, the
environment of Dresden for example was more synergetic in Triple-Helix terms
than that of Saarbruecken. And this was nice to see considering my idea that
the knowledge-based economy increasingly prevails since the fall of the Berlin
Wall and the demise of the Soviet Union. The discussion about two different
models for organizing the political economy—communism or liberal democracy—had
become obsolete after 1990.



After
studying Germany, I worked with Balázs Lengyel on Hungarian data. Originally,
we could not find any regularity in the Hungarian data, but then the idea arose
to analyze the Hungarian data as three different innovation systems: one around
Budapest, which is a metropolitan innovation system; one in the west of the
country, which has been incorporated into Western Europe; and one in the east
of the country, which has remained the old innovation system that is state-led
and dependent on subsidies. For the western part, one could say that Hungary
has been "europeanized" by Austria and Germany; it has become part of a
European system.



When
Hungary came into the position to create a national
innovation system, free from Russia and the Comecon, it was too late, as
Europeanization had already stepped in and national boundaries were no longer
as dominant. Accordingly, and this was a very nice result, assessing this
synergy indicator on Hungary as a nation, we did not find additional synergy at
the national (that is, above-regional) level. While we clearly found synergy at
the national level for the Netherlands and also found it in Germany, but at the
level of the Federal States, we could not find synergy at a national level for
Hungary. Hungary has probably developed too late to develop a nationally
controlled system of innovations.



A
similar phenomenon appeared when we studied Norway: my Norwegian colleague
(Øivind Strand) did most of our analysis there. To our surprise, the
knowledge-based economy was not generated where the universities are located (Oslo
and Trondheim), but on the West Coast, where the off-shore, marine and maritime
industries are most dominant. FDI (foreign direct investment) in the marine and
maritime industries leads to knowledge-based synergy in the regions on the West
Shore of Norway. Norway is still a national system, but the Norwegian
universities like Trondheim or Oslo are not so much involved in entrepreneurial
networks. These are traditional universities, which tend to keep their hands
off the economy.



Actually,
when we had discussions about these two cases, Norway and Hungary, which both
show that internationalization had become a major factor, either in the form of
Europeanization in the Hungarian case, or in the form of foreign-driven
investments (off-shore industry and oil companies) in the Norwegian case, I
became uncertain and asked myself whether we did not believe too much in our
indicators? Therefore, I proposed to Øivind to study Sweden, given the availability
of well-organized data of this national system.



We
expected to find synergy concentrated in the three regional systems of
Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Malmö/Lund. Indeed, 48.5 percent of the Swedish
synergy is created in these three regions. This is more than one would expect
on the basis of the literature. Some colleagues were upset, because they had
already started trying to work on new developments of the Triple Helix, for
example, in Linköping. But the Swedish economy is organized and centralized in
this geographical dimension. Perhaps that is why one talks so much about
"regionalization" in policy documents. Sweden is very much a national
innovation system, with additional synergy between the regions.





Can governments alter
historical trajectories of national, regional or local innovation systems?



Let
me mention the empirical results for China in order to illustrate the
implications of empirical conclusions for policy options. We had no Chinese
data set, but we obtained access to the database Orbis of the Bureau van Dijk
(an international company, which is Wall Street oriented, assembling data about
companies) that contains industry indicators such as names, addresses,
NACE-codes, types of technology, the sizes of each enterprise, etc. However,
this data can be very incomplete. Using this incomplete data for China, we said
that we were just going to show how one could do the analysis  if one had full data. We guess that the
National Bureau of Statistics of China has complete data.
I did the analysis with Ping Zhou, Professor at Zhejiang University.



We
analyzed China first at the provincial level, and as expected, the East Coast
emerged as much more knowledge intense than the rest of the country. After
that, we also looked at the next-lower level of the 339 prefectures of China.
From this analysis, four of them popped up as far more synergetic than the
others. These four municipalities were: Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and
Chongqing.



These
four municipalities became clearly visible as an order of magnitude more
synergetic than other regions. The special characteristic about them is that –as
against the others – these four municipalities are administered by the central
government. Actually, it came out of my data and I did not understand it; but
my Chinese colleague said that this result was very nice and specified this
relationship.



The
Chinese case thus illustrates that government control can make a difference. It
shows – and that is not surprising, as China runs on a different model – that
the government is able to organize the four municipalities in such a way as to
increase synergy. Of course, I do not know what is happening on the ground. We
know that the Chinese system is more complex than these three dimensions
suggest. I guess the government agencies may wish to consider the option of
extending the success of this development model, to Guangdong for example or to
other parts of China. Isn't it worrisome that all the other and less controlled
districts have not been as successful in generating synergy?



Referring
more generally to innovation policies, I would advise as a heuristics that
political discourse is able to signal a problem, but policy questions do not
enable us to analyze the issues. Regional development, for example, is an issue
in Sweden because the system is very centralized, more than in Norway, for
example. But there is nothing in our data that supports the claim that the
Swedish government is successful in decentralizing the knowledge-based economy
beyond the three metropolitan regions. We may be able to reach conclusions like
these serving as policy advice. One develops policies on the basis of intuitive
assumptions which a researcher is sometimes able to test.



As
noted, one can expect a complex system continuously to produce unintended
consequences, and thus it needs monitoring. The dynamics of the system are
different from the sum of the sub-dynamics because of the interaction effects
and feedback loops. Metaphors such as a Triple Helix, Mode-2, or the Risk
Society can be stimulating for the discourse, but these metaphors tend to develop
their own dynamics of proliferating discourses.



The
Triple Helix, for example, can first be considered as a call for collaboration
in networks of institutions. However, in an ecosystem of bi-lateral and
tri-lateral relations, one has a trade-off between local integration
(collaboration) and global differentiation (competition). The markets and the
sciences develop at the global level, above the level of specific relations. A
principal agent such as government may be locked into a suboptimum. Institutional
reform that frees the other two dynamics (markets and sciences) requires
translation of political legitimation into other codes of communication. Translations
among codes of communication provide the innovation engine.





Is there a connection
between infrastructures and the success of innovation processes?



One
of the conclusions, which pervades throughout all advanced economies, is that
knowledge intensive services (KIS) are
not synergetic locally because they can be disconnected – uncoupled – from the
location. For example, if one offers a knowledge-intensive service in Munich
and receives a phone call from Hamburg, the next step is to take a plane to
Hamburg, or to catch a train inside Germany perhaps. Thus, it does not matter
whether one is located in Munich or Hamburg as knowledge-intensive services
uncouple from the local economy. The main point is proximity to an airport or
train station.



This
is also the case for high-tech knowledge-based manufacturing. But it is
different for medium-tech manufacturing, because in this case the dynamics are
more embedded in the other parts of the economy. If one looks at Russia, the
knowledge-intensive services operate differently from the Western European
model, where the phenomenon of uncoupling takes place. In Russia, KIS
contribute to coupling, as knowledge-intensive services are related to state
apparatuses.



In
the Russian case, the knowledge-based economy is heavily concentrated in Moscow
and St. Petersburg. So, if one aims –as the Russian government proclaims – to create
not "wealth from knowledge" but "knowledge from wealth" – that is, oil revenues
–it might be wise to uncouple the knowledge-intensive services from the state
apparatuses. Of course, this is not easy to do in the Russian model because
traditionally, the center (Moscow) has never done this. Uncoupling
knowledge-intensive services, however, might give them a degree of freedom to
move around, from Tomsk to Minsk or vice
versa, steered by economic forces more than they currently are (via institutions
in Moscow).





Final question. What does path-dependency mean in the context of
innovation dynamics?



In
The Challenge of Scientometrics. The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications (1995), I used Shannon-type information theory to study
scientometric problems, as this methodology combines both static and dynamic
analyses. Connected to this theory I developed a measurement method for
path-dependency and critical transitions.



In
the case of a radio transmission, for example, you have a sender and a
receiver, and in between you may have an auxiliary station. For instance, the
sender is in New York and the receiver is in Bonn and the auxiliary station is
in Iceland. The signal emerges in New York and travels to Bonn, but it may be possible
to improve the reception by assuming the signal is from Iceland instead of
listening to New York. When Iceland provides a better signal, it is possible to
forget the history of the signal before it arrived in Island. It no longer
matters whether Iceland obtained the signal originally from New York or Boston.
One takes the signal from Iceland and the pre-history of the signal does not
matter anymore for a receiver.



Such
a configuration provides a path-dependency (on Iceland) in
information-theoretical terms, measurable in terms of bits of information. In a
certain sense you get negative bits of information, since the shortest path in
the normal triangle would be from New York to Bonn, and in this case the
shortest path is from New York via Iceland to Bonn. I called this at the time a
critical transition. In a scientific text for instance, a new terminology can
come up and if it overwrites the old terminology to the extent that one does
not have to listen to the old terminology anymore, one has a critical
transition that frees one from the path-dependencies at a previous moment of
time.



Thus,
my example is about radical and knowledge-based changes. As long as one has to
listen to the past, one does not make a critical transition. The knowledge-based
approach is always about creative destruction and about moving ahead,
incorporating possible new options in the future. The hypothesized future
states become more important than the past. The challenge, in my opinion, is to
make the notion of options operational and to bring these ideas into
measurement. The Triple-Helix indicator measures the number of possible options
as additional redundancy. This measurement has the additional advantage that one
becomes sensitive to uncertainty in the prediction.





Loet Leydesdorff is Professor Emeritus at the Amsterdam School of Communications Research (ASCoR) of the University of Amsterdam. He is Honorary Professor of the Science and Technology Policy Research Unit (SPRU) of the University of Sussex, Visiting Professor at the School of Management, Birkbeck, University of London, Visiting Professor of the Institute of Scientific and Technical Information of China (ISTIC) in Beijing, and Guest Professor at Zhejiang University in Hangzhou. He has published extensively in systems theory, social network analysis, scientometrics, and the sociology of innovation (see at http://www.leydesdorff.net/list.htm). With Henry Etzkowitz, he initiated a series of workshops, conferences, and special issues about the Triple Helix of University-Industry-Government Relations. He received the Derek de Solla Price Award for Scientometrics and Informetrics in 2003 and held "The City of Lausanne" Honor Chair at the School of Economics, Université de Lausanne, in 2005. In 2007, he was Vice-President of the 8th International Conference on Computing Anticipatory Systems (CASYS'07, Liège). In 2014, he was listed as a highly-cited author by Thomson Reuters. 





Literature and Related
links:



Science & Technology Dynamics,
University of Amsterdam / Amsterdam School of Communications
Research (ASCoR) 


Leydesdorff,
L. (2006). The Knowledge-Based Economy: Modeled, Measured, Simulated. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff, L. (2001). A Sociological Theory of Communication: The Self-Organization of the
Knowledge-Based Society. Universal Publishers, Boca Raton, FL.


Leydesdorff,
L. (1995). The Challenge of Scientometrics . The development, measurement, and
self-organization of scientific communications. Leiden, DSWO Press, Leiden University.


http://www.leydesdorff.net/





Print version of this Talk (pdf)



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Un viejo proverbio chino señala que "la puerta mejor cerrada es aquella que puede dejarse abierta". Efectivamente la transformación de China durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX grafica este dicho. De manera impensada para muchos, luego de casi tres décadas de férreo control estatal sobre la economía bajo el liderazgo de Mao Zedong, la dirigencia china que lo sucedió en el poder decidió hacia fines de los setenta "abrir una puerta bien cerrada" y emprender un ambicioso proceso de modernización, liberalización y apertura económica. De la mano de Zhou Enlai primero y Deng Xiaoping después, el Estado chino se embarcó en la tarea de modernizar dentro del país su sector agrícola, su estructura productiva, la ciencia y tecnología y la defensa nacional. El interés central detrás de esta transformación radicaba en acortar la brecha de desarrollo existente con los países más avanzados, situación que se reflejaba en el éxito económico de "vecinos" como Japón, Corea del Sur, Taiwán y Hong Kong. Para Deng, China sólo podría convertirse en una gran potencia a través de una política sistemática de modernización, con énfasis en el desarrollo económico y manteniendo la estructura de control político del Partido Comunista (Wilhelmy y Soto, 2005: 52). El desafío a superar consistía en dejar atrás una empobrecida, cerrada y estancada economía planificada y avanzar en la configuración de una economía competitiva. En la opinión del periodista Li Datong (2009), la política de reformas contó a grandes rasgos con dos etapas bien claras. En la primera, que se extendió de 1978 a 1989, el ímpetu de cambio fue puesto en la reducción de la pobreza rural y urbana. En la segunda, iniciada en 1992 con el famoso viaje de Deng al sur del país y culminada en el 2001 con el ingreso de China a la Organización Mundial de Comercio, el gobierno en estrecha alianza con sectores empresariales concentró esfuerzos en impulsar el crecimiento económico.Las principales medidas adoptadas consistieron en: la descolectivización de la agricultura y la autorización del uso privado de las tierras comunales (household responsibility system); el levantamiento de la prohibición para realizar actividades empresariales de índole privada; la apertura por primera vez desde la Revolución de 1948 al ingreso de capitales extranjeros; la creación de zonas económicas especiales y de apertura (existen actualmente una veintena, entre ciudades, provincias y áreas costeras); la privatización de numerosas empresas (a excepción de algunos grandes monopolios vinculados a energía y al sistema bancario); la descentralización del control estatal nacional hacia los gobiernos provinciales; la reducción general de aranceles y barreras comerciales; y el reconocimiento legal en 2005 de la propiedad privada.Estas reformas hicieron posible el denominado "milagro chino", la gran performance económica desatada a partir de 1978. Entre aquel año y el 2006 China mantuvo un promedio anual de crecimiento del 9,7%, tendencia que sólo se interrumpió tras los incidentes de la Plaza de Tiananmen en 1989 y que apenas se redujo en 1997 y 1998 durante la dura crisis asiática (Zhao, 2006: 3). Asimismo, mientras en los objetivos iniciales se esperaba cuadruplicar el PIB para comienzos del siglo XX, el desempeño real arrojó un impresionante crecimiento de trece veces del PIB de 1978 hacia el año 2006. En materia comercial, su comercio exterior se ha quintuplicado en los últimos diez años, mientras que su participación en el comercio mundial en ese mismo período se ha más que duplicado, llegando en 2007 al 9% de las exportaciones y al 6,8% de las importaciones globales. Además, China incrementó su penetración en los mercados de las economías desarrolladas y simultánea­mente se transformó en un importante destino de exportación, especialmente para las economías de la región asiática, convirtiéndose en un nuevo eje del comercio mundial –segundo exportador y tercer importador en 2007–, disputando así el papel de Estados Unidos, la Unión Europea y Japón (D'Elía et al., 2008: 67-8). Una de las principales fuentes de esta expansión comercial ha sido el creciente emplazamiento de firmas extranjeras en el país, las que se valen de los bajos costos de producción para sus operaciones. La participación de dichas firmas en las exportaciones chinas aumentó del 10% en 1990 a casi un 60% en 2004 (Blonigen y Ma, 2010: 475). Este fenómeno denominado "processing trade"explica que China se haya convertido en el principal receptor entre los países en desarrollo de inversión extranjera directa por primera vez en 1993 y uno de los tres primeros a nivel mundial entre 2003 y 2005 (Cheng y Ma, 2010: 545). Conjuntamente, el doble éxito comercial y en atracción de capitales apuntaló también las reservas internacionales. Mientras que en 1992 se registraron reservas por 19 mil millones de dólares, equivalente a un 4% del PIB, tan sólo quince años después éstas alcanzaron 1,4 billones, correspondiente al 50% del PIB (Truman, 2008: 169).A nivel doméstico, la principal transformación ha consistido en el establecimiento gradual de una "economía de mercado socialista". Su avance se evidencia en que hacia 1979 la totalidad de las industrias eran estatales o "colectivas" y el Estado controlaba los precios del 97% de los productos en circulación, mientras que hacia fines de la década de los noventa, menos del 30% de las empresas seguían siendo estatales y las fuerzas del mercado fijaban ya el 97% de los precios. Desde el 2001 estos márgenes se han mantenido mayormente constantes. Pero este ascenso económico posee una contracara de obstáculos, desafíos y debilidades bien marcados que pondrán a prueba la potencialidad de crecimiento a futuro. Por un lado, China es todavía un país pobre en términos de su ingreso per capita, estimado en aproximadamente U$S 3.000 anuales, lo que equivale sólo al 10% de los ingresos registrados en Estados Unidos y Europa. Este bajo registro se conjuga con una mayor desigualdad y una aguda concentración de los ingresos, siendo el 90% de la riqueza acaparada por el 1% más rico de la población (Datong, 2009). La razón detrás de éste pasivo social yace en las privatizaciones, la liberalización y el marcado contraste entre el interior del país y las más dinámicas zonas costeras e industriales —el 57% del PIB se produce en el este de China, un 26% en la región central y apenas el 17% en el oeste (D´Elía et al., 2008: 69). Consecuentemente, ello explica que el crecimiento de la economía esté principalmente impulsado por las exportaciones y la inversión más que por el consumo doméstico. Por el otro lado, los problemas ambientales se han vuelto verdaderamente acuciantes de la mano de este crecimiento. China ha reemplazado recientemente a los Estados Unidos como principal emisor mundial de gases de efecto invernadero. A causa del creciente parque automotriz, las industrias contaminantes y las numerosas plantas procesadoras de carbón, la calidad del aire se ha deteriorado en las principales ciudades. Así, por ejemplo, la concentración de partículas tóxicas inhalables en Beijing en el año 2008 superó en un 80% el estándar tolerable fijado por la Organización Mundial de la Salud (Jacobs, 2010). En las zonas rurales, la masificación del uso de fertilizantes y agrotóxicos para apuntalar la productividad de la agricultura ha contaminado buena parte de las cuencas hídricas.En el plano de los desafíos, debe sumarse que China no es una democracia. El sistema de gobierno es esencialmente autoritario, regido por actores que se imponen en contiendas intrapartidistas y burocráticas libradas a puertas cerradas en Beijing (Wilhelmy y Soto, 2005: 53). Lejos de ser China una "sociedad armónica", se han registrado al compás de las transformaciones importantes conflictos sociales con base en diferentes reclamos: mayor democratización, mejores condiciones de vida, reconocimiento de autonomía política en el caso del Tíbet, etc. Desde los años de Deng, la regla ha sido la aplicación de una política de "mano dura" para contener el disenso interno —como se evidenció en la plaza de Tiananmen en 1989. No obstante, este disenso ha ido en ascenso. En septiembre de 2003, Human Rights Watch informó que más de tres millones de personas se movilizaron en distintas protestas en sólo un mes y que, en más de cien casos a lo largo del país, los reclamos escalaron en violentos choques con las fuerzas de seguridad locales y la destrucción de edificios gubernamentales (Becker, 2006: 169). Por tanto, resta ver cómo el sistema político logra adaptarse a las radicales modificaciones sociales en curso y da cabida a nuevos actores en la lucha por el poder. A pesar de estos desafíos por resolver, existe un fuerte consenso mundial sobre el actual proceso de ascenso de China al status de gran potencia. La célebre predicción de Napoleón —"Let China sleep, for when she wakes, she will shake the world"—, parece estar siendo confirmada (Kynge, 2006). En efecto, "China is reemerging as a major power after one hundred and fifty years of being a weak player on the world stage—a brief hiatus in China's long history", de acuerdo con Susan Shirk (2007: 4), máxima responsable en el Departamento de Estado de las relaciones con China durante la administración Clinton. Si se considera su situación estructural, una estimación reciente del poder comprehensivo de China comparada con las otras grandes potencias del sistema internacional arroja los siguientes resultados. Allí se advierte que China es la única potencia con un status fuerte de poder en cada una de las dimensiones contempladas y por tanto la principal competidora estratégica detrás de la superpotencia estadounidense. Pero el nuevo protagonismo chino también se percibe de una manera más dinámica. Crecientemente el país empieza a desempeñar roles críticos en distintos asuntos de interés mundial, desde la no proliferación hasta el cambio climático, además de ser materia de controversia en Occidente en asuntos relacionados con la pérdida de empleos, déficits comerciales y derechos humanos. En la última década, además, China ha combinado su dinamismo económico con políticas pragmáticas de seguridad y defensa y un fuerte activismo diplomático, gracias a lo cual ha empezado a establecer sólidas relaciones no sólo en toda Asia sino también en Europa, África y Sudamérica, aprovechando en buena medida los "espacios" generados por la focalización de los Estados Unidos en las guerras de Afganistán e Irak y la lucha contra el AlQaeda (Gill, 2007: 1).En el caso particular de América Latina, el carácter actual de los vínculos con China se remonta a la finalización de la Guerra Fría. Fue entonces cuando la desideologización de la política exterior del gigante asiático y el auge del proceso de globalización brindaron un marco propicio para una fuerte expansión económica de las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas (Cesarín, 2006: 52). Algunas cifras ilustran el fenómeno. Las exportaciones de América Latina y el Caribe a China aumentaron en forma súbita desde los US$1.500 millones en 1990, a los casi US$3.000 millones en 1995 y US$5.400 millones en 2000, para crecer posteriormente un 42% anual entre 2000 y 2004 hasta llegar a superar los US$21.000 millones en 2004. En 2003, los recursos primarios representaban el 45,5% de la canasta (Davy, 2008: 4). Por su parte, las exportaciones chinas a la región durante la década de los 90 crecieron más de cinco veces, logrando un superávit comercial global que perduró hasta el 2002. Sin embargo, con los países ricos en recursos naturales como Brasil, Argentina, Chile y Perú, la balanza mercantil resultó deficitaria para Beijing (Cheng, 2006).El interés chino en los países del subcontinente se ha vuelto desde entonces más claro: América Latina constituye un importante reservorio de materias primas, alimentos y recursos naturales necesarios para la prosecución de su crecimiento —no debe perderse de vista que China importa el 30% del petróleo que consume, el 45% del mineral de hierro, el 44% de otros metales no ferrosos y una proporción cada vez más alta de productos agrícolas. El patrón de intercambio comercial y de inversiones en los últimos años refleja dicho interés: minería y forestación (Perú y Chile), pesca, agroalimentos y petróleo (Argentina y Venezuela), mineral de hierro y acero (Brasil), producción de alimentos (Brasil, Chile, Argentina y Perú) y minería (Perú, Colombia, Chile). (Cesarín, 2006: 52-3.) En efecto, la relativa bonanza económica latinoamericana de comienzos de siglo —en parte— se debe a la fuerte demanda china de este tipo de bienes y commoditiesque traccionó al alza los precios internacionales. Para algunos, esto representa una importante oportunidad de optimizar los procesos subregionales de integración e impulsar cambios en las estructuras productivas nacionales mediante la participación inversora de firmas chinas (Cesarín, 2005: 3). Pero esta situación, en principio favorable, amerita una reflexión cautelosa en la medida en que "el auge de los commodities encubre los riesgos inherentes de depender de un sector volátil y en gran medida poco calificado para el sostenimiento de un crecimiento económico a largo plazo y la prosperidad" (Davy, 2008: 2). En este sentido, China ofrece a la región oportunidades pero también desafíos: detrás de los cantos de sirena, se esconde el peligro de un comercio asimétrico que conduzca a la reedición de lazos de dependencia y a una inserción internacional de América Latina subordinada a los dictados de una gran potencia distante. Precisamente, el profesor Julio Sevares (2007: 12) ve en la relación económica Latinoamérica-China no una relación Sur-Sur, sino más bien el clásico esquema comercial Norte-Sur y el patrón inversor de tipo extractivo británico del siglo XIX.Con respecto estrictamente al plano político-estratégico, dos cuestiones deben considerarse. La primera es que China resulta para muchos de los liderazgos latinoamericanos un simpático ejemplo de éxito en materia de reformas dado el importante rol estatal en la conducción de la transformación económica. Representa así un exitoso experimento, distinto de las propuestas neoliberales que fracasaron en América Latina (Cesarín, 2010: 8). Y la segunda, es que la irrupción de China en la región plantea interrogantes sobre la eventual reacción de los Estados Unidos ante un eventual socavamiento de influencia en su "patio trasero". Se trata de un escenario que desde comienzos del siglo XXI se sigue con atención en las usinas de pensamiento estratégico en Washington. Allí se distinguen al menos dos posiciones: una, la de los decisores estadounidenses más temerosos que entienden a la nueva presencia china en la región como la movida inicial de una ofensiva diplomática a gran escala de Beijing para desafiar a los Estados Unidos en su propio hemisferio; y la otra perspectiva, más benigna, que percibe los crecientes vínculos como una oportunidad antes que una amenaza y como una manifestación natural de las necesidades energéticas y de recursos del país asiático sin miras explícitas de choque con la superpotencia (Roett y Paz, 2008: 1). Esta última visión es la que acepta la idea del ascenso pacífico ("peaceful rise") que ha publicitado Hu Jintao. De acuerdo con Zheng Bijian, uno de sus principales ideólogos, "China no tiene la intención ni de desafiar ni de subvertir el orden internacional político y económico ya existente (…). No buscamos la hegemonía ni en el pasado, ni ahora, ni nunca jamás en el futuro cuando hayamos alcanzado el desarrollo. Hemos convertido ya en una premisa básica de nuestro Estado la de no pretender nunca la hegemonía" (Bijian, 2005).La reemergencia histórica de China debe por tanto discurrir a través de la integración a las reglas de juego internacionales, a través del multilateralismo, la resolución pacífica de las disputas y la tolerancia hacia el resto de las naciones. En última instancia, la evolución hacia un abierto desafío estratégico entre los Estados Unidos y China o hacia una convivencia respetuosa entre superpotencias, dependerá del factor que prime en la interacción mutua: un juego de suma cero producto de las transformaciones estructurales en el sistema político internacional, o bien un juego de suma positiva resultado de intereses y percepciones convergentes.(1) El presente artículo es un fragmento de un capítulo de libro en elaboración sobre la inserción internacional de la Argentina entre el 2003-2007. *Candidato doctoral, Universidad Nacional General San Martín (UNSAM).Referencias bibliográficasBecker, Jasper (2006): Dragon Rising. An inside look at China today (Washington D.C.: National Geographic). Bijian, Zheng (2005): "Diez puntos de vista sobre el ascenso pacífico de China y sobre las relaciones entre China y Europa", Real Instituto Elcano, disponible en:«http://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/analisis/867/867_DiscursoZheng.pdf».Blonigen, Bruce A. y Alyson C. Ma (2010): "Please Pass the Catch-Up. The Relative Performance of Chinese and Foreign Firms in Chinese Exports", en Feenstra, Robert C. y Shang-Jin Wei: China's Growing Role in World Trade (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press).Cesarín, Sergio (2005): "Ejes y estrategias del desarrollo económico chino: enfoques para América Latina y el Caribe", en Cesarín, Sergio y Carlos Moneta: China y América Latina. Nuevos enfoques sobre cooperación y desarrollo. ¿Una segunda ruta de la seda? (Buenos Aires: BID-INTAL).Cesarín, Sergio (2006): "La relación sinolatinoamericana, entre la práctica política y la investigación académica", Nueva Sociedad, N° 203, Mayo/Junio, pp. 48-61.Cheng, Joseph Y. S. (2006): "Latin America in China's Contemporary Foreign Policy", Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 36, No. 4, pp. 500-528.Cheng, Leonard K. y Zihui Ma (2010): "China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment", en Feenstra, Robert C. y Shang-Jin Wei: Op. Cit.Datong, Li (2009): "China's stalled transition", Open Democracy (February 19), disponible en «http://www.opendemocracy.net/article/chinas-stalled-reforms». Accedido 16/09/2010. Davy, Megan (2008): "¿Qué presagia el crecimiento de China para América Latina?",Panorama del Desarrollo Internacional del American Enterprise Institute, N° 2, julio.D´Elía, Carlos, Carlos Galperín y Néstor Stancanelli (2008): "El rol de China en el mundo y su relación con la Argentina", Revista del CEI, N° 13, pp. 67-89.Gill, Bates (2007): Rising Star. China's New Security Diplomacy (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press).Jacobs, Andrews (2010): "In China, Pollution Worsens Despite New Efforts", The New York Times (July 28), disponible en «http://www.nytimes.com/2010/07/29/world/asia/29china.html?_r=1»(accedido 18/9/10). Kynge, James (2006): China Shakes the World: A Titan's Rise and Troubled Future - and the Challenge for America (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt).Roett, Riordan y Guadalupe Paz (eds.) (2008): China's expansion into the Western Hemisphere (Washington D.C.: The Brookings Institution).Sevares, Julio (2007): "¿Cooperación Sur-Sur o dependencia a la vieja usanza?", Nueva Sociedad, N° 207, enero-febrero, pp. 11-22.Shirk, Susan L. (2007): China. Fragile Superpower (New York: Oxford University Press).Truman, Edwin M. (2008): "The Management of China's International Reserves: China and a Sovereign Wealth Fund Scoreboard", en Goldstein, Morris y Nicholas R. Lardy (eds.):Debating China's Exchange Rate Policy (Washington: Peter G. Peterson Institute for International Economics).Wilhelmy von Wolff, Mandfred y Augusto Soto (2005): "El proceso de reformas en China y la política exterior: de Deng Xiaoping a Hu Jintao", en Cesarín, Sergio y Carlos Moneta: Op. Cit.Xuetong, Yan (2006): "The Rise of China and its Power Status", Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 1. Zhao, Min (2006): External Liberalization and the Evolution of China's Exchange System: an Empirical Approach (Final Draft, The World Bank Beijing Office), disponible en «http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INDIAEXTN/Resources/events/359987-1149066 764594/Paper_MinZhao.pdf».

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: Ghettos of poor and unemployed people, homeless people, families relying on food banks, sick people without health insurance. There is a long list of people which comes into our minds when we think about poverty and people who are affected by it. If we search for an exact definition of poverty we will not find a single, universally accepted standard definition of it. Poverty is hardly measurable. Every interpretation is affected by credos of value. The ethical correctness of these trails to valuate poverty is scientifically not concluding appraised. The European Union's working definition of poverty is: 'Persons, families and groups of persons whose resources (material, cultural and social) are so limited as to exclude them from the minimum acceptable way of life in the Member State to which they belong'. This definition is the basis of the valuations of poverty in this assignment. The variety of poverty shows how many groups of people in particular are at risk of becoming poor. In Germany the gap of income and the number of poor people in the society increased from the year 2000 to the year 2005 faster than in any other country of the OECD. Causes are the high unemployment rate in the year 2005 and a significant gap of income. Nobody can be excluded if we talk about the poor ones in future. High income during employment does not mean that there is enough money for times of unemployment or old-age-pension. When thinking about poverty we should never forget of what advantage it is to have a high old-age pension when you are lonesome and you have to pay for every help you need? Policy options have to be divided in to groups: Actions to prevent poverty. Actions to help people out of poverty. From a scientific point of view there is only one thing needed to stay out of poverty: enough money to sustain your expenditures. Therefore a well paid job is necessary. Minimum wages are a controversially discussed topic during the last months. Only an occupation with an adequate salary is good for covering all costs. Another crucial point is to secure the old age pensions. Due to this the Federal Government promotes a 3-layer programme. The tax policy is also a point which can be influenced by the state. Prevention of excessive indebtness and a adequate asset accumulation are also important topics. Proper education is a crucial point to prevent poverty and likewise the core measure to get out of poverty. Only good education opens the doors to the well paid jobs. Some social groups are usually not able to get out of poverty on their own. Therefore help is needed. Especially for single parents, families with many children, drug addicts and disabled people as well. Proper programmes for social housing or for improving language skills are often helpful for the poor. Here, the government has countless options to help people, but the realty is often different. In the fight against poverty the Federal government starts several actions to avoid and to help people out of poverty. The central statements behind these actions are: Every person should secure his life by gainful employment at first. Furthermore specific social transfer benefits should help to secure basic needs, especially for families. They directly stress the responsibility of the successful fight against poverty lying in the hands of everyone. Especially one aspect implied in the first statement is important for every citizen: Gainful employment, everyone himself is responsible for, gives the chance to secure life. In the past poverty and employment were inseparably connected and mutual exclusive. As employment was taken poverty was banned, in case of unemployment poverty threatened. Today especially the first statement is no longer true without restrictions. The effectiveness of employment as major driver in avoiding and helping out of poverty was weakened. The reason is the increase of low-wage employees. The belief gainful employment can always secure life is no longer true. The actual problem in Germany is a high amount of fully-employed people becoming poor. The expression 'working poor' describes working full-time in one and even more jobs earn wages under the existence minimum. Labour unions claim legal minimum wages in the different lines of business. The Confederation of German Employers BDA demands the negotiation of minimum wages by the bargaining parties, employer associations and labour unions. The free social market economy of Germany may not be influenced by law. The Federal Government established and renewed the 'Mindestarbeitsbedingungsgesetz' and 'Arbeitnehmer-Entsendegesetz', which do not give legal minimum limits. The laws ease the establishment of minimum wages in business lines. Low wages and the difference of income are one reason of the gap between rich and poor. To even this income differences the federal government introduce the progressive income tax rate. It attenuates the inequality of the gross incomes. But the gap between rich and poor is only less affected by the tax policy. The other reason for the gap between rich and poor is the difference of assets. The gap increases because the middle-class decreases. More and more people become poor. Poor people are not able to establish coverage by accumulating asset. People who are able to accumulate asset need the right strategy. Capital investments offer different strategies to accumulate asset, from conservative to risky. In the actual financial crises many people and companies have lost much asset. The trust of savers in the banking system and especially in shares hits the rock bottom. Today every possibility to accumulate asset is questioned. The coverage in old-age was formerly granted by legal pensions. But legal pensions are no longer safe, as it was belief for a long time. The 'three-layer-concept' of retirement provision offers possibilities to close the increasing gap. The intention is to support the conventional public old-age pension by two additional layers. Nevertheless every layer and every kind of provision has its own particularities which should be considered. Poor and unemployed people are often threatened by indebtedness. Especially unemployed people are not able to pay back their bills and become excessively indebted soon. To leave this hopeless way debt relief and employment are the best means. In insolvency proceedings the debt relief is pronounced. From the year 2002 until now the annual increase of insolvency proceedings decreases. Additionally the average amount of indebtedness decreases in these years too. The basic requirement for employment and therefore a central driver to avoid and to help out of poverty is education. Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel proclaimed the 'Educational Republic of Germany'. One reason for her reaction is secondary general schools are in trouble. After graduation many youngsters stay in the transitional system for too long. They don't find a vocational education. Another reason is even the vocational education has a problem. The participation in the Dual System in the vocational education decreases from 51.2 percent to 42.6 percent in 2005. This is an alarming development. Although the tendency is declining in the year 2005 to 2006 the efficiency of the Dual System should be improved even more. Forecasts of the employment market show a growing demand for highly qualified employees between 2003 and 2020. The demand for low qualified people will reduce. According this forecast qualification and competence become the securing means of future, for everyone at anytime. This can only be granted by lifelong learning. Besides the stated major effects of policy options affecting the whole society there are some groups of people, which need special support: Single parents, families with many children, people addicted to drugs, homeless, disabled and migrated people are treated in detail.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: Executive SummaryI Table of contentsVI List of AbbreviationsIX List of FiguresX List of TablesXII 1.Introduction1 2.Problem Definition2 3.Objectives3 4.Methodology4 5.The Fight Against Poverty5 5.1Poverty – A Definition5 5.2How to Measure Poverty7 5.3The Variety of Poverty7 5.3.1Key Factors of the Risk of Becoming Poor7 5.3.2Poverty Among Poor Educated People8 5.3.3Child Poverty9 5.3.4Poverty of Seniors10 5.3.5Poverty Among Handicapped People12 6.The International Day for the Eradication of Poverty14 7.Poverty in Germany15 7.1The Risk-of-Poverty-Line in Germany15 7.2The Present Situation in Germany17 8.Prospective Poor People19 8.1Outsiders of Today are the Poor of Tomorrow19 8.2An Income Above the Average is No Relaxing Situation20 9.Policy Options Against Poverty21 9.1Actions to Avoid Poverty22 9.1.1Minimum Wages22 9.1.2Securing Pensions23 9.1.3Tax Policy27 9.1.4Asset Accumulation27 9.1.5Prevent Excessive Indebtedness28 9.1.6Education28 9.1.7Basic Education29 9.1.8Vocational Education29 9.1.9Lifelong Learning30 9.2Actions to Help People Out of Poverty30 9.2.1Education30 9.2.2Help for Single Parents31 9.2.3Language Skills32 9.2.4Aid for Families with Many Children32 9.2.5Help People Out of Drug-Addiction32 9.2.6Social Housing33 9.2.7Disabled People33 10.Reality – How Political Options Impact on Life The Status Quo – Facts35 10.1Policy Options to Avoid Poverty Impact Reality36 10.1.1Effects of the Policy Option 'Minimum Wages'38 10.1.2Effects of Policy Options to Secure Pensions41 10.1.3Effects of the Tax Policy45 10.1.4Effects of Asset Accumulation46 10.1.5Effects of Policy Options to Prevent Indebtedness48 10.1.6Effects of Policy Options to Improve Education50 10.1.7Basic Education in Reality51 10.1.8Vocational Education in Reality54 10.1.9Lifelong Learning in reality55 10.2Policy Options to Help out of Poverty Impact Reality56 10.2.1Education56 10.2.2Effects of Policy Options to Support Single Parents56 10.2.3Effects of Policy Options to Improve Language Skills57 10.2.4Effects of Policy Options to Support Families with Many Children59 10.2.5Effects of Policy Options Against Drug-Addiction60 10.2.6Effects of the Policy Option 'Social Housing'63 10.2.7Effects of Political Options to Support Disabled People65 11.Results68 12.Conclusion69 13.Integral Total Management (ITM) – Checklist70 13.1General Economics70 13.2Strategic Management70 13.3Marketing70 13.4Financial Management70 13.5Human Resources Management70 13.6Business Law70 13.7Research Methods/Management Decision Making70 13.8Soft Skills/Leadership71 14.Bibliography72Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 9.1.3, Tax Policy: Tax policy is the whole of tax actions of a state with policy objectives. Through tax policy the state pursuits the aim to generate income to cover all expenditures. The state is able to pursuit socio-political aims through tax reduction or tax increase. An effective instrument to even the income differences is in particular a progressive in-come tax rate. Within the tax reform of 2000 the Federal Government decreased the in-come tax rate radically. According to the judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court that the minimum living wage must be tax free, the German government increased the tax free level virtually every year. This goes along with a decrease of the marginal tax rate from 25.9% in 1998 to 15.0% in 2005. 9.1.4, Asset Accumulation: Having savings in the bank is a good way to avoid poverty. In times of unemployment citizens are able to draw money from the bank and cover the financial gaps without being dependent on public benefits. The Federal government offers mainly two types of investment: Savings. Acquisition of shares. These are both appropriate to accumulate assets on a long range. 9.1.5, Prevent Excessive Indebtedness: Debts are always a fast way to cross the poverty line! Therefore is very important to prevent indebtedness before it begins. In 2002 approx. 9% of all households in Germany were over-indebted. Debtors are often not able to solve the problem on their own. For that reason they need help. The government financed debt counselling and measures for debt relief. This came along with a programme to educate indebted people. 9.1.6, Education: The significance of education to prevent poverty is indisputable. School education and vocational qualification are the best way to participate on the job market as well as the best protection against unemployment and poverty. The European Union regards a graduation from secondary school as minimum qualification to participate in modern knowledge society and for the best prospects on the job market. In January 2008 the Federal Cabinet approved the draft law for the qualification initiative (i. e. Qualifizierungsinitiative). It mainly contains actions to: Improve education opportunities for children younger than six years of age. Improve the permeability in the education system. Improve the way to be promoted. Improve the options of further education. 9.1.7, Basic Education: Education does not start in school. Potentials of children should in fact be developed earlier and dependent on their age. Kindergartens, beside the family, have as places for infantile education a particular duty. In kindergartens talents – even from children of underprivileged families – may foster at an early stage and learning difficulties may be discovered early. Primary schools cover the first four years of schooling (in Berlin and Brandenburg six years). They are attended by all children and provide basic education, preparing children for secondary schools. At the end of primary school parents and teachers have to decide which type school the pupils should attend further on. Available are: Secondary general schools (i. e. Hauptschulen). Intermediate schools (i. e. Realschulen). Grammar schools (i. e. Gymnasien). Comprehensive schools (i. e. Gesamtschulen). Special schools (i. e. Förderschulen). This affects the life and future job options of the child profoundly. Therefore promotion of primary school pupils is essential. One out of eleven pupils in a grammar school lives in poverty, but every second in a secondary general school. Poverty is one causal reason for bad education. Out of 100 children who were considered to be poor during kindergarten only four manage to archive the entry qualification for grammar school – compared to 30 in well-off families. These are the results of a long term study by the Workers Welfare Federal Association from 1997 to 2005. 9.1.8, Vocational Education: A Certificate of Education (minimum: Certificate of Secondary Education / Hauptschulabschluss) is necessary to get a proper chance on the apprenticeship market. The Federal Government takes actions to educate juveniles in the dual system of vocational education to decrease the number of untrained youngsters. Because a qualified apprenticeship is crucial for partaking and fulfilment in the community and the best protection against the risk of unemployment and income poverty. 9.1.9, Lifelong Learning: Learning will not end after school, vocational training or university degree. Learning is an essential mean to shape an individual's chances in life. Lifelong learning is the keyword for coping with the job market, to finally get a school's or a vocational qualification or just for further training. Once archived qualifications are less and less sufficient to cope with the challenge of business and community. Continuing learning all lifelong is becoming more and more important to secure the participating on the job market permanently. The partaking in further education is low in Germany - compared to other countries. In particular, people with lower qualification do not take part in further qualification sufficiently. 9.2, Actions to Help People Out of Poverty: 13.5 % citizens of the total population live below the poverty line. These need help to become better off and – even more important – stay below the line. 9.2.1, Education: As stated in chapter 9.1.6 proper education is the best way to prevent poverty, but it's also a lasting way to get out of it. People with no or only basic education have a strictly limited access to well paid jobs or no access jobs at all. In 2006 7.9 % of all pupils left school without any graduation. However, without any graduation the prospects of an apprenticeship are very small. Thereby the vicious circle of poverty starts turning. The government provides different measures to help juveniles and adults to improve their education: Help to get the Certificate of Secondary Education (i. e. Hauptschulabschluss). Help to get an apprenticeship. Help to make the change from Secondary Education to higher education entrance qualification easier. Olaf Scholz (Secretary of State for Employment) even recommended a legal claim to achieve a Certificate of Secondary Education. This should be financed by the Federal Employment Office. But he wasn't able to convince the CDU-parliamentary group.

Edward C. Boyle ; The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection include interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, WeberState University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories cover various topics and chronicle the personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ; 68p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 video disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program Edward C. Boyle Interviewed by Rebecca Ory Hernandez 9 November 2011 18 November 2011 Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah Edward C. Boyle Interviewed by Rebecca Ory Hernandez 9 November 2011 18 November 2011 Copyright © 2012 by Weber State University, Stewart Library Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. Archival copies are placed in the University Archives. The Stewart Library also houses the original recording so researchers can gain a sense of the interviewee's voice and intonations. Project Description The Weber and Davis County Communities Oral History Collection includes interviews of citizens from several different walks of life. These interviews were conducted by Stewart Library personnel, Weber State University faculty and students, and other members of the community. The histories date back to the early settlement of North Ogden, and cover various topics including the History of Fort Buenaventura, city government affairs, controversial issues, Latinos in Ogden, personal everyday life experiences and other recollections regarding the history of the Weber and Davis County areas. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management University Archives All literary rights in the manuscript, including the right to publish, are reserved to the Stewart Library of Weber State University. No part of the manuscript may be published without the written permission of the University Librarian. Requests for permission to publish should be addressed to the Administration Office, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, Utah, 84408. The request should include identification of the specific item and identification of the user. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Edward C. Boyle, an oral history by Rebecca Ory Hernandez, 9 November 2011 and 18 November 2011, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. iii Edward Boyle Roswell, New Mexico 1943 Edward Boyle New York, 1984 1 Abstract: The following is an oral history interview with Edward C. (Ted) Boyle (b. 1922). The interview was conducted by Rebecca Ory Hernandez, on November 9, 2011. In this interview Ted speaks of his early life growing up and attending school in Ogden, Utah and later attending Weber State University. The interview also highlights his life after graduating from Weber State University and going on to graduate school at the Thunderbird School of Management. Ted also talks about his career in international banking with Citibank, traveling the world and working as a bank executive. Ted is retired and now lives in St. George, Utah with his wife Hazel. ROH: I'm going to state the date and where we are. Today is November 8, 2011. We're in the home of Ted and Hazel Boyle in St. George, Utah. We are here conducting an oral history. I'll just start by asking you to repeat your name and where and when you were born. EB: My name is Edward Conrad Boyle, commonly known as Ted Boyle. I was born in Ogden, Utah, August the tenth, 1922 in the Thomas D. Dee Hospital in Ogden, Utah. I picked up the nickname of Ted Boyle when I was a youngster which came from my Uncle Albert. He used to call me Theodore Roosevelt and Ted stuck with me all my life. I was socially known as Ted Boyle. ROH: You were born in Ogden. Where did you grow up? EB: I grew up in Ogden, Utah on the east side of Ogden, which at that time was at the outskirts of the city. It was at 1470 26th Street which was between Taylor and Polk Avenue and was an area which was basically low income people on the 2 north side of the street and people of means on the south side of the street. Our house was very small by today's standards—two bedrooms, one bathroom, a small kitchen, a dining room, a living room, and a small lot. My brother and sister and I and my mother and my father only had two bedrooms. So my brother and I slept in the unheated basement of our home in unfinished bedrooms with my mother's washing machine between us. My sister had one bedroom and my father and mother had the other bedroom. It had no garage in as much as my father never owned a car. He was one of the very few in Ogden who didn't have a car. My original concept of this house was that it was purely acceptable for us during those trying times which would be the Depression era of 1920s and 1930s. We got along as we could and stayed out of each other's way. My father who was a furniture salesman with Boyle Furniture Company in Ogden would actually walk two miles through all kinds of weather to save a five cent bus fare. Without a car we all depended on friends to get around to social activities. My mother had to walk three to four blocks and bring back her groceries. I remember that very distinctly. At the tender age of six, seven, and eight years old, I was unaware of the differences in the economic status of people on the block. As I grew older I learned to understand that we were on the wrong side of the track as far as the economic aspect of it. It didn't really bother me that we grew up near the poverty line. My father was a good provider. My mother was a wonderful cook. We ate the staples, cornmeal and mush in the morning and things of that nature. We had an icebox, a small cubicle to eat in 3 and I got by. I learned to accept what we had. I had one pair of shoes and one suit. I learned early in my life that I was not conventional in the sense that I had no feel for solving mechanical problems. I couldn't do anything but maybe change a light bulb. That carried through my whole life as my wife knows very well. I was just not like that. I was not allowed to have a house pet. All my friends had dogs but my father adamantly said no dogs. So I grew up in the neighborhood by adopting dogs in the area. My earliest recollections of my schooling in elementary school were at Polk School, which was a block away from our house. It was a very modern school of that time. There were eight grades and it was very convenient. However, during the heavy winter storms that we had in Ogden in those days, we had snow days where I couldn't even get to school because the snow was piled up so high. ROH: How did you get school? EB: We would try and get through these snow drifts but we were basically snowed in. We used to build snow igloos in my front yard. In my early days at Polk School I was a very average student. I thought I had a knack for numbers but when it came to social studies, math, and others, I had trouble. The teachers at that time—our principal was named Florence Brown. If we got out of order then, at that time, we were called in the office and she took out a ruler and hit us on the butt. Today, you know what would happen. But we accepted that. Our parents accepted that if Johnny was out of order he would pay the price. My earliest contact with the female species was in the third grade when we had all the boys 4 sitting on one side of the room and the girls on the other with a phonograph record playing dance music. The teachers would pair us off and we'd go out and try to dance with each other. It was a very strange feeling. Among those girls was Rosanne Peery. She was in the same class I was. I had no skills of any sort. We had a shop organization where we went down in the basement of the school and made wooden things. By hook and crook I made a sewing cabinet for my mother and had it shellacked and it was a pride and joy for me. As I walked up to my house I stopped at the neighbors place and his Labrador retriever went over and did his thing on my sewing cabinet. I was devastated. It didn't matter when I took it home to my mother. She said, "Oh, that's fine." I think that really must have been the only thing I ever created. ROH: How old do you think you were? EB: I was probably about ten years old I guess. In the school I was not physically adept towards contact sports which bothered me enormously because we were always rough housing and I was afraid to get in the middle of it. So I became a finesser, trying to find a sport where I didn't have the contact. I developed a very fine arm. I used to throw stones and I developed a very strong pitching arm, so I became successful in softball and things like that. Going back on Polk School— my late brother (who was five years older) at one time, on the third floor, opened a window and got a hold of the ropes on the flag pole and swung out one hundred feet off the ground before hitting the ground. That was the beginning of my brother being an ultimate dare devil. He was afraid of nothing. My dad loved Sundays as it was his only day off. He was not a church man. He would go out 5 and tend his garden which included all kinds of fruit trees. Then in the afternoon he would go down on the bus to the Orpheum Theater and see a movie, then come back home with a bag of popcorn for the family. My mother of course was in church. I was encouraged at that time to go to church on Sunday. ROH: What church did your family go to? EB: It was the LDS church at 26th and Jackson. At that time it was a six block walk for my mother in all kinds of weather. Our bishop was David Romney. I had a group of friends while growing up and among them was Jennings Olson. Jennings was a person whose handicap was a club foot. We all tried to put that out of our minds when we were playing baseball and things. Jennings was always full of vim and vigor. One thing I remember about him was that he did not like carbonated drinks. He always had to have something non-carbonated. I remember that he read voraciously. His father was a very good medical doctor in Ogden. His mother was a dear but rather homespun. We formed cliques. We had what we called the 26th Street Gang which was the street we lived on. We had about six or seven of us that used to play football in the street and then we'd go skating over bumps and things like that. It became the center of activity. We all grew up to bond. Those people in my early ages were the people that stood with me through the ages and today are still my best friends. It was a phenomenon that we all had the same interests and it was a matter of getting along without any money. We created our own fun outside of the theaters. For instance, on Saturday I would go down to my dad's office at Boyle Furniture and I'd say, "Dad, I want to go to the movie." So he'd give me twenty five cents. That twenty five 6 cents covered my bus fare down and back from the Paramount Theater, a bag of popcorn and I would sit in the front row as close as I could get for these cowboy movies because it was thought at that time, the closer you were to the action, the better off. I'd get out of there and I'd be blurry eyed. I couldn't see for five minutes when I got out of the theater. One thing that I do remember very vividly was Christmas. In Ogden, in the thirties, there were several department stores including the Emporium and Lowe's where they had Christmas displays with electric trains and everything like that. I used to spend hours looking at these various things and hoping against hope that we would be able to get something of that note. Christmas night my brother, my sister and I would go to bed early hoping that Santa Claus would get down the chimney. We had a chimney. I never did understand how he was going to get down through there. My mother put out the cookies with milk and we'd go to bed early and get up at four o'clock in the morning to sneak up the stairs and look and see what Santa Claus had brought. Quite often it was a bowl of hard candy and an orange, a piece of clothing and an inexpensive game. We kept hoping for a train set but we made the best we could. We survived. I became aligned with my closest friends that I loved. About the church— my mother was a devout Mormon. She would have been in the bishopric if they had allowed women. My father was a non-believer, a great man but did not actively participate. I was obliged by my mother every Sunday to go to church with my friends. We diligently went in and passed the sacrament and obeyed what we thought were the laws of the church until such time when I think I was 7 about sixteen or seventeen. The bishop came down the aisle and got me by the arm and said, "Ted. I think it's time for you to go on a mission." That shocked me. I think I just said, not negatively, but that I was not really interested at that time. My truest friends—all of them followed the same line of reckoning, so I wondered at this time, what was it? Was it peer pressure? We all had the same idea at that time that we were not going on missions. It was etched in stone. After we graduated from Polk School, I went to Central High School down at 26th Street and Monroe. Believe it or not, those two years are negative. I have nothing really factual that I can remember of any note. In other words they passed by me without any real essence of any happenings at all except the music instructor there said, "Ted, you've got a wonderful voice. You should go out and use that voice." I remembered that. So off we went to High School at dear old Ogden High School on 28th and Harrison. We were the third class and that's when I really grew up. It was a new atmosphere. The ambiance, the people, the teachers, the location all struck me as being something super. I guess you could say I was a jokester all my life and I got by with my wits. In other words, I was always cracking jokes and breaking up people. I became very popular and joined the social clubs there. I knew quite a few people. But I do remember something, this was pre-war, they had ROTC. It was officer's training school. We were obliged to go out on the campus and parade around for an hour and then after that they selected officers from our group to lead. These were the power makers. This bothered me enormously. I was not selected. I was a private. All my friends were colonels, majors, captains, etc. I was obliged to walk through 8 the ranks as a private. I thought, "Well, this may be my life. Maybe I'm not going to make anything out of it." But I did make some very good connections there. I loved the people there. Our actual basketball team were the state champions. We were honored in Salt Lake. We had, what I think Tom Brokaw would call the finest generation. I would consider that our class of 1940 was exceptional as far as the quality of the people and what they did and the environment we were living in. ROH: Can I ask you a question real quick? Tell me the names of some of your friends at Ogden High. Who were your best friends? EB: Jack Luddington, who I'll talk about incessantly. Jack Dalton, Bill Hinds, Jennings Olson, Richard Stine, Parry Thomas. Here's something that you want to wire in. Parry Thomas and I were very close and Parry Thomas probably was the leader of the pack, as far as what happened to the graduates. Parry became president of a prestigious bank in Las Vegas. He became a very big factor in banking in Las Vegas. Bob Bishoff who was president of I think the Commercial Security Bank and Maurice Richards, a prominent attorney. It was a time when Ogden was at its apex as far as producing people of culture with the ability to move on. One thing I noted that in our parking lot there were probably five or six cars of people that owned cars. You go by today and there's hundreds of them out there which is an indication of time and change. I still, at that time, had no real love connections. I think a lot had depended upon that my family had no car so I depended a lot on double dating and taking girls out like that. I had a lot of very close female friends but nothing serious at 9 all. I would go to the prom by myself and my friends would put my name down and I'd dance with their female partners. ROH: Did you call that stag? We always call that stag when you went by yourself. EB: Yeah, I went stag. I enjoyed the dance with other people's partners. I was awe stricken by the campus. It was so beautiful in 1940. It was constructed for less than one million dollars and one of the advisors to building was Meryl McClanahan whose son was Richard, a classmate of mine. After we graduated many people went their different ways and I went home and I said, "Where do I go from here?" I knew we had very limited means. I had no money myself. My dad couldn't afford anything. So Dad scratched up enough money for tuition for Weber Junior College. Quite a few of the students there were on short hook as far as money. The money class went to Utah or BYU. We arrived down on the campus of Weber College and it was very, very small in relationship to what I had pictured. The student body and my class were something like 180 people. We were in a war by that time so that meant that there were very few people around. I thought while I was there that I still wanted to be a forest ranger because of my likes of being outside, hunting and fishing at the cost of the government, and so that was my theory. I wanted to graduate from Weber College and then go on to Utah State where they had a forestry school. I became involved with the Excelsior Club, which was the premier social club. I made lots of friends. I think my personality lent itself to making friends. I was like a loose cannon. I always felt like I had to make light of anything and I think that was a big hit down there. 10 I became very close to [Henry] Aldous Dixon who was president of the College. His son, John Dixon, became Director of the University of Utah Medical Center. I made new friends. I found at that time that Ogden had a history of being a Mormon town. In other words, if you were Catholic, you were on the wrong side of the track. I had wanted to date a girl who was a Catholic. My mother found out about it and she had a fit. She was very down to earth and strong in her beliefs of the LDS Church. ROH: Did you have any friends who were African American? EB: Here we go. In the student body there was one black. His name was Willy Thomas and he was a huge, black, muscular athlete from Kansas. He was an outstanding track man and basketball player. He ran the hundred meter dash. I became very close to him out on track. I ran the track there, the mile run. I would joke with him and he would sometimes take it as offensive and then he'd say, "After I thought about you Ted." I was chuckling to myself. I became very close to him. Another example was Wat Misaka who was of Japanese origin and an excellent basketball player. He has been honored nationally. I became very close to him. At that early stage in my life it became apparent that I had no racial problems. I had made my point there at Weber College and found that later on in life, that's what often led on to what I did and where I went. Anyway, I took fond memories from Weber College. I thought that the beauty of that college at that time was the smallest of the class, the informalities, the attention from the seniors as to coming in to classrooms and talking to you. You felt like it was a family operation, totally family. It was a wonderful thing. 11 Aldous Dixon lived on campus in a small house right there. Later on when I went in to the war—my family would tell him what I was doing over there and he would write to my family and say Ted was going to be okay. I also liked the small classes at Weber. We had a lot of help from a very professional teaching staff. As an aside, I purchased an expensive oil painting of Farrell Collett who was once the head of the art department at Weber College. ROH: Nice. EB: Anyway, I always imagined myself as being an athlete. I had a very strong arm and I could throw the football farther than anybody on the football team but I was so fragile that I knew that once I was hit I was down. So I never did participate in football or basketball. But I was on the tennis team at Weber College. By the way, while I was in high school I was city champion in several contests there and I would ride down on my bicycle to Liberty Park, and I would have one racket with maybe a string broken. In one case, a prominent citizen would come up in his convertible in white shorts with a racket and the contrast was startling. I had a tremendous forehand but no backhand so I would always attack from my forehand and try and cover up my backhand. I was fairly successful because when I was younger I used to pound the back of our house constantly with a ball. That's where I developed my forehand and the serve was tremendous. But my backhand did not exist so I lived by playing around that. It was one of those things. As we progress along, the war was coming closer and closer so a group of us, after graduation from Weber College, decided to go to Utah State. Five of us 12 went to Logan and moved into in a house near the campus. We managed to survive. I joined the Sigma Alpha Epsilon fraternity, which was a premier club. I was very comfortable on the campus. Then my dearest friend Jack Luddington, who I mentioned before, had been taking pilot training out at the old Ogden Airport, and he said, "Ted, things are closing in. The Air Force is having a meeting in Ogden for possible applicants to join the Air Force. Do you want to go along with me?" I said, "I don't know." Then he talked me into it. I said, "Yeah, we'll get drafted if we don't." So we went in there for the physical, I think I weighed 138 pounds. The Army Air Force medical guy said, "You don't qualify. You're too thin. But I want you in here. Go home and eat about three pounds of bananas and come back tomorrow. See if we can fudge you in there." Low and behold I gained a pound or two and he said, "You're in." My friend Luddington, who was not a genius either, as far as his ability to score well on tests, was the last one out of the class. He sat down and I said, "Come on Luddington." He finally made it and we both joined the Air Force and left Salt Lake City on the train for Santa Ana, California. We arrived and there were 20,000 cadets at our base. We were separated after we took the tests to find out what our abilities were. He was assigned as a potential pilot and I was assigned as a potential bombardier. So after we graduated from the base in Santa Ana I was assigned to Roswell, New Mexico which was a bombardier school. Jack went in to pilot training on the California coast. I arrived in Roswell and found that we were dealing with the Norden bomb sight which was highly prized by the German Air Force as being something they 13 would like to have in their power. So, while we were in training, we always had to carry a .45 revolver and treat the bomb sight as a most valuable item. We would practice bomb day and night. We were expected to drop the bomb in a five hundred foot circle from five miles high. The blue practice bombs had ninety-eight pounds of sand and two pounds of spotting powder. The Air Force kept washing out cadets. I would call my mother and say, "I'm still in here but the ranks are thinning." When I finished, I got a short leave to go home to Ogden and I showed off my wings. Then I was assigned to Hondo, Texas for navigational training. Hondo wasn't too far from Austin, Texas, where my Aunt Clara lived with her billionaire husband. She invited me to go up there on the weekends. She let me sleep late and she fed me well and I was in seventh heaven. After we were through with Hondo, we got our orders to form our strategic bomb group in Salt Lake City, at Kearns Army Base. I thought it was nice to be back near home for a few days. Our plane crew was made up of crewmen, pilot, copilot, bombardier, navigator, and six gunners. We named our plane 'Lassie and Her Lads' because we had a gorgeous spray painting of Betty Grable wearing a swim suit on the tail. We were a composite group of the Midwest and far West. We trained in Dyersburg, Tennessee. Then we moved on to West Palm Beach Florida for our final training. From there we got orders to go to Trinidad, West Indies. We flew by ourselves. The landing strip was in the jungle and we were in there overnight. The next day we took off for Belem, Brazil. We flew over the Brazilian forest for ten hours and I said to the navigator, "If we go down in 14 there, we're done for. They'll never find us." From an overnight in Belem we flew to Fortaleza, Brazil, which is on the tip of Brazil. The next stage was thirteen hours flying over the Atlantic Ocean. We took off at night. We were flying a thousand feet over the waves in order to save on fuel. I was in the nose, as usual, and we encountered St. Elmo's fire, which was an electrical discharge carried to our guns. I thought we were being fired on. It was phenomenal to see. We arrived in Dakar, Senegal in North Africa. That was an eye-opener. As we landed, a multitude of Senegalese warriors came out with guns and top hats and surrounded our plane in order to protect it. They put us in canvas tents and as we relaxed, the Senegalese came through with their spray guns for malaria and they sang as they went through and sprayed us. Our next stop was Marrakech, Morocco situated high in the Atlas Mountains of North Africa. We went into town to visit the markets and old French restaurants. Towards the evening we decided to visit the French Foreign Legion outpost in Marrakech. We asked the commander if we could watch their parade in the evening and he said we would be their guests of honor. That night we froze to death and slept in our plane. The next morning we got orders to go to Tunis, North Africa. We flew across the Sahara and landed at a deserted German Luftwafee air base that was used during the Montgomery and Rommel desert war. We visited the ancient aqueducts there and marveled at how they had been built. We also visited the ruins of various German Luftwafee planes and we were warned not to take anything because everything was booby trapped. 15 We received our combat orders and flew from Tunis to Foggia, Italy and landed at a deserted air field that had been occupied by the German Luftwafee. We went to our canvas tent and proceeded to locate the mess hall. We thought the food was not very tasteful, so we bartered our provisions for local products such as fresh eggs. Our group was the 463rd bombardment group commanded by Colonel Frank Kurtz, who went back in history to the invasion of the Philippines by the Japanese. His airfield was attacked by Japanese bombers and several of the American B-17 bombers were split in half. They put one piece of a bomber into another and called it the Swoose—half swan, half goose. Colonel Kurtz was the chief pilot of that plane, which is presently being restored in the United States. We got settled into our base and our first mission was what we called a 'milk run.' That was to indoctrinate one without fear of major casualties. As the bombing missions progressed, they became more deadly and losses mounted. Then it became one of marking down. You had to make fifty missions as related to a loss of three to four percent of the planes each time we went out. As the missions increased in intensity, we finally came to a mission where the target was Ploesti, Romania. For the Germans, the Ploesti oil fields were a source of oil for their entire military operation. It was heavily guarded by flak guns and F-190s and ME-109s. They were the elites of the German Air Force. When we found out we were going to Ploesti, everyone sighed, had their breakfast, went out to put in their bomb load, and proceeded to taxi out to the runway. 16 By the way, the air fields were metal strips, not cement, and the B-17 loaded with 6,000 pounds of bombs, 2700 gallons of high-octane gasoline, does not get off the ground very quickly. At the end of the runway there was a fence. I was in the nose of the plane and remarked to the navigator, "This plane's not going fast enough to get off the ground." Finally we cleared it by about a hundred yards and went up into our formation at 15,000 feet. Over the Adriatic Sea, everyone discharged their machine guns to make sure they were firing. Then we went over the Yugoslavian Alps. The Yugoslavians were not allies at that time and they had flak guns mounted on top of the mountains. They shot at us, but weren't very effective as they didn't have advanced radar. We flew into our target area and our escort fighters, which were P-38s and P-47s peeled off because they were short of fuel and headed back to their base. They left us unescorted as we approached the target area. There were three or four hundred planes forming a line at what was called, the 'initial point.' This enabled German aircraft guns to zero in on our direction and altitude. I took command of the plane, flying it as we approached the target area. As we neared the target area we saw a huge black cloud box where all the German flak guns were concentrated. I saw planes going through that box and going down on fire and we knew we were next. It was very trying and tested ones fortitutde to the maximum. As we approached closer to the target, I cranked in the airspeed, the velocity, the wind, and other data into the bomb sight. The two indices cross and you know you're on target. I'm watching carefully and finally the indices cross 17 and I say, "Bombs away." The bombs are released and we turn away with planes on fire on both sides of us. As we left the target, if any of the planes in our formation had an engine out and they trailed the pack, they were attacked incessantly. You had to keep a tight diamond formation with seven planes, which also gave you more firing power against the enemy. So as we came away from the target and headed back, we were still alive. Then we started talking about if we had enough fuel to get home. As we neared the Adriatic coast, we started planning whether we were going to make it or whether we were going to ditch. We'd all had training as far as what to do. We finally arrived in the vicinity of the airfield and landed. We were interrogated and had our hot chocolates and donuts and tried to unwind. In another mission, we lost all of our commanding officers and crew in a mid-air collision caused by cloud coverage. In another occasion after takeoff to return to base, we had instructions that the mission was aborted. Our chief pilot, who was later a noted neurologist from Boise, Idaho, turned to our copilot and said, "Why don't you handle this landing." We turned towards the runway and I noted there was a crosswind and the copilot wasn't factoring that in. As we approached the runway, I said, "We're in trouble." We hit on the left landing gear and bounced about fifty feet up in the air and came down with the engines chopping up the runway—with 6,000 pounds of bombs and 2,700 gallons of fuel. I said, "I'm dead." We slid for about five hundred yards and the minute we stopped I yelled for everyone to get out and I ran for about a half a mile and dropped down and covered my head. For some time the rescue crew wouldn't 18 get near the plane to deactivate the bomb load. I don't know why that plane didn't explode. [photo included] ROH: Let's pick up where we left off with World War II. You had survived a crash landing. You said it took a long time before anyone would go near it. EB: Gas was pouring out over the engines and the bombs were banging against each other. We stayed away for a long time and then the emergency crew hosed it down to cool it off. ROH: Did they send you on vacation after that? EB: No, the policy was that you could fly twenty-five missions and then you could take a week off and go to the Isle of Capri near Naples to unwind. My theory was that I wanted to get out of there as fast as possible so I didn't take the vacations. I flew my missions because I wanted to get back to the States. The B-17s flew between twenty and twenty-seven thousand feet. It was thirty degrees below zero—freezing. Non-pressurized cabins. Ice formed down the face of your gear. No relief tubes. We had flak suits on and our parachutes hooked on one side, then we had a helmet. It made it very hard for us to move around. On another mission, we had a misfire in the bomb bay as two bombs had banged together and did not detach. The pilot said, "Boyle, get back there and release those bombs before they blow up." In the B-17, between the front part of the plane, the bomb bay, and the back, was a rail and two supports. As I walked over it, I was looking down at the Mediterranean from 25,000 feet and holding on to a rail with one hand. I was trying to release the catch for the bomb that was 19 swinging against the plane. I managed to unhook the bomb and made a silent prayer as I returned to the nose of the plane. It was a terrible thing to fly eight hours on total oxygen at very low temperatures. It was bitterly cold. After a mission, the Red Cross would be there waiting for us with donuts and hot chocolate, then we'd be interviewed about the mission immediately. As the missions went on, I would write letters. I have over a hundred letters that I wrote to my mother that she kept. I began to wonder if I was going to make it or not. On my fiftieth mission I was flying with another Utahn, Clyde Hart, and he knew it was my fiftieth mission. When we landed, I got out of the plane and kissed the ground. Before that, on a raid over northern Italy, we had some terrible problems from damage to the plane. I managed to get the bombs on target and two weeks later I was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross. After my fiftieth mission, I said, "I've done it!" We got ready to depart and the fifteenth Air Force came out with a memorandum saying, "Unfortunately, we have a shortage of flight crews, so you can have thirty days' leave in the United States, then come back and serve another fifty missions." I wrote to my mother and said that was a death sentence, I would never come back. Fortunately, they reversed that. I left Naples on a troop ship on July 26. We were in the upper part of the boat and on the decks they had thousands of people who were fleeing France and Italy. They had no place to sleep, so they slept on the deck. We were in a convoy surrounded by destroyers, but we had reports of submarines in the 20 area, so we were dropping death charges. That was scary. We arrived in New York. I took a train from New York to my home in Ogden. My first few nights in my family home, I would wake up screaming. I hadn't unwound yet. I would try to find ways and means of winding down. After resting at home, we were sent to a camp in Santa Monica to continue to decompress. My combat days were over, thank the Lord. I was assigned to San Antonio Air Base, and then I spent a series of time moving from one air base to another. I kept in mind that I might be called to duty again. I applied for pilot training in the Air Force and I was accepted. I was assigned to Thunderbird Field in Phoenix, Arizona. The field was also occupied by Chinese cadets who thought nothing of flying into you or on top of you because they had no reason for flying etiquette. In that area of Arizona, there are always hot air drafts. After I had gotten to the point where I was flying solo, I was landing the plane and unbeknownst to me, the pocket of hot air was pushing the plane up and I didn't compensate for that factor. I pancaked and spun around on the landing strip. Thankfully, I wasn't hurt. Immediately I went on a flight check. The instructor, a pilot named Carl Thigpen said, "Ted, you're a good pilot, it's unfortunate you've painted yourself into a corner." They washed me out of the program. I eventually ended up in Denver, Colorado where I was released from the Army-Air Force. ROH: Did your older brother serve as well? EB: No, he had a medical problem. He was a dare-devil—totally different than I am. He parachuted out of a plane in Ogden in 1934 at the age of seventeen. It was a 21 high school bet with his friends. The owner of the airport told him he had to have his father's permission, so Billy called our dad and said, "Dad, I'm going to jump out of a plane, you have to give permission." We sat on the front porch and watched this biplane circling up and then a parachute drop. He became a champion ski jumper in the 1930s. He became an expert on Ecker Hill which was adjacent to Park City. It was a humungous, steep hill, and it attracted a bevy of Norwegian ski jumpers. They formed a cartel and would have jumping contests. My dad and I would go to watch my brother jump. He did exceptionally well at that. After that, he went to California and raced cars. He had no fear at all. That was his life. Later, he became a dreamer. He got into real estate and everything was going to be a million dollars. He was an alcoholic. He became an advisor in Santa Monica for a bevy of movie stars and famous people who would call him at two o'clock in the morning, "Billy, I got a problem." He never quite made it financially. He was always engrossed and saying, "I just got to get this guy to sign this and then I've got it made." It was always touch-and-go with Billy. We were very different. ROH: Did he write to you while you were gone? EB: I've got a ton of letters. Hazel and I are always wondering about who's going to give a hoot about these letters after we're gone. Billy was a great personality. He could walk into a place and immediately have people around him. He eventually ended up in a nursing home in Santa Monica and Hazel and I would go diligently and take him milkshakes and candy bars. The next day he would say that people 22 had stolen them from him. I said to Hazel, "Now that I've seen this in my brother, when it comes time for me, I'm heading for the hills with a Pepsi." It taught me a lesson in assisted living. He was my protector when I was young. My sister was a beauty queen from the get go. She did modeling in Salt Lake City and she was a prom queen. She married well—Ed Haas who was one of the producers of "The Munsters." She traveled in high style in Santa Monica with him. We had the same experience with her in assisted living that we had with my brother. ROH: So none of you worked in the Boyle furniture store? EB: This is fun. I thought from day one that I was going to be selling furniture for the rest of my life. I worked in Boyles as a delivery boy and not withstanding my frail structure, they put me on a delivery truck to haul stoves to second floor premises. Then I handled the store elevator covering three stories which didn't have an automatic stop. During the Christmas season we'd have a pile of customers on the third floor and I'd try to judge where the first floor was and end up sliding clear to the bottom and have to go back up again. HB: You'd better start telling her what happened to change your life. EB: I haven't got that far yet. Anyways, after I got out of the war, I was twenty-three and I was looking for companionship. I had bought a car during the war for my family, who had never had one. I met a girl and we had a relationship. Her name was Gloria and her dad was the music instructor at Weber College. Things were progressing. I was an avid skier and we were in Snow Basin and I told her she 23 needed to learn to ski faster and she went down and fell and broke her leg. Things went from bad to worse after that. Another day, I was at Snow Basin skiing by myself. I was the last man on the hill. The ski patrol had gone and I wanted to do one more run. On the way down, I fell and spun around and stopped near where the gate was. I got up and decided I was okay, so I was going to do another run. Remember, there was nobody on the hill. I got on the ski lift and about half way up, my left knee started to hurt so bad I couldn't stand it. I rolled off the lift at the top. It was dark. I zigzagged my way down the hill, sitting down all the way. It took me an hour to get down. I went to the doctor and found out I'd blown all the tendons in my knee. I had my knee in a cast and I was the house boy at the Pi Phi house in Salt Lake. I was living in the basement with about thirty Pi Phi's as residents; one of them being my sister. I got all the dirt about what had happened on dates—the girls would sit at the kitchen table talking about their dates as if I didn't exist. One day a group of young men in the lounge were talking about the Thunderbird school in Glendale, Arizona. I thought, "Wow. That sounds good." So I made an application to enroll. I was accepted—I still had my leg in a cast. I set out for Phoenix by myself in the winter with my left leg in a cast. I got near Cedar City and it was black ice and I skidded off the road and tipped over in a ditch. This was 6:00 in the morning. I got out and hobbled down the road to an all-night café. There were several patrons in the bar who offered me a drink before they went out to put my car back on the road. I arrived to Thunderbird school and decided I wanted to live abroad and work for an international company. 24 I decided I needed to work on my command of the Spanish language. My friend and I traveled to a small university in Morelia, Mexico. We lived rather sparingly with a Mexican family. After studies in Spanish, it came time to go home. We had practically nothing in our pockets, so we boarded a bus to Guadalajara. There were more chickens than people on the bus. In Guadalajara, we had no money for a hotel, so we went to a flop house that had a hundred beds or so. Bill and I went in and paid and we agreed that one would sleep and the other would stay awake because someone might assault us if we were both asleep. We had to go third class on the train to Nogales, Mexico. That was a laugh because it was full of immigrants heading to the United States and they were all pretty liquored up. We had no money for food, so when the train would stop, we'd get a stock of bananas. We were on the train three days and all we ate was bananas. Close to the border, we got off the train. Bill left his U.S. passport on the seat and had it stolen. Going through customs in Nogales, Bill went to jail because he didn't have a passport. Then they put me in jail because my passport, when we'd gone into Mexico with friends, had been stamped that I had brought a car into the country. So I was put in jail until they called the owner of the car and verified that the car was in Mexico City. I don't remember how Bill got out of jail. That was a journey never to be forgotten. After we graduated from Thunderbird—the beauty of the school, is that the people who hire, came to campus. I was prepping to get a job with Sears Roebuck. A friend of mine had scheduled a meeting with a Citibank officer from New York. When Citibank found out my friend was married, they said no. My 25 friend said to me, "Ted, why don't you interview in my place?" I asked for an interview and the first question their man from New York—Gordon Bullock— asked was, "Why do you want to go to Latin America?" I said, "I have an uncle who runs the largest sugar cane factory in Puerto Rico and if you hire me, I think I can get the account." I made it up off the top of my head on the spot. [Laughter] I walked off to get ready for Sears Roebuck and a week later I got a telegram saying Citibank had accepted me. They had to write for references. Not far from me lived two very powerful lawyers, George Lowe and Roy Thatcher. They wrote letters to Citibank. Then I asked my dad, "Dad, I'm at a crossroads here. I don't know anything about Citibank." My dad said, "Ted, the only people who are important in Ogden are doctors, lawyers, and bankers. Go for it." I accepted Citibank and said goodbye to Ogden. I got on a train to New York and went to the YMCA with the other trainees. I stayed seven days in New York and they shipped me off to San Juan, Puerto Rico. San Juan was our training base for South America. The people there were very friendly, we practiced our Spanish, and we learned about banking—that including carrying the golf bag for the managers when they went golfing. My family came to see me. They had never been out of Ogden, Utah. My mother has a diary of everything that happened. She even wrote about my dad listening to the motors on the plane. We had a lovely time. I think that was the biggest thing to ever happen to them in their lives. As it came time to depart from San Juan, they told us, "You trainees have three choices, you can go to Havana, Cuba," which was pre-Castro, which was a 26 great place, "or you can go to Mexico City," which was number one, or Bogota, Colombia. I'd never heard of Bogota, Colombia. For some unknown reason, I chose Bogota. I arrived in Bogota at 8,600 feet in altitude. It rains about every other day. It's in the top of the Andes with ancient Indian culture all around it. I settled into an apartment with another trainee and we lived the buena vida—the good life. He was a football player from Ohio State named John Mack—a very joyful guy who would fit in any crowd. We played fifty-four holes of golf in one day. We had a great time. We dropped golf balls out of the windows to watch them bounce on cars and roll down the street. A friend who liked to drink went out and got locked up and couldn't find a way home. The police called the wife of the other man with him and asked if she wanted to come down and bail him out. She said, "Hell no. Leave him in there." She was furious. Anyway, we had a wonderful time. Our chief officers at the bank were Boice Nourse and Juan Sanchez, a Castilian from Spain. It was just idyllic. We would play Liars Dice at the Anglo- American club and whoever lost would pay for lunch. We'd play against the manager and he wasn't very good at concealing his thoughts, so we got a lot of free lunches. We used to have vacations—we would get three months off after every two years and they'd put us on the Grace Lines ships to go up to New York. I'd go back to home in Ogden and I'd bought a car—my original car was a 1942 Chrysler Sedan that I'd bought during the war, then I bought another that I think was a Ford. Back in Ogden, I reunited with my old friends but I felt like I was out of place with them. In the interim period, I was doing well in the bank and 27 learning about the theory of banking. Citibank was the world leader in international banking. We worked with governments and with major organzations and their subsidiaries. We were not oriented towards individual banking. We worked with big-ticket items. In one of my trips North, I met a young lady from New York City, who was on the cruise with her mother. We became involved and were engaged when I went back to Bogota. One day I was working on the bank platform in Bogota and this young woman walked in and stopped the music. She walked down that platform with her gorgeous black hair and I thought this was the girl of my life. I hadn't even met her. When she walked in, I just thought, "Where have you been all my life?" ROH: What year was that? EB: That was about 1951. We dated about eight months. The bank had a policy that you could not date employees and I was engaged. I had a dilemma. I talked to my general manager, Boice Nourse and he said, "Ted, we'll make an exception as long as you play the rules of the game." Hazel loved peach melbas, so I asked her out to get one with me. I kind of dallied around. Finally I went out to meet her parents and find out if they were willing to let her date me. To the very strict in Latin America, this is how you go about dating. When her father saw that we were getting serious, he wrote the State Department to find out if I was married. He was worried about the Mormon religion and if a polygamist might be after his daughter. 28 Hazel and I started dating and I was in seventh heaven. I couldn't believe it because of the age difference. But we dated and then I got really sick. We had an idiot bank doctor and I went to him and said I didn't feel good. He said, "Do you chew gum?" I said yes. He said, "Then stop chewing gum." Well, I got worse and I started turning yellow. Hazel got worried and I went to another doctor. He said I had Hepatitis and he wanted me in bed resting immediately. I was in bed for three months. All I can remember of the treatment was that I ate a lot of hard candy because the doctor wanted to build up the sugar in my body. I had written to my fiancé in New York and told her that things had changed. She showed up in Colombia. The bank was having a big party and I ended up with Hazel and my fiancé in the same room. I just about died. I said to myself, "What have I done to deserve this?" I managed to make it through the night. I made the break with my fiancé and she went back to New York. Hazel's dad came over all the time while I was sick. He taught me to play bridge and he spent a lot of time with me. I think he was trying to make sure that this thing was real. His name was Edward Pierce Roskruge. Let me interrupt here to say that Hazel's biological father was German who I think was connected with the Colombian Air Force. When the world war came, he was called to duty back in Germany. Then Edward Pierce Roskruge married Hazel's mother. He was a wonderful Englishman and always very correct. I fell in love with him right away. He was there when I needed him. Anyways, so I managed to get out of bed to get married. We had the wedding in her house with a Catholic priest. It went well but Hazel had an affinity 29 for dolls. She had a huge doll she loved that she wanted to take with her as we were packing for the airport. I said, "No way, you're not taking that doll on that plane." ROH: How old were you two when you got married? EB: That was 1952. I was thirty years old and Hazel was seventeen. Anyways, we got to Barranquilla, which is a seaport at the head of the Magdalena River. Hazel took to married life with vim and vigor. She learned how to cook. She was a wonderful hostess. People there loved her. She became very active in the American Woman's Society. At that time, we made a lot of friends in Barranquilla. They had an international golf tournament one year and one of the players was a young man named Arnold Palmer. We were privileged to meet him and have drinks with him. That was the beginning of his career. My mother and father came to Barranquilla to visit over Christmas and that was a real treat for them. At those times, I rode the city bus. We didn't have enough money to buy a car. At one point, we were in dire circumstances financially. Hazel's father had given her a very expensive bracelet with gold in it and unbeknownst to me, she went to a pawn shop and sold it. When I found out, we went back to get it but it was gone. It was tough in the early days, but it was a learning process. My supervisor was from Brooklyn and from the old school. He was very gruff. He and I had several personality clashes. He would say, "This is the way we're going to do it." But I had a feeling that my ideas were better. When we got to the point where we didn't get along, I would go take a walk around the block 30 and then come back and sit down. He knew what he was doing but he did it with the old style. He hadn't arrived into the twentieth century. Among the American counselors was a gentleman named Harry Shlaudeman, who was a vice council and a super golfer from Pasadena, California. Harry, through his career, became the right-hand man for Henry Kissinger in Washington. The head American council was an elderly Scotsman who loved golf. One morning we were alerted that he was missing. We looked for him for three days and eventually he showed up and said, "I just fell asleep." We really enjoyed life there. When it came time to start a family, I witnessed the birth of our first daughter, Sharon Elizabeth. Everyone said she was beautiful just like her mother. Our second daughter, Linda Kay, was born in Cali. We almost lost her but she survived. When it came time for us to move to Cali, Columbia, I had the title of Pro-Manager. It sounds better than it was. I had been a sub-accountant. ROH: Why did they call you a sub-accountant? EB: It was something to show that one was just starting a banking career. We got our orders to go to Cali, Colombia. Cali was a wonderful place and we settled into a very nice house and I became the second in command there. I eventually became manager of that branch, which was a big success. We were very prominent there. I was president of the American Men's Society and Hazel was president of the American Women's Society. ROH: Tell me a little about these societies. 31 EB: It was a consortium of Americans who were working abroad and assigned to Cali. It was similar to a Kiwanis Club. The Americans and some prominent Colombians worked together to promote service activities to the community. Cali was the a center for the production of sugar cane, which is a major source of income for the Colombian government. We also had many pharmaceuticals plants, Quaker Oats and other multi national companies. Political unrest and local violence were causes of concern. In one instance, we had gone to a cocktail party at the American councilor's home and when Hazel and I got back in the car, I said, "Oh, it's drafty." Then I realized someone had removed the entire front windshield of the car. After that we would go down to an automotive spare parts store and see our windshield and buy it back. It was petty thievery. Another thing was if you were driving in thick traffic and had your arm out the window thieves would take your watch off your wrist. Cali was in an earthquake fault zone. One night I heard this thunder like a train approaching the house. It was a tremendous noise and the house was shaking badly and shook for about two or three minutes. It was a major earthquake and there was a lot of property damage in Cali. The next day we had big cracks in the masonry of the house. We were very fortunate in the banking industry to deal with high class business houses and individuals. We also had banking relationships with the Colombian government. There were very little dealings with individuals. Kim, our third daughter was born in Cali. I never questioned the superb quality of medical facilities in Colombia. So, our third daughter arrived and I'd 32 send telegraphs to my mother and father, "I've got another queen in the family." The girls went to the American schools in Cali. All of my daughters had dual nationalities, Colombian-United States of American, until they were twenty one. They were brought up strictly by their mother in the Catholic Church. From Cali we were transferred to Medellin. People associate Medellin as the center of the narcotic industry in Colombia. At that time there were no problems with narcotic trade. The only political parties were liberals and conservatives. There was a fierce political battle which was a concern. We had problems with rioters in the street in Cali. We had to close the branch because people were being shot in the street. Castro arrived with Che Guevara in Bogota and from that sprung out these problems with peasants up in the mountains who were ill-prepared to make a decision. They entered the Colombian political system of 1949 in addition to the conservatives and the liberals. It was a problem if you were in the wrong place at the wrong time. There were instances when it was rather dicey to go certain places. An uprising would happen overnight and you would get caught unawares. But I do want to add that in Colombia, bull fighting was famous as it was in Spain. Bogota was very much connected to Spain. We still have films of bull fighting. My career was blossoming. I had been named manager of the branch, which was a major move. ROH: Can you give me an idea of the size of the branch? EB: I had over a hundred employees. The currency was pesos. When I arrived, the peso was at par with the dollar—if you had a peso, you had a dollar. When I left, 33 the peso was something like two cents to the dollar. It completely devalued. Much like what is happening in the United States right now, the government's economic policies were off-key. By the way, coffee represented a major portion of their exports and they lived off that, but they had almost every major natural resource but they lacked the funds to develop. They were passed by other world countries that didn't want to put money into Colombia at that time. So, the economics at times got out of balance at times. The Brazilian coffee was a lesser quality. The Colombian coffee was called "mam"; which meant "Medellin, Armenia, Manizales." That's the high grown coffee; the higher the area it grows the more valuable it is because it matures slower. Medellin was my next step. It was a larger area and more responsibility. It was the center of textiles for most of South America. Again, we were very favorably invited to join the community there. It was group of outstanding people we were associating with—both the Americans and Colombians. The manager of Citibank was on par with the American consul, as far as prominence, in any city we were in. So we were always on the top of the list as far as invitees for whatever might be going on. In Medellin, we had the fourth addition to our family. Sarah was born premature and it was almost a tragedy. The hospital there took such great care of her. There wasn't a minute when there wasn't a nurse there looking after her. That was our family. After our fourth daughter, I said, "That's it. I'm surrounded by women." But anyway, I think being in the international banking circle, you're dealing with people who are intelligent and sociable, usually the moneyed class. It was a 34 wonderful world. It encouraged you to step up and be a part of it. We dearly loved that. The one major incident when I took my life in hands was when I bought a car in Bogota. The individual had a late-model car for sale and I had to fly to Bogota to get it. My boss said, "What are you doing?" I said I was going to drive it back to Medellin. He said, "You're crazy." The road from Bogota to Medellin was undeveloped and had very few facilities. At that time, there were uprisings with the natives attacking buses, dragging people out and cutting their heads off. They called it "Corte de Franela." There were several massacres in that area. That was in the back of my mind, but I said I'd travel at night while they were asleep. So I left Bogota all by myself. I drove maybe seven or eight hours through areas where I saw nothing except a paved road. It was eerie and I kept thinking, "What am I doing?" I arrived in Medellin at about 5:00 in the morning. Hazel was thrilled that I made it. It was an idiotic thing for me to do. EB: Eventually, we sold that car and got a good price for it. Hazel was driving it about three days before we sold it and there was a truck parked with a piece of lumber sticking out of it. She went too close and the lumber went right through the front windshield and all the way back. She was okay. I went to the guy I sold it to and I was really upset. He said, "Don't worry. I can get a new one from Miami." We got a lot of letters from corporations saying thank you for the attention and help I'd given them as they got started in their business. I was on the board of directors of companies where we were involved in Medellin and Cali. They 35 wanted a local director with banking experience on their boards. They'd send the Chairman of the Board down to Colombia and I'd take him golfing. In Medellin, we were honored as a well-managed branch. I got letters saying that and that helped my career. I was a stickler for details and communication. ROH: Did you travel back to the states as part of your work? EB: No, we very seldom would go back to New York when we were in a foreign branch. Except when we were on furlough, I would normally spend a week or so in New York on my way to vacation. Hazel would take the children while I was in New York. I don't know how she did it—traveling with four young kids. She was a marvel. There was a group of expatriates in Medellin who ended up in Fort Lauderdale, Florida after their careers in Colombia ended. There seemed to be an exodus of American workers in Colombia going to Florida after. It had a Latin complex in Florida, and the weather was similar. After Medellin, I got a promotion and orders to go to San Salvador, Central America to be the manager of a huge branch there. They didn't have a house for us when we arrived, so we had the privilege of staying in a very high class hotel for about three months. That was a good life for Hazel. She didn't have to cook or anything like that. In El Salvador we had a problem with earthquakes. El Salvador lies right on a fault line. We had several earthquakes while we were there. Anyway, I was second in command at the branch in El Salvador. Our major clients there were coffee exporters, almost entirely. Then we also dealt with the Salvadorian government directly. We were on intimate terms with the president of El 36 Salvador. The ambassador to El Salvador was a gentleman from Phoenix, Arizona and his last name was Castro. He looked like a Mexican bandolero— black hair, moustache, had a gorgeous blond wife. He would call the American business leaders to a meeting on Wednesday and he wanted all the information he could get about what was happening so that he could report back to Washington. I was president of the American school there. We had Joe Borgatti, who was an innovative vice president. He did a lot of things of which nobody had ever heard. Nobody at CitiBank, at that time, had the privilege of having an airplane available to the chief officers. Joe said to them, "I'm in charge of Central America—Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Panama, and so forth. I want to get a plane." So we got a push-pull. It's a plane that has a propeller in the front and one in the back. One of the things I organized down there was a league of soccer teams. Citibank was the champion of the tournament. Two things while we were there. One was when President Lyndon B. Johnson was trying to form better relations with Latin America. They decided they were going to have a big meeting in San Salvador and invite the heads of state from Central American countries. Citibank was encouraged to be a part of this meeting. The Mexican embassy said that Johnson liked cuff links with coins from the country he was visiting, so I was assigned to get to the local jewelry store and get some coins that were delivered to him. We were part of the big entourage. We met the President and his wife and the two daughters. 37 The other thing that happened in San Salvador was the Chairman of our Board, George Moore, who was a genius in my estimation. He decided to come down with his wife, who was from a very prominent Mexican family. She was not very sociable. We decked out his room with flowers and when he walked in, he said, "Is this for my funeral?" He had all of the young, gung-ho businessmen in San Salvador come to the swimming pool at 6:00 in the morning and swim with him. Then he would have breakfast with them and talk about business. Hazel was in charge of a party for his wife. Hazel carried it off perfectly. The two big events were that we were going to take them around in our plane and show them Honduras. The plane was small and Mrs. Moore was rather large, so when we went to get on the plane, she said, "George, you think I'm going to get on that plane? Never." She walked off. We had to run around and get a commercial plane to take them. The crowning event was a party on an island resort owned by the coffee barons. I happened to be walking along the path and Mrs. Moore crossed in front of me and she wanted to sit down. I suggested she sit in a hammock. Well, she got in the hammock and it broke. She's on the ground and said, "Don't touch me." I said, "I'm going to get fired whatever I do." I didn't dare touch her. She rolled off and dusted herself off. One of our prominent clients was elderly but liked to fly. He flew his own plane over there, but the weather worsened. He insisted he was going to fly back to the air base. His son told him not to so he took off unbeknownst to them. He took off into the clouds and got lost. The Salvadorian air force had to find him and guide him down. 38 There was a war of sorts between Colombian and Honduras. They called it the "soccer war." They got very serious about soccer. I think the end result was a Honduran plane dropped a bomb in the ocean near a port city. There was no actual exchange, but there were a lot of words. The president of the country would ride around on a motorcycle; he was very flamboyant. He would come to our office like that. But the people we dealt with were delightful. Most had made their money exporting coffee. We carried a lot of memories out of that. A lot of our clients were from the moneyed class and they didn't want to deal with Salvadorians or Hondurans or Colombians for tax reasons, so they wanted to confide in us. We were an intermediary. ROH: How long were you in El Salvador? EB: Three years. I was the manager and we had about twelve officers reporting to me. ROH: Did you have the young rookie kids like you coming up through the ranks? EB: We had people who were doing what I was—coming up through the ranks just two steps behind me. We always had trainees or American staff. Then they decided that I needed to go back to the domestic side, so we packed up and ended up in Wilton, Connecticut. The agent who sold us the house was married to a man who was a Citibank manager. We had minimal funds to invest; I still was not making any money. But we let her take us around to see houses. This was 1965 or 1966. She asked how much money I had and I said I had about $46,000. So she started showing block houses to Hazel. Hazel didn't like them. Nora said she had another that might be available. It was a two-story colonial 39 home with two acres of woodland with an immaculate four bedrooms. It was everything you'd ever want. Hazel wanted it. Nora said it was out of our price range. Hazel said, "That's my house." We managed to get that house in the low-forties. It was idyllic. In Wilton, I commuted on the New Haven railroad for five years. I think it was from 1968 to 1973. I was working in our head office in what we called the Overseas Unit for Individual Banking. People from all over the world would come in and want to talk about their money in Liberia and Japan, and so on. I worked in that area during those years. Wilton was a wonderful area. The highlights there were two intercontinental trips from Wilton, Connecticut to Long Beach, California in a station wagon. Those trips were classic. I told the girls that they'd seen the United States from thirty-thousand feet but that they hadn't really seen it. Well, we got into the station wagon, loaded to the gills, with the four girls in the back trying to get comfortable. We'd go from one stop to another and see things along the way. We always stopped at the Holiday Inns and the girls went straight to the pool. We traversed the country and saw everything. The girls saw America and it was a great growing-up experience. My parents lived near Long Beach and whenever we went there, we went to Disneyland. The cross-country trips were invaluable. I kept them on their toes with games like, "First one to see a white horse or a yellow Volkswagen gets five cents." It was something that created memories. All of them talk about it. One memorable trip, our youngest, Sarah, was about five or six years old. We 40 stopped for gas and drove off and we were a mile away when we realized we'd left her. Nobody had counted noses. We got back and she was crying. It was one of those things. Hazel and I fell in love with Disneyland, too. On our fiftieth anniversary, we all went to Disneyland and they bought two blocks with our names on them in the area where they sell your name and it's there for eternity. ROH: When did your parents move to Long Beach? EB: After I left home. My dad had several close friends who had moved to Long Beach. Dad became an avid golfer at sixty-five and played almost until his death. My brother had lived there most of his life. My sister did very well there. Those trips across country were something else. The girls graduated from Wilton High School. Then they got ahold of me in New York and said, "Ted, how would you like to go to Monrovia, Liberia? We've got a branch there that is the central bank for Liberia and we also do international banking from there; it's an important link for us in West Africa." I went home and told Hazel. If I had been married to an American, I think I would never have had the opportunity to go because an American woman probably would not have adjusted. Hazel said, "Let's go." We got out library books and I got a post report. The first thing that caught my eye was that we had a house in a fifteen-acre strip with six other houses. That area around Liberia contained six of the most deadly snakes in the world. That influenced Hazel to buy riding boots for all the girls so that when they walked through the grass, there would be less of a chance they'd be bitten. There was also a lot of malaria. Our doctor gave us pills, which I think affected us all later in terms of our eyesight. We arrived there with a 41 dog and a cat. Our house had a river behind it that contained crocodiles. There were other animals, like apes and things. We were in the middle of an animal kingdom. When I got into the branch I got a shock. I didn't have a problem with blacks, but it was a cultural shock to walk in and see everyone in the branch was black except the manager and me. There was an adjustment there. We settled in and found out that we were the kingpins as far as the American banks there. The president of Liberia thought nothing of coming in at whatever hour of the day or night and saying to the manager of the bank, "I'm going to New York. I need some traveler's checks." We'd have to open the branch and get that for him. We had a problem with labor relations. The employees decided to strike because their white managers did not understand them—that was I and the other manager. We were in the hot seat there for a while. Hazel developed a friendship with the wife of the President through the American Club. They had a graduation ceremony and Hazel loaned Mrs. Tubman one of her chairs to sit on. During the ceremony, the lights went out and it was raining cats and dogs. They brought out some lanterns. It was a comic graduation. We were invited to a wedding of one of our employees. We were the only white couple there. When we saw the cake, there was a colony of ants crawling over the cake. The cultural shock—you learn to adjust to it and get involved with it. They had golf there but the greens were tarred, they weren't grass. The caddies didn't wear shoes so they'd go out into the rough and pick up 42 your ball—which is illegal in golf, but they wanted a tip—and there were snakes all along the fairway. From time to time, we would transfer money that was depreciated to the central bank. We had a cash officer and two guards when we took that money over to the central bank. On one day, we had branches up-country and he went to the cash officer said he wanted to take money over; I asked how he was going to do it. He said, "Our two Monrovia trucks are busy, so I'll get my chauffeur and my car and get a guard from the bank." I said, "So be it." So they drove over and parked in front of the Monrovia Central Bank. The guard got out and the driver stayed in his seat. Before the guard could get the money out of the car, the driver took off with the money in the trunk. We found the abandoned car. It was a national catastrophe—it was all over the news and all the borders were closed so they couldn't get out. For two days I was waiting. New York told me I'd better get the money back or I was in trouble. So, the guy who stole the money went to his brother's house and they buried it. The one who stole the money took enough to get to the Ivory Coast for vacation. There are two episodes. The guy with the money waiting for a taxi to take him to the Ivory Coast that's fifty miles away. The taxi driver said, "You haven't got enough money to get to the Ivory Coast." And the guy said, "Here." He put the money on the seat and the taxi driver drove off with the money. This is comic. Well, they got a hold of the guy and shook him down and he admitted to where the money was. It was wet and they were digging it up and all the bills were sticking together. So the Treasury Department said, "You've got to be down there 43 while we count this money." I spent three hours there while they were peeling dollar bills to be sure we got all the money back. Another thing—and this one was scary—Hazel and I, and our daughter, went to a show down in the center of Monrovia at night. Coming back, the car stopped. Hazel and our daughter pushed me over the bridge down to the bottom where there was a house. I knocked on the door and a guy came out. I said, "Here's ten dollars, if that car is still there in the morning, I'll give you another ten dollars." We took a taxi home. The funny thing was that our daughters were dating and they wanted me to take them into town. The roads were very narrow and had big drops. This was tribal country. So I'm going along the road at night and I see this car coming towards me on my side of the road. There was no shoulder and I dropped down about ten feet into a ravine—still upright with two of the girls in the back seat. Within five minutes, there was a tribe of indigenous people swarming the car. I thought we were going to be cannibal soup. Well, it took about twelve of these guys, but they helped get the car back up on the road. The compound had a guard at night. One of our junior officers was coming in at night and he went over to him and shook him. Well the native went over to his tribe headquarters and said he had been assaulted by an American. The tribal chief ordered that this man be arrested and go into a tribal court. The bank immediately said, "That's a problem." The only way we saved him was to transfer him out of the country. Then we had an incident of inside robbery. Hazel and I were sleeping in bed with our golden retriever next to me. My wallet was two feet from me. The 44 next morning I woke up and saw my wallet was gone. What had happened was we'd had a thief who had come in with a screw driver and broke through one of the windows. He got into our room and the dog growled but we didn't pay attention. The thief stole my wallet, then went down to the St. Paul River, took everything out and dumped the wallet. At that time, Liberia was ruled by elitists, the people who came by boat from the United States. They had the money and they ran the country. About ninety percent of the people had no money and had been kept under control by the people in power. Just after we left, they had an uprising where they took the president and his cabinet down to the beach, stripped them to their skivvies, and shot them. They gunned down the President of Liberia and eight counselors. That was when this John Doe became famous and was running the country and now things have calmed down. But it was a very serious uprising of the have-nots. Mind you, when they had a parade, they wore top hats and they wore canes—they didn't have any guns. It looked like Laurel and Hardy. We were there about three years and we were packing up to go back to the States—we'd about had it at that point. ROH: Were you doing better financially by this point? EB: No, we were barely hanging on. Anyway, we were scheduled to go back to New York after that tour and one of our senior officers from Athens, Greece was in Liberia visiting. I was talking to him and said I didn't want to go back to New York. He said, "Okay." And the next thing I know, my superior at the branch said, "How 45 would you like to go to Beirut, Lebanon." Well, there was a war going on there. But again, Hazel said, "Okay, let's go." It was eerily quiet when we landed at the Beirut airport. The taxi driver took us to the Bristol Hotel, which was one of the best in the city. We registered and Hazel and Sarah were the only females in that hotel for about three months. They were treated royally by the staff. It was an indication that it was a very dangerous situation. One day Hazel and I decided to go visit the ruins in Syria. Word got around that Boyle and his wife were going to visit the ruins. We got in a taxi with a reporter from New York. We rode up into the area occupied by the Syrian army. We got into Baalbek and we were stopped by Syrian police. They took our passports and wouldn't give them back until we left. The ruins were spectacular. We were the only tourists in any form in that area. We had so many near-misses in Lebanon. They burned the American Embassy. We were located on the Mediterranean in a high rise. We were on the seventh floor and there was a Saudi prince on the eighth floor. Unbeknownst to us, we were in a PLO area—the western side of Beirut was headquarters for Yasser Arafat. We had a bank there called the Bank of Lebanon and Kuwait. It was fifty-fifty with the Kuwait royal family. Our principle objective was to recover investments for our clients because of the war. We were in a tenuous situation. One of the most dangerous things I've ever done—I was obliged to do it. We had branches on the east and west sides of the city. The west was the Muslim side and the east was the Christian. There was a dividing line between them. At one point, the leaders of the Lebanese government decreed that they 46 were going to get some insurance money from the bankers in the area for protection purposes. They approached our offices on the east side and said, "We're going to keep people around here to protect your branch, but it's going to cost you this much." It was not a threat, but in order to continue to bank without being hustled or having people break into the bank, we sent the proposal to New York. They said, "Absolutely not. We cannot be taken to court on that type of issue. Just send down an ultimatum: we do not accept these terms." Well, someone had to take that message to the people in authority. We drew straws and I got the short straw. They said, "Ted, you are going to be an emissary. You're going to drive through an area that's highly contested on both sides and you're going to carry this message personally." I had to go down this road with enemies and firepower on both sides. We stopped near the headquarters of the Lebanese presidency. We were searched and they sat me in the hall to wait. One of the men that was ruling the country had been educated in the United States, so he had an English background. I was brief about it. I told him, "This is what has happened and we've been advised by our headquarters that we cannot do this." He said, "I understand." He shook my hand and I walked out. That was scary. With all this going on, it was very dangerous. Quite frequently, Hazel and our daughter would be flown down to Athens and I'd stay behind. When I'd get to go to Athens, I'd stay over the weekend and come back. The pilot would say, "I've got to find out which runway is open. There's firing on the north side, so I'm 47 coming on the south side so we won't be hit." While we were flying in, there were missiles flying around the airport. ROH: What did you think of Athens? EB: Athens was a dream come true. I had seen a little of the ancient history when I was in the Air Force in Tunisia—the aqueducts and all that. But when I walked around there, I just felt eerie, like it was unreal. It was hard to imagine the history that you were walking around. When we left Beirut, we didn't find out until we were ready to go that our body guards and the people who were hanging around in the lobby all the time were PLO—they were protecting us, unbeknownst to us. The golf course in Lebanon was laid out on the edge of the PLO firing range. The ambassador, I was told, carried a machine gun in his golf bag when he played. We had shrapnel coming down on us while we played. ROH: Did you have friends there? EB: Thanks to Hazel, we have had friends everywhere we've gone. We were involved with the government because of the banking industry. They had the American school there and this is where Hazel and our daughter were baptized. I got the idea, having bombed Europe and seen the desolation and the destruction, Beirut reminded me very much of a destroyed city. They had destroyed the business sector. Buildings were derelict. It was a mini world war for me. ROH: Did that cause problems in business for you? EB: Oh yes. This was an extreme case of merchants who took advantage of the situation and refused to pay us back. Recovery of assets was very difficult. They 48 knew what the situation was and we had very little clout. You never knew who would be the governing body. We were going to the airport, leaving Beirut, and our driver, innocently, drove through a road block of Syrian soldiers. They were ready to shoot us with machine guns. Another car drove into the line of fire and stopped—in other words, they couldn't see us anymore. He overtook us down the road and said, "I saved your life, what the hell were you thinking?" Our driver thought they were telling us to go on. That was our departure from Beirut. We went from there to Karachi, Pakistan. That was in turmoil too. The president had been convicted of crimes and they were going to execute him. They had killed several marines in our embassy in Islamabad. We got word from New York to get out of there. Hazel and our daughter were flown down to Athens again. I went underground with our people. It was a very tenuous situation when we first got there. There was a lot of demonstrating in front of the bank. Again, our bank worked closely with the government. Pakistan is famous for its textiles. They had an industry down on the coast that broke up old ships that were battle-worn. There was a big industry there for that. They had oil deposits, too, but textiles were their strongest industry. The entertainment there was centered around the American school, which was a premier school. In fact, the Pakistanis who had money would be on waiting lists for years to get their children in the American schools. I was on the board there. In fact, the head of that school was here recently in a tennis tournament for seniors—Tony Horton. He had traveled all over the world as the head of 49 American schools. We had, again, a very closely knit community. We were there for about three years. ROH: Was it better than when you were in Beirut? EB: Oh yes. There was an underlying community of the have-nots. The countries we were in at this time had a high rate of poverty. As a result, there were riots in the cities. It was a learning experience again. ROH: At this point were you thinking about retiring? EB: No, I was still active. I had become a resident vice president. My duties were managing our portfolio—the quality of our loans and making sure people were paying and all that. We took several tours up into the area where the book Three Cups of Tea was written. We were in that area, not quite as high as he was. It's very rural. It was kind of scary in a sense that there wasn't a real feeling that you didn't belong, but you had a feeling that you might be better off if you weren't there. The populous in Karachi was horrific in terms of slums—water and sanitation was a horrible mess. I understood why the have-nots had uprisings. Of course, spinning off from India, there was always a feeling that India was their big rival and there was a fear that India would come after them, and then they had the nuclear problem down there. Pakistan was a tinder box. After Pakistan, we moved over to Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. That was an eye-opener. The bank there was called Saudi-American Bank. It was fifty percent owned by Citibank and fifty percent owned by the royal family. We also had a subdivision for females only. There wasn't a male teller in that division. We had 50 lots of meetings and instances—one where we had a Saudi princess with a lot of money who had a farm development out in the desert. They desired to have their own wheat, which cost ten times as much as it would have to import it from Canada. They have pivot wheels out in the desert with the wheat growing out there, and then the Saudis would have their estates out there. I was invited by a Saudi and the princess arranged for a luncheon. She had about sixty pieces of chicken for three of us for lunch. Our dealings there were really something. If you invited a Saudi of any importance, the wife never came. You never saw their wives in a social engagement. And there was enormous segregation. One of the things they told me was, "If you're driving down the street and a Saudi runs into you, you're liable. They say it wouldn't have happened if you weren't there." The philosophy is that you caused the accident because you were residing in their country. I had a terrible incident there with my health. The Saudi hospitals are staffed by Americans and have our equipment; it's just like an American institution, but only Saudis can utilize those services. My condition worsened and it was decided that I would leave the Kingdom. Our driver took us to the airport and I found that I had a missing document. They said I had to go six blocks to another location to get the document, but the plane was on the runway taxing without me. We raced over and they actually held the plane for thirty minutes for us. I was on that plane for thirty hours in terrible straights. But what I'm going to say is that if anyone in the royal family has hay fever, they head to Walter Reed hospital and take up a whole wing. 51 We dealt with Osama bin Laden's father. He was one of our biggest clients and continues to be one of the biggest powers in industrial equipment in Saudi Arabia. I can't document it, but I think Bin Laden was employed there in Saudi Arabia while I was there. It's funny. You don't have any poverty in Saudi Arabia. It's set up so that if you get in line and go tell the king you need a washer or whatever, he gives you the royal handshake and gives an order. You don't see poverty because the people with oil money keep the populace happy with that type of thing. They say, "Hey, I've got money." But religion—if they think that you are even getting together for religious purposes, they kick you out of the country. They consider that a deterrent to the kingdom. So Hazel and her friends would have secret meetings. They were told not to park close to the house, they would walk so that no one would see the cars together and think, "We got one." Our Air Force guarding the kingdom is a deterrent to the kingdom being overthrown. I think, militarily, our presence has been a big thing in saving the kingdom. Another thing that's interesting is once the Saudis get into the Saudi planes, they'll exchange their royal robes and put on their jeans. ROH: While you were there, was your daughter still with you? EB: Our youngest daughter was a threat—in other words there were restrictions that a young female could not enter the kingdom. They didn't want any western women walking around with the Saudi boys looking at her. So she couldn't get a visa to get in. I don't remember, but I think their laws prohibit interest on loans, making it extremely difficult to bank at a profit. You had to protect yourself with 52 collateral outside of the kingdom because the laws there would make it so difficult to foreclose on a property. You have to play their rules. It's an extremely difficult area to bank in. After Saudi Arabia, we came back to Wilton, Connecticut. At that time, I was approaching retirement and I took an early retirement there. I was sixty-two. ROH: What position did you hold at the bank? EB: I was Vice President for Citibank. ROH: Were you finally doing okay financially? EB: I've always thought in terms of the investments and stocks. Over a period of forty years or so, I've been fortunate. But you have to be patient. The average investor today with this market and all this growling about Wall Street and what's wrong. But what do we produce now? We've lost our keys—we were the kings of electronics and technology. We've lost everything where we could say we dominated. I think most of it is a labor factor of the cost value. You cannot compete with China and India where the person is making a dollar or two dollars an hour but Detroit wants fifty or sixty dollars for the same product. But I want to talk about several vacations. We went to Cairo and went down the Nile on a houseboat from the Aswan Dam clear to Cairo. Doing everything that tourists do with all the royal burial grounds. We got off at Luxor, which is kind of a tourist trap, and Hazel wanted to get a cartouche for each girl. While Hazel was dealing in the jewelry store, the owner of the shop came over and said, "Mister, I give you a hundred racing camels for your wife!" [Laughter] 53 Racing camels were thousands of dollars; it was millions he was talking about. I told him, "Give me a few minutes to think about it." That was hilarious. Our trip to Nairobi, Kenya was fantastic. I've always thought about big game. We got down there with three of our girls and we decided not to go with a guided tour. We got out to the base of Mount Kilimanjaro and we were right in the middle of all kinds of wild game. The next day I decided to go out in our car, by myself, and find the animals. I was going along the trail and low and behold, I see three lions loping by the side of the car. We've got pictures of them. Anyway, we got in there and saw lions, elephants, and rhinos, you name it. On the way back to Nairobi, I tried to drive through a dry lake bed but it was sandy and we got stuck. I finally got onto what you'd call a road and one of the girls smelled gas. I stopped and found that the gas line had parted. The girls put it together and put some gum around it to patch it. We stopped in a village of Masai natives who were about six feet, ten inches tall. We are the only white people in the village. They all had spears and red paint. We dealt with them and got a couple of spears from them. When we got back to our hotel, we headed out towards Mount Kenya. It was a very sumptuous place which was owned by a famous movie star—William Holden. It was like an Elizabeth Taylor movie—there were all these natives with turbans on and holding rifles. At night, you had a fireplace in each cabin and they'd come in and light the fire. It was, again, something out of a fantasy land. 54 Going back with the same car, the car was stopping and starting. We had to coast into Nairobi. We lucked out. But that trip was worth a million dollars. We really roughed it. ROH: Did you hunt while you were there? EB: No, that's too expensive. We did it on an economy budget. The other tourists would get on a bus and see a lion off in the distance, but we had them running right alongside of us. That was something. We spent several vacations in Switzerland. We had a close friend from San Salvador whose husband was a hotel manager. He had a chalet in the Swiss Alps near the border with France. We spent a Christmas there. Switzerland is very orderly. They have a lot of rules and regulations, and it's hard to get in, but I said to Hazel I would live there. Then we spent a Christmas in the Spanish Alps. We did Spain while we were in Saudi Arabia. We saw bullfights and where they grew the wine and all that. We went into Russia during the Cold War. It was 1976. The big thing there was a train ride from Moscow to Leningrad overnight. There was supposed to be an elite coach, but there were four bunks—no beds. Hazel and I and Sarah got in the train leaving the station and a middle-aged Russian male came in and said, "Mine," and pointed to one of the bunks. Then he stripped down and went to sleep there in our cabin. I thought that was hilarious. We were an oddity in Russia. We were at the Kremlin looking at Lenin's tomb and they were parading some of their Mongolian soldiers all dressed up. Hazel was standing around and a Russian lieutenant came up to her and said, "I take you." He served as our 55 guide and took us up through this church we wanted to see. Then we had our English speaking guide, an attorney. I said I wanted to give him something and asked if I could give him money. He said, "Absolutely not. They'll put me in jail." But he said he liked my jeans. So Hazel and I left a package on the back seat of the bus with my jeans in it and he picked it up. ROH: Where haven't you been that you might want to go sometime? EB: I think Australia. We were in Thailand and Hong Kong. I admire the Australians. I lost one of my best friends in the battle with the Japanese down there. My dad used to sing from South Pacific. I'd like to go there. ROH: You were very successful in the banking industry. What do you attribute your success to? EB: I think it was doing the right thing, first of all. No monkey business and a perseverance in cultivating human contacts—relationships with your staff so you didn't talk down to them. Like when we went to Nellis Field and a general came out in a flight suit like a normal trainee and I thought, "That's success—getting down in the trenches." Assimilating customs of the people and trying to understand what makes them work. In other words, why are we banking here, what do they want from us, and how do we go about it. I think relationships and how you treat people are prime—also, towing the line. We went where we were told. I attribute that to my wife because she was very flexible. Without her, I may have stayed in New York and not done any of this. The minute I said, "Pakistan," she said, "Okay." There was never any discussion or complaining. I attribute my success to my wife. She was with me in the trying moments. You have to have 56 support. Now that I've been talking to you, I've asked myself, "What if I had stayed in Ogden?" I could very well have been a salesman for Boyle Furniture for the rest of my life. It's hard to picture who was pulling the strings. Hazel always said God was looking over us and I think she's right. I think somebody was directing us through all this that we did. That's my problem now, I've run the mill and I think I have no more bridges to cross as far as advance or travel I'm content to just kind of sit back. Here in St. George there is a difficulty of communication because of where we were and what we did and our thoughts and perceptions. A lot of times, people turn you off; they're not interested. You get the idea that they want to talk about the local scene and the lack of water here in St. George. If our leaders would at least look at the world and look at what makes the world go 'round—and I stress religion—and try to understand civilizations that have lived according to the Quran for thousands of years and overnight you want them to change and you said, "We've got something better than what you have." I don't like isolation. I think we've got to understand what makes the world go around. China, Cuba, trade wars, and now they're undercutting us—so what? They've done the right thing; let's learn from them. What are they doing that we're not doing? What happened to our manufacturing abilities from the '50s and '60s when we were king of the hill? I think a lot of it is political, unfortunately. But I just wonder where we are headed and what our children's future will be. ROH: Do you keep in touch with people from Citibank? 57 EB: Oh yes, I have a lot of friends in Florida who I met in Colombia. I have my ex-boss in San Salvador and New York. He owns a bank in Bulgaria. He's been featured in Fortune magazine because it's the best bank in Europe. Joe Borgatti was my favorite. He was down to earth. But you get other people who get ahead of themselves because of their title or they want to isolate themselves from you and make you a lesser factor in running the bank. I've had some wonderful associations with people above me and I've had some I didn't like. ROH: What do you think about the changes that have happened with Citibank since you left? EB: We started out with the Rockefellers. In fact, Citibank is the oldest bank in New York. Through the years, leaders of the bank came from high society and we had people in there who were bankers by trade and by inheritance and they stayed the line; in other words, they held on to tradition and what we were good at. There was no variance. We had enormous control over our assets by our auditing departments. We held on to tradition under George Moore and Walter Wriston, then John Reed who was a genius but had a failing in personal communication. After Reed, you drop off. He was the last of the Mohicans. Next you get Sandy Weil who brought all of his ideas about insurance and things we didn't normally get into. He wanted to build an empire and we lost control of what we did best. Sandy did a tremendous job of building up assets, but he lost control of the inner workings and delegated too much. Then they made a bad mistake in naming Prince the president. He was an attorney by profession and knew very little about banking. We got off track. There was a law earlier that prohibited 58 banking activities outside of a certain area, like the derivatives and things we got into later. The derivatives were the downfall, they were dealing with assets they had no control over. I think Citi Group will survive because of all the help from the government but it back-fired. The major corporations, who used to be the pillar for the banking community, now have their own in-house bank. A depositor asks, "Will my money be safe with Citibank?" This goes right back to the economy. We don't have jobs and there's no money in circulation. ROH: How did you decide to create an endowment at Weber State? EB: "I have accepted this assignment with immense feelings of inadequacy, humility, and privilege, keenly aware that the man we honor and memorialize here today was, and is, a giant whose character, thought and deeds can never receive can never receive justice by the mere force of human utterance. Dr. Jennings G. Olsen is the only person I have ever known who is unqualifiably deserving of the title genius. One who, in fact, came closer than any of my acquaintances, of being a man for all seasons, as was said of Thomas Moore. Indeed, a virtual superman. I was an eighteen year old freshman just out of high school, anything but passionate about the need for an education. Wet enough behind the ears to have narrowly escaped drowning, my friend and new found mentor Jennings G, on the other hand, a man of twenty-five soon to receive his doctorate in philosophy from UCLA, had even read and absorbed more than most academics do in an entire lifetime. Along with the rest of my fellow students, I promptly found myself astounded by his incredible knowledge and memory, prodigious vocabulary, and his uncanny ability to quote chapter and verse from everything 59 and anything he had ever read. Even more importantly, his power to analyze, synthesize, and contain this ever-growing information within a context amendable to the humblest of intellects. Impeccably dressed in starched white shirts, ties and a sport coat, slacks inevitably pressed to a crease that would cut your hand, his cheery countenance well-scrubbed and glowing with vitality. Jennings was also the quintessence of organization. His lessons on Plato, Socrates, Aristotle, and other greats, such as Augustine, were always carefully outlined on the blackboard and completed with articulate and meticulously exact due. One of his oft-expressed mottos read as follows, 'Organization and schedule are the keys to success.' Nevertheless, his presentations were rarely limited to straight lecture and he made ample provision for student response through carefully inter-related and challenging questions that required us to engage in the unique experience of actually thinking." ROH: Who wrote that? EB: Gordon Allred. This is a eulogy he wrote for the funeral. I'll give you a copy. [See Insert]. There's a picture of him at Weber College in his younger days. Let me tell you, Gordon Allred's father was Thatcher Allred, who was in a department at Weber College who was a dominating factor in stage production. His mother was a poet. He came from a very talented family. I have a book that Gordon wrote about the Japanese Kamikaze pilots. He spent some time over there with a pilot who had survived. The book is spellbinding if you're interested. HB: I don't think you told them that he was born with a handicap. 60 EB: He was born with a club foot and he participated in pole-vaulting. Nobody knew about it unless you were an intimate friend of his. He never divulged that. He had a professional singing voice. He performed in operas and sang on television. People that knew him, like I did from day one, admired his ability to surpass all of his difficulties. But he never, ever complained. I think he was a little bit above the crowd and very intellectually powerful. Perhaps it was overabundant to the average student. He delved into the topic of the origin of life in order to show students that there were two sides to the equation, but he never pushed it. He went into Darwinism and just said, "This is something that people think about it. I'm not telling you what to think." He opened their minds and wanted people to be able to think instead of just being told. From my perspective, Hazel and I had nothing to do with Weber State. Then we went into Ogden one day and saw the campus there and I decided to go take a look. Carol Biddle was the catalyst. I walked in to her office and I said, "I'm Ted Boyle and maybe I have some money to donate." She said, "First thing, I want you to read this book by Sadler." So I went home and read that book from front to back looking for indices of Jennings Olsen. There wasn't a single award. I noticed the lesser degree people were getting awards and I said, "What happened to Jennings Olsen? Why isn't he mentioned somewhere?" That triggered my interest. I went back to Carol and said, "I want to do something for Jennings Olsen." That's where it started. I think Jennings was probably not a sociable person. I think he may have isolated himself in his books and his will to increase 61 his knowledge of religion and the world. It was just his background. He came through hell and high water and he was a person who should have been eulogized at the highest level—with his physical problems and coming from kind of a broken home. I really think that Jennings was so worldly that Weber County wasn't ready for him. He got his doctorate from UCLA and I think he would have been president of the university there. I think he was misplaced and in this community he was misunderstood. He didn't get the recognition he deserved. ROH: You've created that recognition. EB: No, I haven't, and I am so displeased that not one dollar from his staff, his friends, his family—there hasn't been one. I say, "What am I missing?" You would have thought someone, in the total time he taught there, would have said, "He taught me something and I'm going to put ten dollars in." I'm being facetious. ROH: You should get credit for stepping up. EB: It's still not recognizable as something that is popular. I think it's something that's there, but it's not an attention-getter. I really think that Dr. Olsen was in the wrong place at the wrong time. His manner of attacking world religion and making people understand where we all came from. All he wanted was for students to open their minds and think. He wouldn't tell him it was right or wrong. I'm disappointed because I think I tried and there's nothing to show for it. I thought maybe it would catch fire but I think it's going to die a natural death. ROH: It's there and people can find it. We appreciate the fact that you did this because I, for one, wouldn't know anything about Dr. Olsen if not for you. But each person 62 who gives to the university does it in a way that they are passionate about. You never know what's going to happen. EB: Maybe someday it'll be like when they resurrect these ancient scholars. Unfortunately, he didn't produce any work of his own. I have personal letters but I don't know if they should be made public or not. We were so different—he was an intellectual and, as I told you, I barely got passing grades. Maybe opposites attract. ROH: Is there anything you would like to add before we finish? EB: I'm infatuated with Ogden still, though I've left, and I want to know what happened to the Ogden I knew in the 1930s and 1940s. I can imagine it was the railroad departure and the entrance of the supply depot and Hillfield. Maybe it attracted a lesser culture. But it was king of the hill—people from Salt Lake traveled to Ogden to shop. It was a place of honor. As Tom Brokaw said, "The greatest generation," I think the class of 1940 from Ogden High was the class of a generation. I'm not being facetious, but that class had more activity and more people who were going places and doing it with little resources. The final shot is the Ogden Standard Examiner. I felt that in the 1930s, and 1940s, and 1950s, the Standard Examiner got inside of what was happening in Ogden—the people and what they were doing and where they were going. It was a very informative paper about doings. It seems to me that they've gotten off track now. You don't feel like you're a part of it anymore. ROH: Thank you very much for your time.

Como se puede apreciar previo a la declaratoria de emergencia sanitaria ocasionado por el COVID-19, las ciudades eran centros estratégicos en un mundo de cambios y desarrollo de los medios de comunicación, y esto se debe a la influencia de la demanda del público al momento de consumir; es por ello, que es una realidad que la vía pública de la provincia de Lima, es un escenario propicio para el desarrollo de diversas actividades económicas, por lo que cada vez son más las estrategias de comunicación que apuestan por ingresar al sector de publicidad en los espacios abiertos y públicos de la provincia de Lima, por ello, resulta importante obtener un panorama amplio, en el extremo de lograr un adecuado aprovechamiento de los espacios geográficos en la ciudad, a través de mejores ubicaciones para instalar anuncios y avisos publicitarios, ello sin afectar no sólo el desarrollo diario y continúo de las actividades humanas, como por ejemplo ir al trabajo, salir a almorzar o transitar por lugares de compra, solo por comentar algunos casos, sino que se logre una armonía y conservación del medio ambiente. Estas acciones implican tener alguna interacción con el medio externo, es por ello, que se tiene una aceptación de un 95% con mayor contacto son las calles y avenidas. En la actualidad, la provincia de Lima cuenta con un total de 683 de vías metropolitanas (expresas, arteriales y colectoras) espacios públicos que, entre otras formas de uso, a través de la normativa metropolitana establecida en la norma que regula la ubicación de anuncios y avisos de publicidad en la provincia de Lima -Ord. N° 1094-MML, mediante una autorización municipal que otorgará el derecho de uso de éstos espacios públicos las personas jurídicas y/o naturales que lo soliciten, en conformidad a las competencias que la Ley Orgánica de Municipalidades-LOM, le brinda a dicha comuna edil la regulación en las vías metropolitanas de la provincia, por ello, en atención a su función reguladora del espacio físico urbano de la ciudad, es que a través de ordenanzas provinciales regulan no sólo los lineamientos técnicos y legales sino se establece los requisitos que los anuncios y avisos publicitarios deben seguir .Sin embargo, pese a la existencia de una normativa a nivel provincial, respecto de la cual las comunas distritales de la provincia de Lima adaptan a sus ordenanzas que regulan su jurisdicción, se tiene que dicho dispositivo legal no ha podido generar un impacto positivo en lo social, ambiental, económico, entre otros, ello por cuanto según un reporte periodístico del 30 de diciembre de 2019 en el diario El Comercio, señaló que de 19 vías metropolitanas, el 80% de anuncios y/o avisos publicitarios no cuentan con autorización municipal que les permita su funcionamiento, lo cual genera no sólo un clara desacato a los dispositivos legales sino que dicha conducta infractora viene ocasionando y/o afectando la preservación y afectación del medio ambiente y los espacios públicos, la tranquilidad y salud de los ciudadanos, y una afectación económica no sólo de los administrados que cuentan con una autorización formal sino en la recaudación de la entidad pública. Un reporte del Ministerio del Ambiente (MINAM) con el apoyo de Marisol Núñez, profesora de la Universidad Peruana Cayetano Heredia (UPCH) reveló que la competencia de marcas en el mercado provoca problemas a la salud, a su vez explicó que los efectos de la contaminación visual se relacionan con el mal humos y el estrés, deteriorando la calidad de vida, afectando directamente en su desarrollo personal y posibles problemas de salud cardiovascular en las personas. Por otro lado, según información obtenida por acceso a la información de la corporación edil provincial, en el año 2019 como resultado de las labores de inspección a 31 vías metropolitanas (principales)se reportó un total de 1873 anuncios y avisos publicitarios instalados sin autorización municipal, hecho que no sólo genera alarma y preocupación ante los diferentes perjuicios que ocasiona a la ciudad y sus habitantes, sino que si se tiene como información, que en dicho año, la Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima había otorgado un total de 179 autorizaciones de anuncios y avisos publicitarios en toda la ciudad, se puede concluir que la informalidad viene generando un impacto sobre el ciudadano induciendo a repetir estas conductas infractoras al no acatar las leyes y coloca en un estado de exposición al peligro a todo ciudadano que transita de diversas modalidades por éstas vías metropolitanas, ya que la ubicación y su posterior instalación de anuncios y avisos publicitarios sin haber sido analizados y/o evaluados técnico y legal, son supuestos de posibles daños y perjuicios a la integridad. Como se mencionó en los párrafos precedentes la comuna provincial es competente para regular sobre temas de acondicionamiento territorial. A continuación, se indica el artículo que se debe cumplir para este tipo de trabajo en vía pública. En el literal l) del Art. 18° de la LOM -Ley N° 27972-, entre otros, se establece que la comuna edil está facultada para brindar la autorización de la instalación e ubicación de publicidad comercial y anuncios luminoso, por ello, a través de la Ord. N° 1874-MML que aprobó el TUPA de la acotada corporación edil, mediante la Ord. N° 1094-MML regula el procedimiento para la autorización de ubicación de anuncios y avisos publicitarios en Lima, y la Ord. N 203-MML establece el procedimiento para ejecutar obras en las áreas de propiedad pública. Aun contando con dos procedimientos administrativos que regulan un solo propósito, conlleva a la generación de tiempos muertos lo cual tiene como resultados tangibles la percepción por parte del ciudadano de una atención deficiente lo que conlleva a la poca confianza de los usuarios de un adecuado desarrollo de dicha gestión. Asimismo, la Municipalidad Metropolitana percibió un ingreso total de 3 ́834,137.70 soles entre los años 2019 y2020 que provienen de éstos procedimientos, es por ello, que se deberá abordar la mejora de la gestión a través de la aplicación de simplificación administrativa, utilizando herramientas como por ejemplo, las que se encontrará en la Política Nacional de Modernización de la Gestión Pública -Eje transversal de Gobierno Abierto – respecto al uso de medios electrónicos donde por medio de una plataforma digital se permita mejorar el servicio de calidad a los usuarios y con ello hacer de éstos unos procesos dinámicos y accesibles para que los agentes económicos del mercado puedan acceder con mayor facilidad. En ese sentido, en aras de recuperar los espacios públicos utilizados indebidamente e indiscriminadamente, lograr con esta mejora un adecuado ordenamiento territorial, un control de la contaminación visual y evitar una afectación al medio ambiente, a la salud y derecho de propiedad del ciudadano, así como la búsqueda del restablecimiento del principio de autoridad y con ello optimizar la atención y buen servicio al ciudadano. ; As can be seen prior to the declaration of a health emergency caused by COVID-19, cities were strategic centers in a world of change and development of the media, and this is due to the influence of public demand at the time to consume; That is why it is a reality that the public thoroughfare of the province of Lima is a favorable setting for the development of various economic activities, so that more and more communication strategies are committed to entering the advertising sector in the open and public spaces of the province of Lima, therefore, it is important to obtain a broad panorama, in order to achieve an adequate use of the geographical spaces in the city, through better locations to install advertisements and advertisements, it Without affecting not only the daily and continuous development of human activities, such as going towork, going out for lunch or passing through places of purchase, just to comment on some cases, but harmony and conservation of the environment is achieved. These actions imply having some interaction with the external environment, which is why there is an acceptance of 95% with greater contact with the streets and avenues. These actions imply having some interaction with the external environment, which is why there is an acceptance of 95% with greater contact with the streets and avenues.Currently, theprovince of Lima has a total of 683 metropolitan roads (express, arterial and collector) public spaces that, among other forms of use, through the metropolitan regulations established in the rule that regulates the location of advertisements and advertising notices in the province of Lima -Ord. N ° 1094-MML, through a municipal authorization that will grant the right to use these public spaces to legal and / or natural persons who request it, in accordance with the powers that the Organic Law of Municipalities-LOM, provides to said commune council regulation in the metropolitan roads of the province, therefore, in attention to its regulatory function of the urban physical space of the city, is that through provincial ordinances they regulate not only the technical and legal guidelines but also the requirements that the Advertisements and advertisements should follow.However, despite the existence of regulations at the provincial level, with respect to which the district communes of the province of Lima adapt to their ordinances that regulate their jurisdiction, it is necessary that said legal device has not been able to generate a positive impact on the social, environmental, economic, among others, because according to a journalistic report of December 30, 2019 in the newspaper El Comercio, it indicated that of 19 metropolitan roads, 80% of advertisements and / or advertisements do not have municipal authorization that allows them to function, which generates not only a clear disregard for legal provisions but that said offending conduct has been causing and / or affecting the preservation and impact of the environment and public spaces, the tranquility and health of citizens, and an economic affectation not only of the administered that have a formal authorization but also in the collection of the public entity.A report from the Ministry of the Environment (MINAM) with the support of Marisol Núñez, professor at the Universidad Peruana Cayetano Heredia (UPCH) revealed that the competition of brands in the market causes health problems, in turn explained that the effects of Visual pollution are related to bad smoke and stress, deteriorating the quality of life, directly affecting their personal development and possible cardiovascular health problems in people.On the other hand, according to information obtained by accessing the information of the provincial council, in 2019 as a result of the inspection work on 31 metropolitan (main) roads, a total of 1873 advertisements and advertisements installed without municipal authorization were reported. , a fact that not only generates alarm and concern about the different damages that it causes to the city and its inhabitants, but if it is taken as information, that in said year, the Metropolitan Municipality ofLima had granted a total of 179 authorizations for advertisements and advertising notices throughout the city, it can be concluded that informality has been generating an impact on the citizen, inducing them to repeat these offending behaviors by not complying with the laws and placing all citizens who pass through them in various ways in a state of exposure to danger metropolitan roads, since the location and their subsequent installation of advertisements and advertisements without having been analyzed and / or evaluated technically and legally, are assumptions of possible damages to integrity.As mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, the provincial commune is competent to regulate issues of territorial conditioning, therefore, in literal l) of Art. 18of the LOM -Law No. 27972-, among others, it is established that the Edil commune is empowered to provide authorization for the location and installation of luminous signs and commercial advertising, therefore, through Ord. N ° 1874-MML that approved theTUPA of the limited municipal council, but through Ord. N ° 1094-MML that regulates the procedure to authorize the location of advertisements and advertisements in Lima, and Ord. N 203-MML that establishes the procedure to execute works in public propertyareas, however, the fact of having two administrative procedures that regulate a single purpose, leads to the generation of downtime, which has tangible results in the perceptionfor the citizen of a deficient attention which entails to the little confidence of the users of a suitable development of this management.Likewise, the Metropolitan Municipality received a total income of 3'834,137.70 soles between the years 2019 and 2020 that come from these procedures, which is why the improvement of management should be addressed through the application of administrative simplification, using tools several such as, for example, those that will be found in the National Policy for the Modernization of Public Management -Transversal Axis of Open Government -regarding the use of electronic media where through a digital platform that allows improving the quality service to users and thereby make these processes dynamic and accessible so that the economic agents of the market can access it more easily.Inthis sense, in order to recover public spaces used improperly and indiscriminately and thereby achieve an adequate territorial ordering, control of visual pollution and avoid affecting the environment, health and property rights of the citizen, as well asthe search for the reestablishment of the principle of authority and thereby optimize the attention and good service to the citizen. ; Escuela de Postgrado

Can we, today, address the citizens' healthcare without talking about his territory ? This seems unbelievable, and the French government has already understood this and to answer to this question has designed and launched the "ARS", which stand for "Healthcare Regional Agency", in order to define and manage healthcare strategy at its own territory level (region). But, before arriving to this conclusion, the healthcare system had to reform itself along four centuries moving from healthcare concept to healthcare system concept. This has been conducted through several reforms from decision makers that had to use quantifiable elements to perform so. Therefore, some specific indicators, called "health deterministic indicators", have been put in place. Then, the sum of all these along the years bring the French government to launch the ARS which are defined within the law called "HPST" standing for Hospital Patient Healthcare and Territory). Now, if we are looking closer to the ARS mission, it clearly appears that they are closely linked to the notion of "sustainable performance" for which it is important to define underneath concepts as "Performance", "sustainable performance" and of course "healthcare sustainable performance". Then, to applied those healthcare sustainable performance principles, the ARS would have to learn how this performance could be increased or decreased based on some specific mechanisms. Therefore, the notions of "risk" and "vulnerability" became key components of such an approach. However, looking forward it appears that the vulnerability has a close link to risk and that the risk is essentially linked to a mismatch between the "offering" and the "demand" or the "needs" of the citizens. Then, by integrating all those aspects, the ARS would became a healthcare sustainable performance for a territory vector, thanks to new governances, a better risk management politic and the usage of performance measures as healthcare expenses for a territory, regulation tool. Based on this it is easy to understand that the ARS will be at the heart of the reform and will have to drive the regional health system. But, and it is true for all sectors (private and public), the management of such a system cannot be done without an accurate information system. Then, the next question is "what is an information system for a health system?" but also, "how to feed this information system in order to let it provide relevant information?" Therefore, to understand this, it is necessary to understand the definition of all existing information system types and their role in the healthcare environment and how the citizen and the patient will take benefits of that. Based on this theory, it is now interesting to better understand the status of the current health information system and why he has failed in his pupil service missions, and that in order to better understand how, through a new ARS governance, it will be possible to have health information system able to reach the sustainable performance goals. The failure notification and the willingness to get the French healthcare system out of this trap is real. However, it is important to notice that to succeed in the mission regarding the information system, it will be necessary to adopt an accurate methodology. But, it is also important to understand that after investigation, no such methodology has been found and it appears necessary to build one in order to satisfy the needs of health professionals, citizens, patients. The final goal being to allows the French health system to reach the health sustainable performance goals by the understanding and the resolution of business pains coming from the citizen requests known and understood at the right time and the right location. It is easy to understand that cannot be done without a better understanding of the human, geographical, politic, social and health environment that could be better handled through new technologies. Therefore, it will be possible to put in place certain of these technologies that will enable this approach by allowing a global access to data or simplifying application integration into complex business processes or providing analysis and permanent traceability tools allowing to take "preventive" decisions (real time) or "corrective" decisions (after past facts analysis) . Everything, of course, being at maximum secured and with maximum integrity guarantee. This thought has bring to the definition of MAEVA methodology which seat in the middle of a particular context composed by actors (health professionals, citizens, politicians, patients, etc.), stimulus (known or unknown meaning handled or not), the health system itself (on which the methodology is applied) and results (benefits for the health system increasing the sustainable performance of the health system). To do so, I has been necessary to build the method in two "layers". The first layer is made of components called "fundamentals" which permit to define the project foundations that has to be implemented by following MAEVA rules. These fundamentals, counted as four (plus one) allow the definition of a global consensus for the project and for the associated community of practice in order to successfully deliver the related project. The "fifth" fundamental allows the rationale to pursue on a new version or to stop the project in its current stage if the necessary condition to continue it are not met. Once these basis have been setup, the method offer the capability to define five actions which will allow to manage the project from the beginning until the final delivery. These actions are: "Integration", allowing the integration of the data sources needed to the project implementation; "Detection", allowing the definition of "actuators" components bringing to a risky situation ; "Anticipation", allowing the definition of self defense mechanisms against the previously mentioned "actuators"; "Action", allowing the realization of the project mission; and at the end, "Evaluation", offering factual elements to analyze project outcomes and provide therefore facts to the fundamental "Decide". All these components are linked within the methodology through two "tools": Iteration, allowing to complete a phases with results coming from an upfront phase; and the Active Memory Zone (ZAM) which is used to be the project memory in order to store traceability data, but also "keep in mind" all taken decisions. This methodology, as defined, hasn't been designed theoretically in few months, but has been the result of real life projects analyze done during the past five years in the area of health system performance. It is also good to know that the MAEVA approach based on consensus will be a great help for the ARS, as they will have, since the beginning, work with people, processes and information coming from diverse horizons that were, until now, more in competition rather than in collaboration mood. But all of this is just about the first version of the methodology and already, due to read publications, it appears that some research works, like "Design Thinking" should be integrated partially or totally in a future "release" of MAEVA. ; Est-il possible, de nos jours, de parler de santé des citoyens sans faire référence au territoire qu'ils occupent ? Ceci est fort peu probable, et le gouvernement français en a pris conscience et pour cela a créé et mis en place les " Agences Régionales de Santé " (ARS) permettant de définir et gérer la stratégie de la santé sur son territoire régional. Mais avant d'en arriver là, le système de santé a dû se réformer, pendant près de quatre siècles, afin d'évoluer du concept de santé au concept de système de santé. De plus, pour mener à bien ces réformes, il a fallut que les différents organismes décideurs puissent s'appuyer sur des éléments concrets, et, de fait, des indicateurs particuliers, appelés " déterminants de santé " ont été mis en place. Ainsi, tout ceci a amené le gouvernement français à créer les ARS organisés autour d'un territoire de santé et dont le cadre légal est défini à travers la loi HPST (Hôpital Patient Santé Territoire). Dès lors, en s'intéressant de plus près à la mission des ARS, il apparait qu'elle est clairement liée à la notion de performance durable, d'où l'importance de définir les concepts sous jacents à savoir : " Performance ", " Performance durable " et bien sur " Performance durable en santé ". Ainsi, pour pouvoir appliquer des principes de performance durable en santé, les ARS vont devoir s'appliquer à comprendre les mécanismes favorisant ou pénalisant une telle performance. Dès lors, les notions de " risque " et de " vulnérabilité " sont devenus des éléments clés d'une telle approche. De fait, en regardant, une fois de plus, d'un peu plus près, il apparait que la vulnérabilité est liée au risque, et que le risque est essentiellement lié à une inadéquation, ou déséquilibre, entre " l'offre " la " demande " et les " besoins " du citoyen. De fait, en intégrant ces éléments, les ARS vont devenir un véritable vecteur de performance durable en santé au niveau d'un territoire, grâce à un nouveau pilotage, à une meilleure gestion des risques et l'utilisation de la mesure de performance comme d'un outil de régulation des dépenses de santé sur le dit territoire. De part ces propos, on comprend bien que les ARS vont être au cœur de la réforme et du pilotage du système de santé en région. Or, et cela est vrai dans tous les secteurs (aussi bien privés que publics), la gestion d'un tel système ne peux s'effectuer sans un système d'information adapté. Ainsi va se poser la question de ce qu'est un système d'information pour un système de santé, mais aussi comment faire en sorte que ce système d'information consomme et produise des informations de qualité. De fait, et pour mieux comprendre tout cela, il est nécessaire d'appréhender la définition de tous les types de systèmes d'information existants, mais aussi leurs rôles dans le domaine de la santé et comment cela va bénéficier au citoyen et patient. Fort de cette approche théorique, il est maintenant intéressant de s'attarder sur l'état du système d'information en santé, et de comprendre pourquoi, en l'état actuel, il a échoué dans sa mission de service public, et ce afin de mieux comprendre comment à travers la nouvelle gouvernance des ARS, il sera possible d'avoir un système d'information en santé permettant d'atteindre des objectifs de performance durable. Le constat d'échec, ainsi que la volonté de sortir le système de santé français de l'ornière dans laquelle elle s'est enfoncée est réel. Cependant, force est de constater que pour mener à bien cette mission, et notamment en regard des systèmes d'information, il sera nécessaire d'utiliser une méthodologie adaptée. Or, après investigation, il apparait qu'une telle méthode ou approche n'existe pas, d'où la nécessité d'en définir une nouvelle, afin de satisfaire les besoins des professionnels de la santé, des citoyens et patients, et ce pour permettre au système de santé français d'atteindre des objectifs de performance durable en santé par la compréhension et la résolution de problèmes métiers issue de la demande, connue et comprise en temps et en lieu, des citoyens. Il est clair que ceci ne peut se réaliser que par une meilleure compréhension de l'environnement humain, géographique, politique, social et médical qui peut mieux être appréhendé au travers des nouvelles technologies. Ainsi, il sera possible de mettre en œuvre un certain nombre de ces technologies facilitant cette approche, soit en garantissant un accès global aux données, soit en simplifiant l'intégration d'applicatifs au sein d'un processus métier complexe, soit en fournissant des outils d'analyse et d'audit permettant des prises de décision " préventives " (temps réel) ou " correctives " (après analyse des faits passés). Le tout, évidemment, en garantissant un niveau de sécurité et d'intégrité maximum. Ainsi, cette réflexion a amené à la définition de la méthode MAEVA qui se situe au milieu d'un contexte bien particulier, composé d'acteurs (professionnels, citoyens, politiques, patients, etc.), de perturbants (connus ou inconnus, donc maitrisés ou non), du système de santé en soit (sur lequel la méthode s'applique) et des résultantes (résultat de la méthode appliquée sur l'accroissement de la performance du système de santé). Pour se faire, il a été nécessaire de bâtir la méthode en deux " couches ". La première couche, composée d'éléments appelés " fondamentaux ", permet de définir les fondations du projet à implémenter selon MAEVA. Ces fondamentaux, au nombre de quatre (plus un), permettent de définir un consensus global, pour le projet et pour la communauté de pratique associée afin de mener à bien ce projet. Le " cinquième " fondamental permettant lui de définir les éléments de poursuite vers une nouvelle version ou d'arrêt du projet si les conditions nécessaires ne sont pas atteintes pour reconduire une nouvelle version du projet. Une fois ces fondements posés, la méthode offre la possibilité de définir cinq actions qui vont permettre de gérer le projet du début à la fin. Il s'agit de : " l'Intégration ", qui permet d'intégrer les sources de données nécessaires à la réalisation du projet ; la " Détection ", qui permet de définir les éléments " déclencheurs " amenant à des situations à risque ; " l'Anticipation ", qui permet de définir des mécanismes d'auto défense vis-à-vis des " déclencheurs " ; " l'Action ", qui permet de réaliser la mission pour laquelle le projet a été défini, et enfin " l'Evaluation " qui va offrir les éléments pour analyser le projet et de fait fournir des éléments factuels au fondamental " Décider ". Tout ces éléments, étant relié au sein de la méthode à travers deux " outils " : l'itération, qui permet de compléter une phase amont avec des éléments issus d'une phase aval ; et la Zone Active de Mémorisation (ZAM) qui sert de mémoire au projet et permet non seulement d'entreposer des données de traçabilité, mais aussi de garder la mémoire des décisions prises. Cette méthode ainsi définie n'a pas été établie de façon théorique en quelques mois, mais a été issu de l'analyse d'expériences vécues au fil de cinq ans de labeur dans le domaine de la performance du système de santé. Il est à noter que l'approche consensuelle proposée par MAEVA sera d'une grande utilité pour les ARS qui vont devoir, dès le début de leur existence, travailler avec du personnel, des processus et des informations issus de divers horizons jusqu'à présent plutôt compétitifs que collaboratifs. Mais tout ceci ne constitue que la première version de la méthode, et déjà, compte tenu des publications lues ces derniers temps, il est apparut que certains travaux de recherche tels que le " Design Thinking " devraient pouvoir être intégrés partiellement ou totalement dans une prochaine " release " de MAEVA.

MENTAL BULLYING AND ITS IMPACT TO VICTORIA DAWSON IN DANIELLE STEEL'S BIG GIRL Karina Rachmawati English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University rahmakarina92@gmail.com Prof. Dr. FD Kurnia, M.Pd. English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University Abstrak Novel Big Girl adalah novel Danielle Steel yang mempunyai tema Mental Bullying dalam penulisannya. Victoria Dawson mental bullying menjadi topic utama dalam penelitian ini. Dengan demikian penelitian ini berfokus pada tiga masalah utama (1) Mental Bullying seperti apa yang dialami oleh Victoria Dawson dalam novel Big Girl oleh Danielle Steel (2) Penyebab Victoria Dawson Mental Bullying dalam novel Big Girl oleh Danielle Steel (3) Dampak Victoria Dawson Mental Bullying dalam novel Big Girl oleh Danielle Steel. Data dari tesis ini diambil dari novel sebagai sumber utama dan membaca intensif untuk langkah analisis berikutnya. Untuk menjawab semua masalah, penelitian ini menggunakan teori Psychology of Bullying untuk menggambarkan Mental Bullying, Penyebab dan Dampaknya. Penelitian kepustakaan digunakan untuk data yang dibutuhkan perguruan tinggi. analisis yang digunakan untuk menganalisis data yang dikumpulkan berdasarkan teori. Deskripsi digunakan untuk menjelaskan hasil analisis. Setelah melalui analisis yang panjang dengan menggunakan tiga macam metode di atas,Ditemukan bahwa mental bullying membawa dampak buruk bagi korban bullying karena menggunakan kata kata dan emosi untuk menghina seseorang. Korban mental bullying mengalami depresi, merasa takut, dan merasa kesepian untuk bergaul dengan orang lain dan sebagian besar dari mereka tidak mempunyai teman. Kata kunci: Bullying, Mental Bullying, Insult Abstract Big Girl is Danielle steel's novel which has Mental Bullying themes she writes on throughout her work. Victoria Dawson mental bullying has become the main topic of this study. Thus this study focuses on three major problems, (1) What mental bullying is experienced by Victoria Dawson in Danielle Steel's Big Girl, (2) What are the causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl, and (3) What are the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl. The data of the thesis is taken from the novel as the main source and intensive reading to next step of analysis. To answer the all problems, this study is using Psychology of Bullying Theory to depict the mental bullying, causes and impacts. This study also used library research, analysis and description. Library research is used to college data needed. An analysis is used to analyze the collected data based on the theories. Description is used to describe the result of analysis. After getting through long analysis by using three kinds of method above, it finds out that mental bullying bring bad impacts to victim of bullying because using words and emotions to insult someone. The mental victims of bullying are depressed, always feeling afraid and feel lonely to associate with other people and most of them has not a friend. Key words: Bullying, Mental Bullying, Insult. INTRODUCTION Many people may probably had problems. One of their problems related with psychological. Psychology term is a thing that can not be separated far from human life. Psychology terms have touched all of the aspect about human life. Everything about human life's conflict has always touched the deepest side of human's psychology condition. There must be something that related to the psychology. When somebody gets the hurt from anything, there is always a big possibility of one who get the messy thing in his mind; it could influence his internal condition such as his way of thinking, his emotional reaction, etc. For the most serious effect, they might get the trauma and also the death of somebody because they can not control the internal conflict inside their soul. One of psychological experiences in this paper is Bullying. Bullying is a serious issue that is faced by many people, and can leave a people to live in complete fear. Bullying it self mean typically a form of repeated, persistent and aggressive behaviour directed at an individual or individuals that is intended to cause (or should be known to cause) fear and distress and/or harm to another person's body, feelings, self-esteem or reputation. Bullying occurs in a context where there is a real or perceivedpower imbalance. Bullying is the use of force to intimidate someone. It can happen to anyone, anywhere and any time. It can come from a single person or a group. Bullying can be delivered verbally or in some extreme cases physically where the victim suffers actual bodily harm. Bullying behavior can be direct or indirect bullying. Direct bullying behaviors (overt) involve behaviors that are observable and that are usually expressed by physical and verbal means. Usually direct bullying involves relatively open attacks on a victim and are "in front of your face" behaviors. However, bullying behavior is not always hitting, kicking, teasing, or name calling. Children who bully others may use subversive acts that hurt just as much, but are harder to detect. Indirect bullying is related with Mental Bullying. This bullying practice occurs secretly and in the outside of our monitoring radar. Examples of indirect bullying are leaving others out on purpose, spreading rumours to destroy another's reputation or getting others to dislike another person, a cynical viewing, public humiliating, isolating, humiliating, accusing, gossiping, slandering, snapping, glaring and pouting. This is covert bullying or "behind your face" behaviours. Bullying is not just a childhood problem: it extends to adulthood, the boardroom, shop floor and the dysfunctional family. (Beane, 2003:6). It can be concluded that bullying related with mental abuse, also known as mental bullying. Mental Bullying can occur in close relationships, including parent/child relationships, marital relationships or sibling relationships. Mental bullying causes damage in the victim as she is made to believe she is worthless and at fault. Mental bullying is particularly harmful on children because of the impact it has on developing self-esteem and patterns relating to others. As mentioned above, one of the novels deals with theme Mental Bullying is Big Girl, because this study will describe about Victoria Dawson mental bullying is the main topic of Big Girl, because it's interesting for discussed through topic. Victoria Dawson experienced mental bullying when the firstborn child, she grows up out of place in her family because of her fair hair and thicker build. While the rest of her family is dark haired and thin, Victoria is blond, blue-eyed and according to her father, has his grandmother's 'big' build. Victoria puts up with her father's thinly-veiled barbs while her mother constantly drops weight remarks. Meanwhile her parents dote on the younger sister Grace, as she is beautiful and thin. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among three problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. 1. What mental bullying is experienced by Victoria Dawson in Danielle Steel's Big Girl? 2. What are the causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl? 3. What are the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl? This study will uses Psychology of Bullying theory in order to answer the question in the statement of the problems, this study tries applying theory as the base of analysis this theory is: Psychology of bullying to analyze about Victoria Dawson Mental Bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl. The first problem is what mental bullying is experienced by Victoria Dawson in Danielle Steel's Big Girl. This statement will use Psychology of bullying theory. with several kinds of mental bullying are; public humiliating, isolating, accusing, gossiping, slandering, snapping, embarrassed, humiliated and condescended. But of the several kinds mental bullying that have been mentioned above, which includes kinds of mental bullying that occurred and depicted to Victoria mental bullying are humiliation; embarrassed and condescended. Then the second is what are the causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl. This statement will use Psychology of Bullying theory. The causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying its come from Family factor, There are two causes that made Victoria experienced Mental Bullying from family factor; Narcissistic her parents and Being Different from her Family. And the last is What are the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl. This statement will use Psychology of Bullying theory. The impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying its she feel sadness and self esteem which is there are three impacts because of Victoria feel sadness and self esteem; Search for Self Identity to New York, Struggle from her Body Image, and See a Psychiatrist. RESEARCH METHOD This thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and use a library research. Therefore, the data will not be in number. The descriptive method of his study can be elaborated as follows. The main source of the study is taking from Danielle steel novel entitled Big Girl by Danielle steel, is an American novelist who is currently the bestselling author alive and the fourth bestselling author of all time, with over 800 million copies sold. Based in California for most of her career, Steel has produced several books a year, often juggling up to five projects at once, all her novels have been bestsellers, including those issued in hardback. Big Girl published by Delacorte Press on February 23, 2010. In analyzing the data, a descriptive qualitative method was applied. The data mostly got from library research. The data consist of the main data and additional data. The main data are collected or taken from Danielle Steel's Big Girl in the form of quotations, comments on the events and action related with the issue that is Victoria Dawson mental bullying, the causes and the Impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Big Girl. The supporting data are taking from many sources such as articles, reference books, journals, magazines, internet sources that are relevant with the topic and other related sources. Then the data are collected, clarified, analyzed and made a conclusion. To assist and strengthen the data will be analyze; Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl used Psychology of bullying, the causes and the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying. Overall, those concepts are relating with the Victoria characterization in her life. This study contains four chapters. The first chapter is about introduction consist of background of the study, statement of the problem, purpose of the study, significance of the study, limitation of the study, research method and organization of the study. The second chapter is Review related of literature; consist of Psychology of bullying, Victoria Dawson mental bullying, the causes and the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying, and paradigm of analysis. The third chapter is analysis about the novel Big Girl. The fourth or the last chapter in this study is conclusion of the analysis. This study encloses appendices: the biography of Danielle Steel and the synopsis of Big Girl. ANALYSIS Which the theories that are state in the previous chapter are used as a guide to accomplish it. This analysis will divided into several sub chapters. The first part in this chapter is about the Mental Bullying is experienced by Victoria Dawson in Danielle Steel's "Big Girl". The second part is about the causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying and the last chapter about the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in the novel. Victoria Dawson Mental Bullying Bullying is emotional negative action performed against others who have traits that differ from other large groups, for example, of different races, shapes hair, skin color and so on. Bullying can be emotional done by cursing or acting intentionally using motion - a particular movement aimed to insult. (Elliot , 2005:2). One of kind bullying is related with mental abuse, and usually called with mental bullying. According to Sejiwa, (2007:2) mental bullying is a type of bullying. It is one of the most hurtful types of bullying. It is the act of using words and emotions to hurt someone. Mental bullying has two types, Verbal and Emotional. In this part it will discuss about Victoria Dawson mental bullying. To depict Victoria mental bullying, it uses Psychology of Bullying theory, with several kinds of mental bullying are; public humiliating, isolating, accusing, gossiping, slandering, snapping, embarrassed, humiliated and condescended. But of the several kinds mental bullying that have been mentioned above, which includes kinds of mental bullying that occurred and depicted to Victoria mental bullying are: Humiliation Humiliation is a kind of mental bullying that depicted to Victoria Dawson mental bullying. Big Girl tells about Victoria Dawson as the main character, she experienced mental bullying from her parents and people around her because different physical appearance than her family. Victoria parents were born from perfect physical appearance. Her father, mother and sister have the same appearance, but Victoria was different. When Victoria was a child, she experienced mental bullying from people around her and especially from her parents. In Victoria Dawson mental bullying is found quotations to depicted humiliation as kind of mental bullying. Victoria Dawson is an outcast in her own family, the round peg in a family of square holes. It is precisely her roundness that marks her as an outsider. Chubby, blond and blue-eyed in a family of slim, dark stunners, she is the daughter whom her father called "the tester cake," before getting the recipe right with younger daughter Gracie. When Victoria had a sister, Grace born with perfect physique appearance and Victoria parents satisfied with grace born. Jim always said to Victoria that she was a little tester cake. It can be seen from the quotation here: "I guess you were our little tester cake," he said, "This time we got the recipe just right," he commented happily." (p. 20) The quotation shows that Victoria is tester cake for her parent, because Victoria did not have beautiful appearance liked her parents. It made Victoria suddenly terrified that because Grace had come out so perfectly, maybe they would throw her away. She thought of what her father had said then about her being the tester cake, and wondered if it was true. Maybe they had only had her to make sure they got it right with Grace. And by then, her father still regularly teased her about being their "tester cake." Victoria knew exactly what that meant, that Grace was beautiful and she wasn't, and they had gotten it right the second time around. And her father always introduced Victoria to a business associate as his tester cake, but he also said he as proud of her, more than once, which surprised Victoria, since she never really thought that her father was proud of her. Embarrassed Embarrassed is also a kind of mental bullying that depicted to Victoria Dawson mental bullying. embarrassed occurs to others who have traits that differ from other groups or society, for example, of different races, shapes hair, skin color and so on. In this novel Victoria Dawson embarrassed by her parents and society because she had different physical appearance from her parents, she was a blond-haired, blue-eyed, chubby little girl; the complete opposite of her tall, slim, and beautiful parents. She resembled her paternal great-grandmother. She was viewed as a disappointment to her parents. Her father always referred as Queen Victoria. It can be seen from quotation here: "Jim always commented that she'd been named for Queen Victoria, whom she looked like, and then laughed heartily. It became his own favorite joke about the baby, which he was more than willing to share." (p. 10) From the quotation above, the reader know that Jim, he had perfect appearances unsatisfied with his child, Victoria. He always said that Victoria looked like Queen Victoria because she had bad appearance. And it is became his own favorite joke and he liked to share with other people. He reveals unsatisfied feeling to Victoria used jokes that made Victoria feel sad. Condescended And the last kind of mental bullying besides humiliation and embarrassed that depicted to Victoria Dawson mental bullying is condescended. Nobody likes to be condescended; when condescending person is increased endlessly it would make someone feel frustrating, annoying and humiliating. In this novel Victoria parents condescending Victoria about her physical appearance and her job and some quotations will be explained about Victoria condescending. When Victoria decided moves to New York and she want become a teacher, Victoria's choice of profession was also a source of displeasure for her father and he often told her she could do better. Victoria was a teacher for high school seniors in a prestigious private school in New York City. Instead of being proud of her as he should, her father constantly reminded her that she should get a "real job" in the business world. However, Victoria loved what she was doing and feels a true calling to be a teacher. All he had to say was that it was the wrong job in the wrong city; he usually condescended about her job because she can be poor. "You don't want to be poor for the rest of your life, do you? He said with a look of condescended." (p. 128) From the quotation above, when Victoria announced she wanted to be a teacher, her father pressures her to join him in advertising because that is where she'll earn the most money. Her father did not agree with her decision, now, her father not only insult Victoria about her physical but also condescending about her job. Tracing the quotation above, Jim refused Victoria become a teacher, he did not sure that Victoria afford to be a teacher, and he contempt that become a teacher made she to be poor and Jim did not want to subsidize Victoria. The Causes of Victoria Dawson Mental Bullying Olweus, (2004) explained that family, especially the Parents is an important factor that has a strong influence on the development of Bullying than the environments. Ahmed and Braithwaite, (2004:36) also state that family is the most influential factor in determining a person's involvement in bullying behavior. The family is the primary socializing place for children; families also have an important role in shaping a child's behavior. In the novel Big Girl, Victoria Dawson is a 6-year-old girl; for the first, she experienced mental bullying from her family when she was born And from people around her because she was a chubby little girl with blond hair, blue eyes, and ordinary looks. Victoria Dawson mental bullying occurs from family factor and there are two causes that made Victoria experienced Mental Bullying from family factor; Narcissistic her parents and Being Different from her Family. Narcissistic her parents A narcissist always hopes that people will respect himself in any situation, on other hand a narcissistic does not want to admit people's greatness but always envies someone else who seems smarter, more handsome or more successful. A narcissistic tries to impede the perception of real condition so that everything which is just belonging to one's self is highly valued and everything that belonging to another is devalued (Feist , 2002). From the explanation about Narcissistic above, the readers know about definition of narcissistic. And this one of the example causes Victoria Dawson mental bullying from family factor. In "Big Girl" Victoria Dawson is the main female character who received mental bullying because of narcissistic her parents. When Victoria twenty two years old, she go to North-western. Then she moved to New York and become an English teacher. And it made her father looked annoyed, to him; it was not even a job. He kept telling her to get a "real" job for decent money, but Victoria refused her father decisions, she still wanted to be a teacher. It can be seen from the quotation here: "I don't want to work in advertising," she said firmly. "I want to be a teacher." It was the thousandth time she'd said it to him." (p. 129) From the quotation above, we know that Victoria wanted to be a teacher, her parents belittle and mock her throughout, he disagrees with her decisions, her father forced Victoria to work in advertising because he had opinion that Victoria can not live from teacher's salaries. Her father said that Victoria can get precious job than become a teacher, she could be making three or four times what they pay to her, at any advertising agency or in any company. Jim disapproving about Victoria decisions work to private school in New York. The conclusion that Victoria parents is a narcissistic people, they just looked from handsome or beautiful and more successful perceptions and did not care with her child opinions. Quotation above explained that Victoria sister was married to a rich man was going to be a perfect complement to her father narcissism. With her ring on her finger, Grace had become a trophy proof of his success as a father, that he raised a daughter who could marry a rich man. And it made Grace no had voice and no opinions. Gracie bought into a lot of it, their lifestyle, their opinions, their politics, and their philosophies about life. Narcissistic her parents is the causes Victoria experienced mental bullying from her parents. Being Different from her family Being different from her family is the other example of causes mental bullying from family factor that Victoria experienced. Victoria Dawson is a main female character in "Big Girl" she was born from perfect physical appearance; Jim Dawson (Victoria father) was handsome from the day he was born. . He was tall for his age, had a perfect physical. Christine Dawson (Victoria Mother) she was petite and slim with hair and eyes as dark as his, and skin like Snow White. And Grace (Victoria Sister) she really a pretty girl like her mother. When she was a year old, she grew into a beautiful baby, Grace and her parents have the same appearance but Victoria was different from her family. She was naturally a big girl, liked her paternal great-grandmother, and her breasts made her like heavier. She had an hourglass figure that would have worked well in another era. It can be seen from the quotation here: "Victoria was different; she had a square look to her, a bigger frame, and broad shoulders for a child." (p. 28) From the quotation above, Victoria was born different with her family, both her parents and grace had thin frames, her father was tall and her mother and the baby were delicate and fine boned and had small frames. Grace and her parent have the same appearance, Victoria was different, and she look liked her grand mother that has big body. Victoria always become mockery from people around her, in her school, the teacher also mocked Victoria about her physical, Victoria feel that she really born different from her family. We can take conclusion that Victoria always feel that she was the galoshes because she had big body and she did not same with her family, her parent and sister are thin. And they like an apple, orange and banana but Victoria was always galoshes in her family and it is causes that made Victoria experienced mental bullying from her parent and people around her. The Impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying Bullying is a major social problem that can have serious effects on the wellbeing of young people. Many studies have suggested that greater frequency and severity of bullying is associated with poorer psychological wellbeing and with adjustment problems in later life. Difficulties later in life, such as family or workplace violence, may be more likely if the person is a bully- victim. Of the several impact of mental bullying that has been mentioned in review of related literature, which include that impacts of mental bullying that occurs in the character of Victoria is she feel sadness and self esteem. Victoria feel Sadness and self esteem; sadness is different to depression, as when people feel sad the feelings often pass in time but with depression they might not. Bullying can make people feel sad and lead to depression. People who are bullied are at more risk of depression and suicide attempts than those who are not being bullied. And Self esteem is Bullies often attack victims self esteem through verbal harassment and social exclusion. Individuals who are consistently berated and excluded by bullies may begin to believe that the bully's personal insults are true. (http://bullyingendshere.ca/EFFECTS_OF_BULLYING.html). When Victoria child, she experienced mental bullying especially from her parents. Victoria parents always embarrassed; humiliation; and condescending Victoria. In her society, Victoria also get name calling from people around her. And it made Victoria feel sadness and undermined her self-esteem, which is there are three impacts because of Victoria feel sadness and self esteem are: Search for self identity to New York Search for self identity to New York is an example from the impacts of Victoria Dawson feel sadness. Victoria Dawson always experienced mental bullying from people around her, because physical appearance. She had different physical appearance from her parent. Because her parents and people around her embarrassed, gossiping and give name calling to Victoria about physical appearance, Victoria feel suppressed and unwelcome they had made her feel for so long. Gracie was liked their only Child and she feel like the family stray dog. She did not even look like them, and she could not take it anymore. Growing up being the 'tester cake' is not easy, and even though Victoria is intelligent and ambitious, she is constantly reminded that men did not want smart girls. When Victoria finally moved out to go to college, each visit to her parents results in her dad's teasing and her mother weight-related questions. At least with her new life in New York, where Victoria is soon to be employed as a teacher, she can escaped from her family and finally start a new life in which she is accepted as who she is. Gracie had parents who worshipped and adored her, and supported her every move and decision. That was heady stuff. And she had no reason to rebel against them, or even separate from them. She did everything their father thought she should. He was her idol. And Victoria had parents who ignored her, ridiculed her, and never approved of a single move she made. Victoria had good reason to moved far away "She was willing to push herself out of her comfort zone if it meant finding herself at last, and the place where she belonged. All she knew now was that it wasn't here, with them. No matter how hard she had tried, she just wasn't like them." (p.62) Victoria leaved her cruel family in Los Angeles to become an English teacher at one of Manhattan's swankest private high schools. From the quotation above, we know that Victoria wanted to push herself out of her comfort zone, to finding herself, because they always made fun of her and diminished and dismissed her. They always made her feel unwanted and not really good enough for them. So she decided to become an English teacher at New York. The conclusion from analysis about Search for self identity to New York is Victoria decided to move to New York to fulfill her dreams and escape her family. She ready to start her new life in which she is accepted as who she is. And though her new life is exciting, the old temptations remain, and she continues to wage war with the scales. Victoria struggles to find a life far from the hurt and neglect of her childhood, the damage created by her parents, the courage to find freedom, and become who she really is at last. Struggle from her Body Image Struggle from her body image is a second example of the impacts Victoria Dawson experienced mental bullying. That makes Big Girl fascinating is how it chronicles Victoria struggles with her weight. Victoria becomes known as their tester cake, an experiment allowing them to get the recipe right the second time. She receives years of put-downs from her narcissistic father, and her mother ignores the comments, often adding her own advice as to how Victoria could make more of her looks and maybe someday get a man. The main character, Victoria, struggles with her weight, body image and self-esteem from childhood. Her parents frequently criticize her and favor her younger, thinner sister. As a consequence, Victoria constantly battles her weight, trying different diets and exercise programs, only to slide back into comfort eating when her parents upset her. It can be seen from the quotation here: "The summer before Victoria entered high school she went on her first diet, she had seen an ad for an herbal tea in the back of a magazine, and sent away for it with her allowance. The ad said that it was guaranteed to make her lose ten pounds, and she wanted to enter high school looking thinner and more sophisticated than she had in middle school." (p. 34) From the quotation above we know that Victoria Dawson had a big body and she unsatisfied with her body and she felt sad. So, she went on her first diet, she want looking thin and more sophisticated likes Victoria's sister Grace, the beautiful anger and the perfect replica of her parents is at the center of attraction in this family. We can take the conclusion that Victoria really wants struggles with her weight, Victoria parents frequently criticize her about her weight, and Victoria constantly battles her weight. Victoria really wants to look thin and reflected her family, so she did everything possible in order to lose her weight. She attempting diets, failing diets, trying at the gym, putting the weight back on, and getting therapy and surgery her nose. Finally, she gets a nose job to increase her self-worth. See a Psychiatrist People who bully others may also benefit from therapy, though they may be reluctant to acknowledge their bullying behavior openly. In therapy, bullies may begin to understand the impact their hurtful behavior has on others, explore reasons for why they bully, learn new skills for communicating positively with others, and/or address personal experiences that may have contributed to their bullying behavior. Often bullies have unresolved personal wounds that contribute to their bullying behavior, and addressing these emotional wounds or identity/social issues in therapy can be an integral step towards stopping bullying behavior. (http://www.goodtherapy.org/therapy-forbullying.html). And the last example of the impacts Victoria experienced mental bullying is she see a psychiatrist. "Big Girl" tells the story about a young woman who has been made to feel different because she does not look like her family all her life. Victoria Dawson was considered too big boned and heavy in her family and for most of her life, she was made to feel different and inadequate. She was also made to feel unloved, unlovable, and ugly. Her parents were of a different time and were very narcissistic. Her father was the kind of man who would make comments about something but make it out to be a joke, but the comments, even though joking, her mother was not much better and followed along with whatever her husband did and said. And it is hurt and would make Victoria feel like she was worth nothing for many years. When she got back to New York, she was disheartened by the things her parents had said, and the weight she had put back on, and because Harlan suggestion she see a psychiatrist. At the first time Victoria meet the psychiatrist, she asked few details about Victoria and her family background. It can be seen from quotation here: "She asked Victoria a few details about where she had grown up, where she had gone to school, and college, how many siblings she had and if her parents were still married or divorced." (p.234) From the quotation above, we know that Victoria really see a psychiatrist because suggestion from Harlan. Although in the beginning she feel agonized and afraid, she afraid if the women discovered that she was crazy. When she asked few details about Victoria, all the question is easy to answer for Victoria, especially when she answered the question about Grace, Victoria lit up like a light bulb when she answered the question about having a sibling, and then described her and how beautiful she was. From analysis about see a psychiatrist, we can take the conclusion that Victoria feel sadness and father joke is hurt her heart. So, she see a psychiatrist because Harlan suggestion. And after she sees a psychiatrist she feels free than before, she had been entirely open and honest with her. She had a feeling that she had opened a door that afternoon and let the light into the dark corners of her heart. CONCLUSION The conclusion is divided into two in This Study is about the main female character, Victoria Dawson from the novel "Big Girl" based on the statement of the problem. In analyzing the character, this study uses Psychology of Bullying theory. There are three statements of problem; What mental bullying is experienced by Victoria Dawson in Danielle Steel's Big Girl, What are the causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl and What are the impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying in Danielle Steel's Big Girl. Those questions have been answered in the analysis. Victoria Dawson mental bullying is the main topic has been explained detail based on the theory above. As explained in the review of related literature there are several kind of mental bullying, But of the several kinds mental bullying that have been mentioned, which includes the kinds of mental bullying that depicted to Victoria Dawson mental bullying are; Humiliation, Embarrassed and Condescended. And the first explanation has used those three kinds of mental bullying to analyzing Victoria Mental Bullying. As seen in the novel, Victoria Dawson as the main character, she experienced mental bullying from her parents and people around her because different physical appearance than her family. Victoria parents were born from perfect physical appearance. Her father, mother and sister have the same appearance, but Victoria was different. When Victoria was a child, she experienced mental bullying from people around her and especially from her parents and three kind of mental bullying that have been mentioned its occurs to Victoria Dawson. In the second explanation, this study discusses about the causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying. The causes of Victoria Dawson mental bullying its come from Family factor, There are two causes that made Victoria experienced Mental Bullying from family factor; Narcissistic her parents and Being Different from her Family. Victoria Dawson is a 6-year-old girl; for the first, she experienced mental bullying from her family when she was born And from people around her because she was a chubby little girl with blond hair, blue eyes, and ordinary looks, Victoria Dawson has always felt out of place in her family, because narcissistic her parents and she was being different from her family especially in body-conscious. And the last explanation discusses about the Impact of Victoria Dawson Mental Bullying. The impacts of Victoria Dawson mental bullying its she feel sadness and self esteem which is there are three impacts because of Victoria feel sadness and self esteem; Search for Self Identity to New York, Struggle from her Body Image, and See a Psychiatrist. Mental Bullying that Victoria experienced from her parents and people around her brings many impacts to Victoria, She feel sad, not confident and lonely. So, she decided to search self identity to New York, Struggle from her body and See a Psychiatrist to fulfil her dream, raised her self esteem and wants to look thin and reflected with her family. REFERENCE Ahmed, E. & Braithwaite, V. (2004). Bullying and Victimization. Causes of Concern for Both Families and Schools. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Beane, A. (1999). Facts about bullies/victims and preventive advice. United States: Free Spirit Publishing Inc. Beane Allan L., Ph.D. (2003). Bully Free Program. Helpful Fact Sheets for Parents. United States: Free Spirit Publishing Inc. DeHaan, Laura Ph.D. (2009). Bullies. United States: NDSU. Elliot, Michele. (2005). Bullying Wise Guides. New York: Hodder Children's Books. Feist, Jess, and Gregory J. Feist. (2002). Theories of Personality 5th ed. Boston: MC Graw Hall. Olweus, Dan. (1993). Bullying at School. What we know and what we can do. London: Blackwell Publishing. Olweus, Dan. (2004). Bullying at School. London: Blackwell Publishing. Sejiwa. (2007). Bullying panduan bagi orang tua dan guru. Jakarta: Grasindo. Steel, Daniell. (2010). Big Girl. United States: Delacorte Press Publisher. Sullivan, Keith. (2000). The Anti Bullying Handbook. London: Oxford University. Internet Source: (http: Bullyingendshere.ca/ Effect of Bullying. Html) Accessed in 14th 2013 (http: Selfishness and Narcissism in Family Relationships - article by Dr. Lynne Namka.html) Accessed in February 2013 (http: Goodtherapy.org) Accessed in 12th 2013 (http: What causes bullying.html) Accessed in 11th 2014

Issue 50.2 of the Review for Religious, March/April 1991. ; Review for Religious Volume 50 Number 2 March/April 1991 Beyond the Liberal Model Exiting from Religious Life Thoughts about Science and Prayer The Death of Dearly Loved~Friends 50/~INIVERSARY VOLUME REVIEW FOR RELIGIOIJS (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at St. Louis University by the Missouri Province Educational Institute of the Society of Jesus; Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard, Room 428: St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-535-3048. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis, MO. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to REVIEW I:Oa REI.IGIOUS; |~.O. Box 6070; Duluth, MN 55806. Subscription rates: Single copy $3.50 plus mailing costs. One-year subscription $15.00 plus mailing costs: two-year subscription $28.00 plus mailing costs. See inside back cover for subscription informa-tion and mailing costs. © 1991 REVIEW FOR REt,mloUS. David L. Fleming, S.J. Philip C. Fischer, S.J. Michael G. Harter, S.J. Elizabeth McDonough, O.P. Jean Read Mary Ann Foppe Editor Associate Edito'rs Canonical Counsel Editor Assistant Editors David J. Hassel, S.J. Iris Ann Ledden, S.S.N.D. Wendy Wright, Ph.D. Advisory Board Mary Margaret Johanning, S.S.N.D. Sean Sammon, F.M.S. Suzanne Zuercher, O.S.B. March/Api'il 1991 Volume 50 Number 2 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor should be sent to RF:\'mw FOR RF:LtGtOt~S; 3601 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the department "Canonical Counsel" shnuld be addressed Io Elizabeth McDonough, O.P.; 5001 Eastern Avenue; P.O. Box 29260; Washington, D.C. 20017. Back issues should be ordered from REVtEW ~'o~ REt.mto~Js; 3601 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. "Out of Print" issues are available from University Microfilms International: 300 N. Zeeb Road; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. A major portion of each issue is available on cassette recordings as a service for the visually impaired. Write to: Xavier Society for the Blind; 154 East 23rd Street; New York, NY 10010. PRISMS. When we Christians refer to the centrality of the paschal mystery, we mean that Jesus' passion, death, and resurrection somehow remain the necessary pattern for our human living in relation to God. In the gospels, Jesus often uses nature images or parables of human activity to point us towards the pattern of his dying and rising--a pat-tern in which we all who are his followers profess to share. Today it seems that we easily turn to the seed dying to bring forth life or to the metamorphosis of caterpillar to butterfly to gain insight into our way of human growth or maturity. Yet we find it hard to go from the dark beauty of nature imagery to the stark reality of Christ on a cross. So, too, the contemporary patterns of various psychological growth models can be-come so enlightening for our understanding of human development that they seem to transfix our gaze. We may stop short of viewing our mod-els through the stronger lens of a Christian optic. We should not be ungrateful that we can make use today of helpful imagery from nature and models from psychology in order that we may better understand and respond to a particularly confusing time in our world and in our Church, in religious life and in priesthood, in the fam-ily and in the parish. But the pattern of Christ--with his presence en-abling us to enter once again into his paschal mystery--remains central to our Christian focus on life issues. Rather than being confronted with a transition darkness relieved only by images and metaphors, we as Chris-tians believe that we are always being summoned into the mystery of God's transforming action breaking into the vagaries of our natural and human worlds. We struggle neither as victims nor as "Rambo" fight-ers. Instead, we are invited once again to ally ourselves with the Lord in bringing about God's reign more fully into our own lives and into the world we affect. Because our God is a God always actively working with our created world, we live and pray and work in a loving relationship with God--always developing and being purified, in sickness and in health, in good times and in bad. The elements of passion, death, and resurrection are touched upon in various ways by various articles in this issue. Our first article, "A Personal Memoir: The Arrupe Years," by Roland Faley, T.O.R., is a unique tribute to the former Jesuit superior general Pedro Arrupe, who died on February 5, 1991. Arrupe provided leadership and gave hope to 161 162 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 many religious congregations through much of the paschal-mystery times for religious life following upon Vatican II; he himself suffered his own paschal mystery through a debilitating stroke in 1981, then through the difficult time when a papal delegate was imposed upon the Jesuits, and finally through his lingering half-life over.the past seven years since his resignation as general. In the darkness of religious-life renewal, an image of reweaving has captured the imagination of many. From her perspective of working with many religious groups in renewal efforts, Elizabeth McDonough, O.P., in "Beyond the Liberal Model: Quo Vadis?" assesses some of the strands of reweaving efforts and makes her own effort to suggest ways towards deeper faith realities that remain unrealized at present. Grappling with the reality of the paschal mystery in the hard deci-sions about existence facing some religious congregations is the subject of the article by.Marie Beha, O.S.C. Eileen O'Hea, C.S.J., considers the dying process of the individual who considers leaving a religious com-munity and the needed response of the community. Renee Yann, R.S.M., reflects on the power of community in the special moment of the death of dearly loved friends. Three articles on pray,.: may shed some light as we move through some dark passages in our ever developing love-life with God. Benedict Auer, O.S.B., expands the Benedictine lectio approach with some in-sights into the use of videos. Edgar Bourque, A.A., inculturates an Augustinian way of praying into our American context. Some refresh-ing ways of understanding prayer are presented through the medium of science by Dennis Sardella. Helpful and comprehensive describe the treatment of vocation min-istry by Jeanne Schweickert, S.S.S.F., in her "Co-creators of History: United States Vocation Ministry." The same words apply equally well to the article by Kenneth Davis, O.F.M.Conv., "U.S. Hispanic Catho-lics: Trends and Recent Works." May the Lenten and Easter season~ guide us all further into the pas-chal mystery which focuses our life with the Lord. David L. Fleming, S.J. A Personal Memoir: The Arrupe Years Roland J. Faley, T.O.R. Father Roland J. Faley lived in Rome as vicar general of the Third Order Regular of St. Francis, i 971 - 1977, and superior general 1977- i 983. In December 1990 he completed his term as executive director of the Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM). His mailing address is St. Thomas More Friary; 650 Jackson St., N.E.; Washington, D.C. 20017. The time was the early seventies. Rome was still caught up in a spirit of postconciliar excitement. Pope Paul VI's inherent caution in the face of the untried was tempered by an unfettered spirit in the air which wanted to let things happen. The present writer was returning to Rome after an absence of more than a decade, having been elected to the general gov-ernment of his Franciscan Order. I had been a student in Rome at the time of John XXIII's election. Those had been heady days of great prom-ise, at that time more a hope than anything else. It was only after the council, years later, that the real struggle of aggiornamento could be felt. Pedro Arrupe was the general of the Jesuits. Vibrant and spirited are adjectives that hardly do him justice. He was also president of the Un-ion of Superiors General (USG), the organization made up of the heads of men's religious institutes in the Church: It was a job for which Ar-rupe was ideally suited although one always wondered how he found the time. It was often said that the first time he was elected to the office by his peers, it was because he was general of the Jesuits. His subsequent reelections (and there were at least four) were because he was Pedro Ar-rupe. The story says a great deal about the man, quite apart from his of-fice. It was not long after I became active in the USG that Arrupe asked me to serve on the Justice and Peace Commission and later named me 163 164 / Review for Religious, March-April 1990 to be the press officer for the Union. It was in the latter capacity espe-cially that I came to know Arrupe the man. The Justice Agenda Arrupe steered the Society of Jesus through a very difficult period in its history. The thirty-first and thirty-second general congregations had set the concerns of the world's neediest at the center of the Society's mis-sion. A strong emphasis on social justice permeates the documents of these general congregations. The passage from documents to im-plementation was marked by an inevitable reaction, not all of it positive, within the Society itself. Arrupe was undaunted. The new direction reso-nated with his whole life as a missionary. The evil of the arms race was eminently clear to one who had survived the first use of the atomic bomb in Japan, 1945. For Arrupe this postconciliar direction of his institute was not a ques-tion of personal choice. It had been mandated by the Society's highest authority, a general congregation; for the general of the institute, im-plementation was simply not an option. In that spirit of obedience, he charted a new course which made strong demands on the whole Society of Jesus. On the level of general government alone it required personnel and resources not easily commandeered. He never wavered in the pur-suit of a course that for him bore the faces of countless deprived and suf-fering people. In responding to any issue, Arrupe's enthusiasm was infectious. He was the idea man, the animator, willing to leave details and implemen-tation to others. At times he seemed unrealistic, but he never left one un-inspired. The great picture was always there. An unforgettable moment occurred during the refugee crisis of the late seventies. The movement of peoples was felt in many parts of the world, with Rome affected by a large influx of people from Ethiopia. A visit to Arrupe from Robert McNamara, then president of the World Bank, proved to be a real catalyst in moving the refugee project forward. An urgent response was called for by the sheer volume of people arriv-ing in Rome after the revolution in Ethiopia. The greatest need was for housing and food. The Jesuits opened their own refugee office to address the problem internationally and in Rome. At the same time Arrupe gal-vanized the forces of men and women general superiors. Through the built-in network of the two Unions of Superiors General, housing was found for the Ethiopians throughout the city, especially in the genera-lates themselves. A hot meal was served each evening to hundreds of per-sons in the basement of the GesO, the main Jesuit church in the heart The Arrupe Years of the city. It was always interesting to meet religious leaders of interna-tional congregations ladling soup or serving pasta at the refugee center. Arrupe took an active interest in the work of the USG's Justice and Peace Commission. He urged its members to respond to known viola-tions of human rights anywhere on the world scene, to become involved in the Year of the Woman (1976), and to sensitize members of religious institutes on the role of justice in religious life, especially in the wake of the 1971 Synod of Bishops. His leadership in social justice was firm and steady, but never abrasive or confrontational. He had, for example, an unusual sensitivity for diplomatic concerns and was a strong believer in the power of persuasion. But his commitment to the thesis of justice as a constitutive element of the Gospel message was total. This was jus-tice in the service of faith, an idea integral to Arrupe's thinking. There was no divorcing faith and justice; it was, moreover, a justice rooted in love. For Arrupe, it was unthinkable to speak of a struggle for justice apart from a belief in that justice for all people willed by God himself. Christian Unity Ecumenism was still a fledgling enterprise on the Roman scene when Arrupe moved the USG toward a better understanding of men and women religious of the other churches. In the early seventies, Michael Fisher, provincial of the Anglican Franciscans from England, and Ar-rupe decided to initiate a permanent consultation on religio,us life among religious of the Catholic, Reformed, and Anglican communions. The con-sultation continues to meet on a biannual, basis and is now in its second decade of life. During those Roman years it became common to have non- Catholic religious present for the assemblies of the USG; on many lev-els, the participation was reciprocal. This was a new venture, largely un-tested, the success of which was by no means guaranteed. To a great ex-tent it was Arrupe's breadth of vision and the warmth of his personality that carried the day. There was an immediacy and directness about him that broke down resistance. In the ecumenical field, he was willing to leave the doctrinal differences to others; it was the faith that was shared which excited him. In the area of religious life, the understanding of the vows, community, and prayer differed little from one denomination to the other. I remember vividly the bonding that quickly developed among the participants of those early years. When discussion centered on the nu-merical difference in the size of the communities, it was often very amus-ing. It was fascinating to see Arrupe, whose religious institute numbered close to 35,000, engaged in intense conversation with an Anglican su- 166 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 perior of some forty religious. Numbers mattered little; it was the mean-ing of the life that counted. Conversation with the World Vatican II's Church in the Modern World fit perfectly with Arrupe's sense of church. While not unmindful of the dangers present in the meet-ing between faith and culture, he remained a strong proponent of incul-turation. A spirit of withdrawal or disengagement from the world, or even worse, a siege mentality, was alien to Arrupe. Nowhere was this more evident than in his dealing with the media. It was during these same Roman years that Donald Campion, S.J., had been named the Jesuit gen-eralate's chief communications officer. Arrupe had long been keenly aware of the necessity for a high-level spokesman and worked to make it possible. Campion was privy to discussion and decision-making at all levels and, therefore, in the best position to deal effectively with the me-dia. Such openness was a quantum leap forward from the spirit of reti-cence, even fear, which was so much a part of religious officialdom. The latter was a spirit well symbolized by the small sliding window at the por-ter's office of the Jesuit generalate and countless other Roman headquar-ters. It was a far cry from an "open door" policy. As press officer for the USG, I enjoyed the same latitude. I was en-couraged to be present for all meetings, even when the most sensitive issues were being discussed. I was free to share the views and activities of the Union with both the secular and religious press. If discretion was called for, I was expected to exercise it, but the prevailing climate was one-of as much openness as possible. This was Arrupe's style, and it proved right more often than not. By the same token, he expected a sense of responsibility from a well-informed media. He was both angered and offended by unfounded specu-lation or an inordinate interest in the sensational or controversial. This was very evident at the time of the 32nd General Congregation, at which he presided. What seemed like a concerted effort to magnify conflicts between the Jesuits and the Vatican caused him no small measure of pain. And yet it never soured him or changed his basically positive out-look. For him the best way to deal with such a situation was through con-tinued efforts at supplying accurate and intelligible information. It was a Church in progress, moving through history, aided and abet-ted by the world around it, that fashioned Arrupe's thinking. If the mes-sage of the Church were to be heard, it would only be through outreach and dialogue. In the important position which he held, he lent the full weight of his office to obtain that goal. The Arrupe Years / 167 The Man of God It is hard to speak of a person's spirituality. In its intensely personal character it remains ultimately untouchable. And yet it becomes trans-parent in a person's life. In having a certain closeness to Arrupe and lis-tening to the views of others who were his peers, I noted certain quali-ties that mirrored a remarkable spirituality. He comes to mind im-mediately as a man of hope and faith-filled action. It is small wonder that he had such close personal ties with Cardinal Edward Pironio, the Argentinian head of the Vatican Congregation for Religious and Secular Institutes. There were any number of reasons why relations between the Jesuits and the Vatican department responsible for religious life might well have been strained at that time. But Pironio's sense of hope and his very open and warm personality matched Arrupe's. They became close personal friends. Hindsight has led many people to comment favorably on Rome in the seventies. Religious life was being fashioned by an interesting trio. There were the challenges to religious given by Paul VI, coupled with the positive leadership bf Pironio and Arrupe. It was an exciting decade; for some of us, unforgettable. Arrupe's spirituality was marked by a deep sense of history and tra-dition. He was part of a Church and a religious institute whose patrimony truly humbled him. The picture of Arrupe as a man wed only to the pre-sent and largely indifferent to the values of the past is caricature at best. He knew that new wine required new skins and articulated that vision well. But he linked that vision with a real sense of the importance of con-tinuity. Some examples come quickly to mind. He had a profound es-teem for the insights of his institute's founder, St. Ignatius Loyola. While some argued that many of those insights were time-bound and no longer valid, Arrupe would be the last to be convinced. He said repeatedly that the longer he lived the more he appreciated the spiritual genius of his foun-der. In those years there was considerable discussion about the need for greater democracy in religious life. The question of the appropriateness of electing superiors, rather than appointing them as was the custom in many religious congregations, was very much to the fore. Arrupe re-mained throughout a strong proponent of the appointment method, fixed so strongly in Jesuit tradition. He was never persuaded that democracy produces the best leadership, and many of those who belonged to orders or congregations of a more democratic bent could recognize a certain va-lidity in his position. 161~ / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 His understanding of the vow of obedience was not rigidly tradi-tional; his thinking had been enhanced by contemporary theological in-sight into the Gospel sense of the vow. And yet he was deeply imbued with appreciation for the ascetical value inherent in accepting the deci-sions of those placed in authority. A case in point. When Arrupe com-municated to Robert Drinan, S.J., the decision that the latter would have to relinquish his seatin the U.S. House of Representatives, it was a very difficult moment in the life of both men. But it made a lasting impres-sion on Arrupe. The priority that Drinan gave to his Jesuit calling in ac-cepting that decision was, in Arrupe's mind, as important for the Soci-ety and the Church as anything Drinan might have otherwise accom-plished. It was an example to which he would repeatedly return. In retrospect, however, one would have to say that it was the man's openness that remains so vivid to the present day. He was never threat-ened by new ideas, even if he found them ultimately unacceptable. He could see the value in some elements of a Marxist social analysis, even though he was against its use. He could espouse~the Jesuits' new social ministries and still be a strong believer in the traditional ministry of edu-cation. He was a champion of legitimate pluralism, almost by instinct. While mindful of the importance of magisterial teaching, he wanted theo-logians to have as much freedom as possible in the pursuit of their task. It was his deep-rooted faith that lent him serenity in facing [he contem-porary scene. Not intimidated by the risk of possible failure, he realized that all was ultimately in God's hands. And then there were the trials, known best by those who worked with him closely. A number of those he shared with me. In his later years, the media was asking hard questions. Was Arrupe going to resign? Was he under pressure from the Vatican to do so? Was a dissatisfied segment of the Jesuits pressing for his resignation? Was his relationship with Paul VI as strained as rumored? Were there conflicts with John Paul II? Arrupe was always candid. He respected the media and realized that there was much to be gained through cooperation. But he was disturbed by attempts to exacerbate situations and exaggerate differences. There were certainly very difficult issues which he faced in the latter years of his term of office. He was fully aware that there was a conservative seg-ment of the Society which opposed him. In addition, during the thirty-second General Congregation, his was the task of interpreting the mind of that worldwide assembly to the pope, and vice versa. It was a sensi-tive and often painful task. That he did it so well is a tribute to his con-ciliatory gifts. But he was beset by rumors, which, like a room full of The Arrupe Years / 169 gnats, gave him no peace. That there were differences between the gen-eral congregation and the pope in certain areas, he never denied. Yet his personal relationship with Paul VI was never the question. He was sym-pathetic to the concerns of the pope and realized the weight of his cross. Moreover, he hailed the pope's social teaching as a landmark in the Church's life. But the perception of a wall of conflict between the "black" and "white" pope persisted, even though it was inaccurate. Arrupe was the first to admit that the sentiment among the Jesuits for the direction .taken after the thirty-second Congregation was not unani-mous. He was acutely aware of a vocal conservative opposition. But he saw the implementation of the general congregation's decisions as an obe-dience and there was no turning back. He always stressed the strong sup-port that came from so many quarters, the enthusiasm which the con-gregation's decisions had generated, especially among the young, and the fact that the Holy See had given its approval. But the fact is that the positive is just not that newsworthy, and so he would be inevitably ques-tioned about the "dark side" of any given situation. This always caused a certain measure of dismay, but it was followed by a remarkable resil-ience. In the wake of any setback, there was always his eventual phone call with a new idea or project. Early in the summer of 1981, Arrupe, his trusted vicar and confi-dant Vincent O'Keefe, and I talked at length about a possible article on the burning question of Arrupe's resignation. There was extensive specu-lation in the press, and we were discussing the best way to deal with it. However, it was more than a public question; it was a matter internal to the Jesuits at a time in which any public communication would have been inappropriate. Arrupe looked upon his eventual resignation in a very posi-tive light, as setting an important precedent for the future of the Soci-ety. His thinking was centered on the good of the religious institute to which his own interests were completely subservient. We decided to do nothing at that time. But that evening he assured me that once he was no longer in office and had the freedom to speak more openly, he would do an extensive interview with me and answer the questions that I felt should be addressed. That proved to be our last conversation. Upon his return from a trip to the Philippines some weeks later, he suffered the stroke from which he never recovered. The rest is history. I subsequently left Rome upon completion of my term of office. My occasional return visits were always marked by a brief visit with the man who had affected my life so deeply. Few words were exchanged. It was 170 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 usually a prayer and a blessing; he would then kiss my hand before I left. His sufferings proved to be one of the most powerful messages of his life. As one of his confreres put it: "He led us in life and has offered himself for us in death." His immolation was total. It has been an un-usual life. To have been touched by it is a rare gift. Father Pedro Arrupe was superior general of the Jesuits, 1965-198J~. He died on Tuesday, February 5, 1991, in Rome. Beyond the Liberal Model: Quo Vadis? Elizabeth McDonough, O.P. Sister Elizabeth McDonough, O.P., J.C.D,, Canonical Counsel Editor of REVIEW FOR RELIGtOUS and author of Religious in the 1983 Code, writes and consults extensively about consecrated life. She is a canonical consultant and tribunal judge for the Arch-diocese of Washington, where she may be contacted at P.O. Box 29260; Washing-ton, D.C. 20017. For background information on this article, see endnote i. ]t is no secret that active religious life for women in America has experi-enced progressive decline in the quarter century since Vatican II. Evi-dence of the decline is clear and overwhelming, and its effects are felt and observed in the entire Church. When one looks for causes, one real-izes that distinguishing them from the effects is both complicated and deli-cate. Nevertheless, from my experience as a woman religious during the last quarter century and as a canonical consultant for numerous women's communities over the last decade, I have come to the conclusion that many religious have not recognized or have not acknowledged some clear causes and effects of the current decline for what they really are. Effects of progressive decline are there to be seen in the current po-larization within and among women's communities along conservative and liberal ideological lines. The decline is also evident in most com-munities in their relative inability to attract or to keep vocations, as well as in their related inability to maintain significant institutional commit-ments. It is manifest in the near invisibility of women religious in con-temporary apostolic works, as well as in the frequent reluctance of clergy and laity alike to work with women religious in various apostolates. Pro-gressive decline is experienced by religious themselves as the uninten-tionally created and uncomfortably experienced loss of identity follow- 171 Review for Religious, March-April 1991 ing early and rapid postconciliar abandonment of traditional symbols and services, customs and norms. And, to those who are not religious, its ef-fects are all-too-obvious in the polarized, apparently directionless, plu-ralistic potpourri of ministries and attire, lifestyles and mindsets among women religious today. The progressive decline stems in part from the pervasive sociology of liberal individualism in America and in part from the cultural preva-lence of a psychology of selfism. But causes of the decline are also evi-dent in the predominantly social-justice agenda that has been adopted by most women's institutes, as well as in the revisionist versions of vowed life and in the generally antiauthority and often feminist stances currently espoused by not a few active women religious. Again, a major cause of decline can be traced to the reality that, in seeking their roots after the council, many women's institutes dating their foundations to frontier America discovered--but probably did not admit--that they actually had no genuine, unique charism to renew and adapt. The decline can also be traced to the systematic and progressive de-construction or deliberate abandonment of fundamental juridic structures and roles during the postconciliar constitutional revision processes. In most women's institutes, general chapters have now abandoned legisla-tion in favor of direction-setting, with their goals programmed by pre-chapter steering committees and subsequently adopted through member-ship participation in consensus formation that is shaped by outside facil-itators. In most women's institutes, lower-level superiors are now either nonexistent or nonfunctional, while major superiors have abandoned gov-ernment in favor of business management and have surrounded them-selves with middle-level, appointed, administrative personnel whose num-bers have steadily increased over the years in bureaucratic disproportion to the continuing decrease in membership. Functionally, the net effect of juridic deconstruction has been the crea-tion of business-management-style bureaucracies which filter informa-tion upward and decisions downward, from and to members of women's institutes, primarily by means of bulletins, newsletters, special-interest mailings, and occasional phone calls or visits. As a result individual re-ligious deal almost exclusively with middle-level personnel over a long period of time and even in personal and sensitive matters. Many would prefer to describe this reality quite differently by saying that communi-cation (not mere information) is facilitated inward and outward (not up and down) between the empowered membership and the visionary lead-ership in the concentric circles of participative government that have re- Beyond the Liberal Model / 173 placed the hierarchic pyramid of authority. Whatever the terminology, the following experiences are common: (1) Individual members or groups of members can seldom effect change in policies and agendas that are programmed and prepackaged at upper (or inner) levels of the struc-ture; (2) religious are both structurally and functionally more removed from their elected, responsible superiors than previously; and (3) the right of individual religious to personal privacy is, at times, not ade-quately protected. Most women religious would admit that, in the quarter century since Vatican II, the rather short-lived euphoria of the "nun in the world" has been replaced by a long-suffering, quiet frustration at the lurking possi-bility of permanent extinction. While increased relevancy and effective-ness were focal points for altering lifestyles and practices during renewal, many wonder now if women religious in America have ever been more irrelevant and less effective. To be frank, most clergy and laity and male religious have been thinking for quite some time that religious life for women in America is "going nowhere fast," even if few have verbal-ized this publicly. More recently, at least some--if not many--women religious have cautiously begun to acknowledge the same apparent real-ity to themselves and others. A haunting, unresolved question about the entire experience of re-newal is: How did all this ever happen to us? In seeking answers, con-servatives seem tempted to respond: "Surely an enemy has done it!" In kind, liberals seem inclined to say: "I am making all things new!" From the perspective of experience, my response to the question looks to what might be a deeper problem, namely: "All this did not just happen, We did it to ourselves." Indeed, I would suggest that, on the part of women religious, major factors contributing to the current decline have been a certain lack of knowledge of both theology and history, as well as a cer-tain lack of maturity in responding to newly discovered postconciliar re-alities. And, from current experience, I would suggest that an apparent lack of humility in admitting previous mistakes and an apparent lack of honesty regarding present reality or future prospects are probably has-tening the permanent demise of many active institutes of women reli-gious in this country. Lack of Vocations An obvious sign of the progressive decline of women's institutes is the staggering decrease in their membership since Vatican II. In 1965 there were slightly more than 180,000 members in active communities in America, but by 1990 that number had fallen to slightly more than 174 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 100,000-~a decrease of nearly 45%. Simultaneously, since few women have entered while many have been departing at a slow but steady pace, the median age in women's institutes has risen rapidly and is now com-monly sixty-five or higher. Marie Augusta Neal, in her recent book From Nuns to Sisters, sug-gests that the "radical risks" involved in the Church's new mission to the poor may be the prime factor limiting the response of women to a call to religious life. She thus inadvertently trivializes that call--which, on practical and theoretical as well as human and theological levels, has its appeal within risk or without any particular concern about risk. Neal does not seem to recognize that there is---~r ought to be--a substantive difference between a vocation and a career. And, if experience tells us anything in the matter, it tells us that--with rare exception--the single, most compelling human reason why anyone responds positively to a re-ligious vocation is her (or his) direct, personal awareness of religious who are happy together doing something that they perceive as worth-while and who are clearly motivated by and committed to the love of Je-sus Christ. Currently, many not-yet-retired women religious have become increas-ingly absent or invisible in apostolic activities of the local Church. In other words, for the most part they simply are no longer seen. Moreover, many no longer live in community, even when they live in geographic proximity, sometimes even when they exercise the same ministry or work in the same place. In other words, they are no longer seen together except possibly at work. Again, perhaps too few women religious are to-day perceived as being genuinely happy, and perhaps even fewer as be-ing happy together. Further, the current wide diversification of minis-tries seems sometimes to have led to trivial apostolates ~hile simultane-ously rendering institutional apostolic, witness unsustainable. And, though many may reject the suggestion, perhaps love of Jesus Christ is simply not perceived as the underlying or determining factor in the life of many women religious in America. In short, perhaps because the posi-tive image that women religious tend to have of themselves bears little resemblance to the not-so-positive image that others have of them, it may be unrealistic--if not grandiose--to expect vocations to increase in the near or distant future. Pluralism and Polarization An initial cause and increasing consequence of decline in religious life for women is the currently a~knowledged division into conservative and liberal categories both within and among most congregations. Beyond the Liberal Model / 175 In general, conservative-model institutes tend to favor external authorities, institutional endeavors, traditional theologies, and hierarchi-cal structures; liberal-model institutes generally favor inner freedom, in-dividual endeavors, postconciliar theologies, and collaborative struc-tures. Liberal institutes are inclined to accuse conservative ones of at-tracting emotionally immature candidates, while conservative institutes are inclined to accuse liberals of having nothing that attracts. Conservative religious are often summarily categorized as oppressed, unrenewed, and psychologically dependent; liberal religious are just as often summarily categorized as progressive, feminist, and pseudosophis-ticated. Conservatives seem to read history and Scripture in so selective and so polemical a fashion as to render them an inadequate basis for or-dinary discourse. Conversely, liberals seem to read history and Scripture in so simplistic and so revisionist a fashion as to render them insignifi-cant. From my experience, liberals and conservatives alike seem to have worked very diligently at destroying whatever common symbols they had, so that now they possess no common language for constructive com-munication. Each side seems to have been mutually successful in trans-forming both the concept of God and the experience of worship into sources of division. And neither side seems able to lay untainted claim to any "moral high ground," any bridgehead that addresses the ever wid-ening chasm between them. Currently the majority of women's institutes in America express or espouse a liberal model of religious life. However, it is becoming more and more evident that many religious themselves do not ascribe to the tenets or direction of that model, while many religious also have at least some (and sometimes serious) concerns about its functioning and future. As conservatives attempt to build a future by returning to the past and liberals attempt to build a future by rejecting the past, the categories are becoming increasingly distant and distinct. Most religious realize that any previous potential "middle ground" is fast disappearing, thus leav-ing little hope for future cooperation or reconciliation in or among insti-tutes. Mary Jo Leddy in her recent book, Reweaving Religious Life, ac-knowledges that the current liberal model of religious life is not adequate for facilitating and sustaining genuine adaptation and renewal, even though she has previously been both a proponent and facilitator of that model. Leddy suggests that the liberal model of religious life has become "unraveled" and that it should be replaced by a choice for "creative 176 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 disintegration" in favor of even more radical pluralism. She suggests, further, that liberal-model institutes might take as an example of her "reweaving" thesis Teresa of Avila's reform of Carmelite monastic life in the sixteenth century. But Leddy seems not to recognize that her sug-gestion for the future is humanly problematic and that her analogy from the past is historically inaccurate. As regards "creative disintegration" for a more radical pluralism, the current experience of most American women religious is that the de-gree of pluralism already present in their institutes is straining the limits of not just the weave but also the inner fiber of religious life itself, indi-vidually and collectively. In short, Leddy seems unaware that going be-yond present degrees of pluralism in ministries and lifestyles will most likely be more destructive than creative, both in the beginning and in the end. Regarding Teresian reform of Carmelite life, I.eddy does not recog-nize that Teresa's version of "reweaving" was actually a return to ba-sic structures and religious observance from an "unraveling" that oc-curred precisely because fundamental elements of the original charism had been abandoned or abused. In short, she seems oblivious to this his-torical fact: that Teresa accomplished the genuine renewal of Carmelite religious life not through programmed disintegration but rather through a concerted effort by all to embrace its fundamental structures and heri-tage in order to live them and preserve them in a pristine manner. Deconstruction of Structures and Elimination of Distinctions The current deconstructed functioning of general chapters as parti-cipative consensus-formation assemblies in most women's institutes has engendered both a feeling of members' being "empowered" for gov-ernance and a strong sense of "ownership" of chapter decisions. On the other hand, the new style of general chapters also tends to lessen critical assessment of options and to avoid substantive decisions that distinguish delegates from participants. Simultaneously, such chapters commonly en-act global, carefully crafted, blandly diluted statements whose content can hardly be opposed in theory and can scarcely be assessed in implemen-tation. Currently some women's institutes have so little sense of their own identity and of the role of chapters that they involve nonmembers extensively in chapter proceedings, and some have even suggested that nonmembers may be elected to governance roles. The distinction between major superiors and councils, as well as dif-ferentiation of their roles, has also undergone postconciliar deconstruc-tion. With the advent of collaborative decision-making, major superiors Beyond the Liberal Model / 177 and councils are commonly referred to as leadership teams: their mem-bers share equally the governance/management of the religious institute and are functionally distinguished, if at all, only at the infrequent mo-ments of final decision.,required by law. In relation to actual decision-making, in most institutes there has been a concomitant radical limita-tion or complete elimination of instances in which a supreme moderator or major superior can act without the consent of the council. Most of these alterations seem related to questioning the possession of personal authority by superiors, combined with an all too real (and often all too painful) remembrance of abuse of authority by superiors in the past. The deconstruction of juridic structures and the blurring of gov-ernmental functions apparently meet a need to limit the authority of su-periors through "leadership" language and apparently also reinforce the new participative consensus-niodel chapters in a stance of visibly and ver-bally rejecting whatever has been perceived as hierarchic or patriarchal. Overall, however, the new bureaucratic, business-management model of governance operated by middle-level appointees and committees seems to have produced no overwhelmingly positive verifiable results other than the fact that many members feel very good about it. In other words, it does appear that most people like the feeling of having a part in run-ning the business even if business is not getting any better. Obedience and Mission Closely related to juridic deconstruction and elimination of distinc-tions are postconciliar views espousing dialogical obedience and justice-oriented missions. The seed for a dialogical understanding of obedience was firmly planted by the affirmations of Perfectae Caritatis 14 that superiors should foster an active and responsible obedience in addition to listen-ing to and promoting cooperation among the members of the institute. But after twenty-five years that seed has produced, in many religious in-stitutes of women, a strong undergrowth of resistance to any exercise of personal authority by any superiors. As a result, some prevalent revision-ist versions of vowed obedience consider it to be so personal and dialo-gical that it apparently can never involve a decision made by someone else which must be obeyed. In this framework, attributing final decision-making power to a superior is simply rejected as representing an archaic, unjust sacralization of hierarchic notions about authority, commitment, and obligations, all of which are now considered as negotiable. Action on behalf of justice and participation in the transformation of the world were affirmed by the 1971 Synod of Bishops as "constitutive 171~ / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 dimension[s] of preaching the Gospel" and "of the Church's mission for redemption of the human race and its liberation from every oppres-sive situation." And these affirmations quickly became a mandate for religious to work with new or renewed vigor in justice-and-peace endeav-ors throughout the world. However, many religious who recognize action on behalf of justice as a constitutive element of the Gospel appear to have fallen into the er-ror of thinking that action on behalf of justice is also exhaustive of it. There is ample indication that some religious erroneously assess the Church's mission as only or primarily one of unbridled activity in the marketplaces of contemporary society. They frequently quote as a source the document Religious and Human Promotion, but one seldom hears any mention of the document on The Contemplative Dimension of Re-ligious Life. In addition, a selective reading of conciliar texts and post-conciliar documents seems to have created for some religious an urgent mandate for political action and systemic change to the exclusion or ne-glect of any other manner of transforming the world or of preaching the Gospel. In connection with contemporary views of authority and obedi-ence, the mandate for systemic change of oppressive structures seems to be directed increasingly to the internal structures of the Church and of one's own religious institute rather than to the wider world. The social-justice orientation in the revised constitutions of most in-stitutes is primarily the result of an ongoing series of sociological sur-veys initiated in 1965 by the Leadership Conference of Women Relig-ious to provide an information base for resources on renewal. The sur-veys were formulated, distributed, interpreted, and implemented by Marie Augusta Neal, who has written numerous articles and books in the last two decades in order to explain, expound, expand, and defend her work. In her writings Neal admits that the entire purpose of the research surveys had a social-justice orientation. She also acknowledges that con-troversy over the surveys contributed directly to splintering of the (then) Conference of Major Superiors of Women in the early 1970s. And she herself states that the pre- and post-Vatic~in II belief scale contained in the "Sisters' Survey" involving 139,000 women religious in the mid- 1960s "became the most controversial and most discriminating variable, which accounted for the pace and direction of changes in structures of the religious congregations involved in the study."2 Yet Neal has con-sistently defended the soundness of her survey instrument as well as the accuracy of her interpretations, and has increasingly extended her find- Beyond the Liberal Model / 17'9 ings beyond the realm of sociology. Critics of Neal's work point to survey questions formulated in quali-tative language, to information reported in questionable categories, and to Neal's apparently subjective interpretations expressed in her follow-up. memos as being especially problematic. The surveys engendered even more controversy as findings originally proposed as an information base on resources for renewal began to function instead as LCWR's single, central source for pursuing social-justice agendas, for questioning eccle-siastical authority, and for picking up the the pace of renewal. Indeed, the quarter-century survey project that coincided with the postconciliar constitutional revision in women's institutes may arguably be the single most significant factor that can account for the systematic and progres-sive deconstruction evident among so many institutes of women religious today. Abandonment of Common Symbols and Practices Regardless of whether one recognizes or acknowledges an underly-ing internal juridic deconstruction in religious institutes of women, the visible, gradual, and progressive alteration of attire for women religious since Vatican II cannot be denied. The transition in habits has been a pain-ful and emotionally charged issue and is a prime example of the whole-sale abandonment of symbols and symbol systems by women religious since the council. No one is at liberty to argue about whether or not the external identity symbol of the habit has been fundamentally abandoned by numerous women religious, and most agree that whatever has hap-pened is irreversible. Moreover, the "habit issue" represents a nexus of sociological, psychological, behavioral, historical, and theological fac-tors that relate directly to the progressive decline of religious life in Amer-ica. Transformation in the attire of women religious from outdated and unhealthy medieval costumes, to makeshift modified habits, to bought and borrowed secular clothes, to contemporary business suits with com-munity logos, to the stylish garb of modern professionals is reflected in and among women's institutes today. The visible choice of attire, though not completely indicative ofa conservative or liberal model as such, is a somewhat reliable sign of the institute's (and person's) location and di-rection on the spectrum of post-Vatican II transition. The attire worn by the major superior and council of an institute tends to indicate both whether attire choices are possible within the institute and what the most progressive of possible choices might be. These indications, along with when the attire choices became operative, rather accurately reflect 1~10 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 whether the institute operates primarily from a liberal or conservative model (or somewhere in between) and tend to show a transition towards the liberal model. Be that as it may, my reason for discussing the choice of attire is that it is never the only issue being addressed. The attire issue also places in sharp relief a functional distinction between institutes of men and of women. That is, for members of nonmonastic institutes of men, the habit--if they had one--was traditionally a significant form of clothing occasionally donned for community and liturgical exercises or for pro-fessional and pastoral services. In .contrast, for all institutes of women-- with rare exception--the habit was traditionally their primary identifi-cation symbol and was also often the only clothes they had to wear. Ad-ditionally, the habit issue highlights a significant difference in response to legal norms on the part of men and of women, namely: The 1917 code required that habits be worn by all members of all institutes at all times, both inside and outside the religious house; women consistently did what the law said, while men rather consistently did not. Thus, ~the almost vis-ceral reaction (of some) to the matter of the habit should not be surpris-ing. More fundamentally, however, numerous other unifying and mean-ingful symbols and practices disappeared along with the habit in religious institutes of women after Vatican II. Common meals and lodging, com-mon prayers and songs, common recreation and study, as well as com-mon moments of joy and suffering, were generally minimized, mildly disdained, or summarily abandoned in a veritable onslaught of Ameri-can, postconciliar, egalitarian, pluralistic individualism and activism. Some would suggest that in this process women religious have become less oppressed, more mature and free for service. Many others would sug-gest, in contrast, that the primary result of abandoning symbol systems and common practices has been a pervasive and overwhelming experi-ence of inner emptiness and outer loneliness made more acute by recog-nition that there simply is no longer any "common glue" to hold insti-tutes of women religious together at simple, fundamental, indispensable levels of human relationship. Transformations in Community Life and Ministry Additional consequences Of postconciliar deconstruction in women's institutes concern: (1) how members live together and relate to one an-other, or--in other words--the change in what was formerly referred to as common life or community; and (2) how members happen to arrive in a particular place doing a particular job, or--in other words--the Beyond the Liberal Model / 1~11 change in what was formerly referred to as receiving an assignment or being missioned. Without detailing here the canonical requirements for common life and its broad and strict interpretation, it was obviously common prac-tice in.the past for religious to live with other members of their commu-nity in the same residence with at least relatively equal access to food, clothing, shelter, and furnishings. Exceptions to common life were al-ways possible and sometimes actual but generally remained just that: ex-ceptions. Since the council, however, more religious now live "outside a house" of the institute for extended periods of time and for a variety of reasons, including apostolate, health, and study. Moreover, it is cur-rently common for a woman religious to live outside a house of her in-stitute either (1) because she cannot find a house in which she is collec-tively "accepted" by sisters already in the house according to their es-tablished expectations of community, or (2) because the sister herself can-not find a house in which she feels she can live comfortably and con-structively according to her already established expectations. Since Vatican II, members of religious institutes have been forced to deal regularly with high degrees of constant uncertainty, and simulta-neously they have had great demands for intense interpersonal relating placed on them. Religious institutes and individual women religious have devoted varying amounts of time, energy, and resources to bemoaning or extolling postconciliar relational developments and demands. And at present many institutes and their members are so caught up in personal relational issues and self-help programs as to convey the impression that, if only every sister would study her Myers-Briggs profile and identify the consequences of her Enneagram number and join the appropriate recov-ery or codependency program, then community life would irreversibly begin to get out of the present morass of personal malaise and interper-sonal dysfunctionality. Meanwhile, however, most members of liberal-model institutes no longer live in community, but merely relate to it functionally. It is usu-ally easier for major superiors to allow members to live outside a house of the institute than to deal constructively with problems in houses of the institute. Those members who continue to live in community seem, in most institutes, to have circumstantially or preferentially sorted them-selves into relatively permanent subgroups by age differentiation or work relations or ideological orientations or dyad/triad dependencies. And quite a few women religious depend regularly--and sometimes exten-sively--- on professional colleagues or family members for ongoing per- 1~12 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 sonal support and meaningful human interaction rather than on their re-ligious community. Related to changes in community living is the alteration since Vati-can II of how most women religious arrive in a particular place doing a particular job. A process of "open placement" now predominates, which usually means that the religious works with the institute's person-nel director or board in following previously established community cri-teria for seeking apostolic involvement or other gainful employment. Fre-quently in this system contracts are negotiated between the sister and the employer and are then submitted to the personnel director or board for review and informal approval. Eventually, finalized arrangements are rati-fied by the competent major superior, and the sister is missioned or as-signed to her new apostolate or job with, if possible, some form of rit-ual solemnization of the process. Some provision for housing is neces-sarily connected to the missioning, but living in community is not usu-ally a priority among the criteria for seeking employment, and so excep-tions to common life proliferate. The Sociology of Liberal Individualism Recently Robert Bellah and several other sociologists published a re-vealing analysis of the phenomenon and failure of liberal individualism in America, entitled Habits of the Heart. Among other things, this analy-sis suggests that American culture reflects a radically liberal society of psychologically sophisticated but morally impoverished individuals who demonstrate a "narcissism of similarity" by associating in "lifestyle enclaves." These enclaves are composed of the like-minded who share comparable desires for leisure, recreation, and consumer goods and who, by their self-chosen values, have been freed from traditional ethnic and religious boundaries while simultaneously justifying their own prefer-ences. Further, Bellah and his colleagues suggest that, in American so-ciety, people's felt need for personal fulfillment---ever elusive--has re-sulted in their substituting short-term "therapeutic relationships" be-tween "self-actualized" individuals for the genuine, creative relation-ship of love. This, in turn, has resulted in replacing obligation and com-mitment with a new "virtue": open and honest communication in which everything at all times is considered negotiable except the individual's self-chosen objectified values. The study suggests, further, that American society lacks the identity which should have or could have emerged from the ordered freedom of practical rituals and moral structures which it has abandoned. Moreover, it seems unable to return to the "constitutive narrative" of its tradition, Beyond the Liberal Model because that would be perceived as opting for once-jettisoned oppressive structures. Consequently, the lonely, self-actualized, rugged individuals of the late, great American Empire--still not comprehending what it is that might assuage their longings--have taken collective refuge in a cor-porate bureaucracy of professional managers, therapists, and other ex-perts whose task it is to foster administrative centralization, to facilitate reciprocal tolerance, and to "empower" all citizens for institutional par-ticipation and creative innovation. The problem is, however, according to Bellah and his colleagues: It simply has not worked, and the seriously ill "social ecology" of American culture is very much in danger of per-manent demise. There are striking similarities between this sociological analysis of American culture and the current liberal model of active religious life for women. Tradition has been abandoned, and the past is perceived as op-pressive. Institutes have become business corporations, and governance has become collaborative administration. Structures have become parti-cipative, and superiors are now primarily managers. Formation person-nel and spiritual directors now function primarily as therapists. Facilita-tors are experts for achieving consensus formation, as well as catalysts for creative innovation. All members are becoming empowered for de-cision- making, although not many members claim responsibility for any particular decision. Obedience is increasingly negotiable, and personal fulfillment dominates most choices. Communities have become lifestyle enclaves composed of occasionally present, like-minded individuals. Eve-ryone is now somehow accountable, but few (if any) religious are called to accountability by anyone for anything. Communication is the cardi-nal virtue, and everyone is progressing towards greater self-actualization. The problem is, of course: It all simply does not work. American women religious today still seem not to have discovered what it is that might as-suage their longings, and the seriously ill social ecology of their lives is very much in danger of p~rmanent demise. The Psychology of Selfism Directly related to the sociological phenomena that seem to parallel the deconstruction of religious life is the psychological phenomenon that contemporary American culture, according to Bellah, is basically impov-erished by an insatiable preoccupation with self. In most cultures reli-gion is considered a primary source for character formation and for the development of social mores. However, in the psychology of selfism which seems to permeate American culture, the primary reality is the self that one's own unique choices have created. The isolated, self-created 1 ~14 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 individual then commits himself or herself to self-defined and self-defining decisions. In this ambiance, personality development and be-havior modification replace the character formation and the social mo-res that are ordinarily provided by traditional religion, because preex-isting principles for character or mores are perceived as either non-existent or unimportant. For selfism in America, the psychological myth of the intrinsically good Utopian self parallels and supports the social and political myths of the intrinsically perfect Utopian state, while the psychological ten-dency to self-indulgence both rationalizes and celebrates the consumer society. When the interior fiber for duty, patience, suffering, and self-sacrifice is absent or wanting in the individual, the psychology of selfism conveniently shifts a locus of responsibility for the vacuum or the defi-ciency to the failures and foibles of parents, siblings, associates, and cir-cumstances. Selfism also legitimizes and perpetuates the late-adolescent attitudes of routine rebellion, rejection of authority, and preoccupation with sex. In short, it appears to be a ready-made, perfect internal sup-port for the sociology of American liberal individualism. Obviously, in relation to religious life, the once-hidden issues of psy-chological development and emotional maturity have been a rather pub-lic part of the transition in institutes of women (and of men) since Vati-can II. It may be that women religious really were not emotionally well-prepared for so many drastic, rapid-fire changes in their lives and, fur-ther, that they have not handled them all that well in the long run. To be sure, the recent deluge of books, articles, programs, and apparent pana-ceas produced by religious and for religious on topics of maturity related to religious is overwhelming. Patently, the popularity of this genre among women religious is not indicative of merely occasional light read-ing for the already self-actualized and emotionally mature. Thus, it seems reasonable to suggest that American women religious might be suf-fering not only from the effects of American liberal individualism but also from some lack of maturity as a consequence of its underlying psy-chology of selfism. Absence of Charism Genuine charisms for consecrated lifeforms are windows on the Gos-pel that provide a vision So clear that founders and foundresses --and then their companions--seem compelled to "do likewise" and follow Jesus. Or, again, charisms might be described as good seeds growing in fertile ground in a particular time and place and having the capacity to Beyond the Liberal Model multiply and bear fruit and also to be transplanted successfully to other ages and other cultures. True charisms of religious life are founded on sound but supple structures, are surrounded by long-standing and forma-tive customs, are nourished by deep-rooted and healthy spirituality, are manifest in valuable and long-term ecclesial service, and are--most es-pecially-~ expressions of a meaningful and compelling way of following Jesus. Charisms are not constituted merely by being a particular-apos-tolic expression of a particular corporal or spiritual work of mercy, how-ever necessary and valuable such endeavors may be; nor can charisms be humanly built by "refounding" or personally manufactured by "reweaving." They are gifts received, embraced, and lived--with re-ceptive and responsive elements indispensable to their basic rea~].ty---or they are not true charisms at all. Unfortunately, when active institutes of women religious went in search of their roots in the mandated renewal subsequent to Vatican II, most were confronted with the absence of a genuine, unique charism. And most women's institutes apparently either could not or would not recognize that absence for what it really meant, namely: They actually had no sound structures, no formative customs, no deep-rooted spiritu-ality, no long-term ecclesial service, no meaningful and compelling way of life they could call their own. In short, they had no genuine spiritual patrimony or religious heritage to which they could return and from which they could move into the future. The absence of a genuine, unique charism in most women's:institutes explains in part why intercommunity living and common novitiates have been so readily initiated and so successful. One cannot imagine, for ex-ample, Jesuit men and Dominican men opting for total intercommunity living situations and sharing totally common novitiates as if there were no deep and visible, distinctly different elements in their charisms. Yet many women religious whose institutes claim unique charisms share com-munity living and novitiates on a regular basis and consider it a wonder-ful sign of progress in collaboration. Lack of charism in many :women's institutes also explains in part why they have been so readily eclectic in the process of spiritual renewal and why most supposedly pristine house-of- prayer movements have been so short-lived and superficial .3 Further, lack of charism explains in part why it has been so difficult for these in-stitutes to adapt and renew successfully in the postconciliar era. Indeed, the provinces of some men's institutes are actually more distinct in ex-pressions of their charism than are many independent institutes of women who attempted after the council to rewrite constitutions and fashion mis- 116 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 sion statements unique to them on the basis of their supposedly unique charisms. Though the fault for lack of charism was not theirs, the consequences for these institutes have been nearly fatal. Most--but not all--active in-stitutes of women religious founded in, or transferred to, this country in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were either New World adapta-tions of ancient and medieval monastic communities, such as the Bene-dictines and the Dominicans, or groups of dedicated pioneer women re-sponding generously to the practical needs of an immigrant Church in frontier America. Some, such as the Ursulines and the Daughters of Char-ity, had never been allowed to embrace or live the authentic, original ex-pression of their charism, which is now recognized as the forerunner to the consecrated lifeform of secular institutes. All active women's insti-tutes in frontier America were forced by circumstance or mandate to adopt a semimonastic, conventual style of religious life whether or not this was appropriate to their current function or past experience. Struc-tures, as well as theology and spirituality and apostolate and customs, are integral to the authentic expression of a genuine, unique charism. Thus it is not surprising that progressive deconstruction in women's in-stitutes has been so rapid and so complete for those institutes which, when seeking their roots, found only a monastic heritage adapted to the structures of conventual religious life or found no heritage that ever re-ally fit into the structures of conventual religious life in the first place. Possibilities for the Future Suggestions have been made that, in order to survive, women reli-gious should respond more fully to the risks of opting for the poor, or expand their pluralistic polarization even further, or revitalize for the sake of mission, or manage systemic change more constructively, or com-bine judiciously with other institutes of similar heritage. But no degree of social-justice activity, no amount of pluralism, no programmed revitalization, no constructively managed change, and no combined mem-bership will supply for the absence of a charism, which simply cannot be summarily manufactured and without which no institute has any fu-ture. It is possible, however, that active institutes of women religious in America can consciously decide about their future in honest relationship to their past. Some may feel they have actually been successfully grafted into an ancient or medieval charism expressed in conventual form and may wish to continue that expression of religious life. Some may find Beyond the Liberal Model it more realistic to return to what was originally intended by the founder/ foundress even if that choice would place them today in a different ju-ridic category of consecrated lifeform, such as secular institutes. Others may find it more realistic for members to form totally different commu-nities in accord with the prevalent spectrum of conservative and tradi-tional ideologies among their membership. Still others may decide quite honestly that their time of existence and service in and through the Church is actually past and that their greatest present witness might be to go out of existence with dignity and grace. From my experience, those in positions of authority in many women's institutes either do not recognize or simply will not admit the above possibilities, just as they either do not recognize or will not admit that the present course of supposed renewal is toward eventual demise. And, from my experience, the members of most women's institutes either are unaware of what is actually happening or, being aware, sim-ply wish to stay the course because it appears or feels advantageous to them at the moment. In either case, the result is that members tend to choose for leadership only those persons who will perpetuate the status quo, which in turn continues the present direction of programmed decon-struction. Unfortunately, most women's institutes seem deaf to suggestions that current, supposedly great refounding trends are futile, not only because they are based primarily on product-oriented business-management mod-els, but also because there is--in most cases--actually nothing to re-found. Though most seem enthralled by distant visions of supposedly "new forms" of religious life, they seem not to see before their eyes the current practical drift of religious life in America to the practices and lifestyle of the already well-established category of secular institutes. Io fact, opting for secular-institute status might be a more honest way for some institutes to become what they were originally and are meant to be than is their present path of deconstruction under the ~uise of creating "new forms" of religious life. Finally, many women's institutes seem heartened by prospects of increased membership through mergers and un-ions as a recipe for survival. Although combining institutes may be a ju-dicious course of action in view of practical needs, those who look to this for survival should reread carefully the story of Gideon: There is no safety in numbers if you are not doing God's will in God's way; and if you are, numbers really do not matter very much at all. Although, from my experience, most active institutes of women re-ligious in America simply do not have the slightest idea where they are 1111~ / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 going or why, there are many members of many institutes who do want to go somewhere with meaning. While not wishing to return to the past, they also do not wish to abandon it, and they still hope for a future of renewed religious life somehow rooted in it. Unfortunately, current modes of participative consensus-model governance not only edit out such voices but also make it nearly impossible to know about or be in constructive contact with those who have similar desires. Perhaps, then, some hope for the future also can be found in more grassroots, intra- and inter-congregational communication by those who are both weary and wary of the present programmed deconstruction they experience. All that is really necessary for continuation in the present path of increased po-larization and progressive decline to the point of extinction is that enough women religious continue to say or do nothing about it. NOTES i The substantive content of this article is taken from a book chapter of the same ti-tle and is used with permission of the editors. See lus Sequitur Vitam: To Pier Huiz-ing in Recognition of a Life Dedicated to a Living Law in the Church, edited by James Provost and Knut Wall and scheduled for publicatiofl by Peeters of Leuven i.n February 1991. The book chapter is much longer, has a definitely canonical ori-entation, and contains numerous, lengthy, substantive footnotes. 2 See Marie Augusta Neal, From Nuns to Sisters: An Expanding Vocation (Mystic, Conn.:Twenty-Third'Publications, 1990), for her positions in general and pp. 126- 127, n. 9, for this quotation. More detailed comments on the survey are contained in the book chapter cited above, especially at footnotes 12 and 29-34. 3 See J.M.R. Tillard, "Vingt ans de grace?" in Vie Consacr~e 58 (1986): 323- 340. The S.P.E.A.K. Model: An Approach to Continuing Formation Mary Mortz, D.M.J. Sister Mary Mortz, D.M.J., serves as a provincial councilor for her province of the Daughters of Mary and Joseph. With her degree in rehabilitation and religious stud-ies, she teaches mentally and emotionally disturbed children. Her address is 419 East Lancaster Boulevard; Lancaster, California 93535. Continuing formation means that the work of God has begun, and we con-tinue to cooperate with his work in and through us. Many of our consti-tutions state that each of us as a perpetually professed religious is respon-sible for our own continuing formation, though we are accountable to com-munity leadership. We have workshop opportunities extended to us, but there still seems to be a void in terms of specific steps to take to know that we are really growing as much as the Lord is calling us to grow. Many articles written for us today in religious journals seem to re-flect a growing need for focus in this area of continuing formation. They address issues of the compulsions and codependency in our society and in our religious lives. These issues are influencing us spiritually, emo-tionally, relationally, physically, and in our ministry. Many of these ar-ticles conclude with the suggestion that the reader investigate the 12- step programs such as Alcoholics Anonymous. The S.P.E.A.K. model begins where these articles conclude, Many religious men and women are finding the 12-step journey to be a power-ful resource. This model comes from reflecting upon the experiences which many have shared with me--priests, religious men and women, and lay persons. It is a summary of what we have found to be helpful for us. It is offered as a resource tool for anyone looking for more spe-cific help in this deepening journey of spirituality and ministry. 189 190 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 Summary of the Model There are three parts which serve as the basis for the S.P.E.A.K. model. First, the 12 steps are used as concrete steps or tools for continu-ing growth. Second, it is holistic. It includes the aspects of our lives as people who are Spiritual, Physical, Emotional, Apostolic, and relational (Koinonia). Third, each person selects a formation companion. The reason for basing the model upon the 12 steps is that they have proved to be very effective for thousands of people as a tool for us to use to evaluate our level of trust in God, to examine our lives, to make changes when we see we need to do so, to maintain an abiding attitude of balance and prayer in our lives and in our ministry and relationships with others. As we look at these 12 steps taken as a group, it is very apparent that we are returning to all that has been best for us in our previous routines of the spiritual life: regular daily examen, confession and extraordinary confession, retreats, daily spiritual reading, prayer, community sharing of our growth with each other, and profound dedication to sharing the Good News with a troubled world. The reason for basing the model upon a holistic view is that it is very easy for us to allow one or two areas of life to receive our attention. The challenge of life is to live in such a wholesomely balanced way that we proclaim Jesus, his Spirit~-and his Father's love by being the wonder-fully created person we are called to be spiritually, physically, emotion-ally, relationally, and in our ministry. The reason for basing the model upon having a formation compan-ion is twofold. It is a privileged thing to have someone who loves us un-. conditionally, even when we let the other person really know us. This frees us to grow even more. Secondly, it helps us to become very, very honest with ourselves and with our God when we agree to share what is happening in our lives at a deep and personal level with at least one other human being. This facilitates an attitude of openness and honesty which is an essential prerequisite of continuing formation. The Twelve Steps It is important to remember that even though one of the areas of the S.P.E.A.K. model is the spiritual, all the areas of our life are permeated by the principles of the spiritual journey. We keep taking these steps over and over in all areas of life, and new insights become revealed to us. Per-haps it is no coincidence that there were 12 tribes, 12 apostles, and now the foundation of 12 steps! Sometimes it is said that a coincidence is a miracle when God chooses to be anonymous. The S.P.E.A.K. Model / "191 Orginally there were six steps as part of a spiritual movement called the Oxford movement, but those using these steps in A.A. realized they needed a little more guidance and expanded them to 12. The basic sense of these 12 steps can be divided into three groups. In steps 1-3 we come to a profound sense of what it means to really trust God. In steps 4-11, we clean our house, and continue to keep it clean. In step 12 we work to practice these principles in all our affairs, all as-pects of our lives. It can be a temptation for us to approach the steps rationally, to ana-lyze why they work. This is not the issue for those using the S.P.E.A.K. model. The issue is to walk these steps personally, humbly with heart, gut, and head. An analogy might be that we can read inspirational arti-cles about exercise and walking until the cows come home, but if we do not put one foot in front of the other and go walking, we cannot go very far or get in very good shape. Step One. We admitted we were powerless over life's conditions, that our lives had become unmanageable. (In the A.A. literature, this step reads, "We admitted we were powerless over alcohol--that our lives had become unmanageable." This is the only step that is changed in the S.P.E.A.K. model.) Even though other steps may seem to be more threatening in the be-ginning, it seems that the hardest step for us to take is step one. This is also the first be-attitude (Beatitude). The journey begins when we can finally be at a point in our lives where we are ready to surrender, to let go, to realize that there is something in our lives over which we have no control. Then we are ready to let God in to take over, to begin again in a new and deeper way this thing called his continuing formation. Our "something," our life condition, may be other people who are in our lives, some part of work, our relationships, our predominant com-pulsions, our health, our behavior, our self-perceptions, our resentments, fears, anxiety, our sin, our habits, our way of being "off the mark." There are many resources available to help us see our personal pow-erlessness. Some of these ways are: meditation using available schools of spirituality, or we might just sit, as in Zen guided ways, or use ap-proaches to centering prayer. We might pursue the insight into our par-ticular compulsions through the study of the Enneagram. We also might just listen to our own lives if we are having pain. Pain is a wonderful catalyst to growth! If we really want to take this step honestly, it is much easier if we share our "muddling through it" with another person. Whatever means Review for Religious, March-April 1991 we use, it is important to know that this S.P.E.A.K. model is not possi-ble until we take step one. Step Two. "Came to believe that a Power greater than ourselves could restore us to sanity." Sanity means wholeness. It means balance. Once we find ourselves in real need of change, our challenge is to allow ourselves to "come to," to wake up as if from the slumber or self-delusion we were in. The only assent required at this step is to believe that we are not the center of our universe, that there is a power greater than ourselves, that we are loved, and that we can become powerfully renewed. Ephesians 4:22-24 is one of many texts which comes to mind at this step. You must give up your old way of life; you must put aside your old self, which gets corrupted by following illusory desires. Your mind must be renewed by a spiritual revolution so that you can put on the new self that has been created in God's way, in the goodness and holiness of truth. Step Three. "Made a decision to turn our will and our lives over to the care of God as we understood him." This step leads us to accept God's power in our lives. In step two we may want the revolution to happen. We might believe it possible, but it is in step three that we make a specific decision to let go and to let God take over. Revolution means change, and that is what we give consent to in step three without controlling any part of it. When we speak of such trust, we are using our own words, our own sense of who, at this time, God is for me. We make a prayer of this step and share it with another hu-man being. These steps are not done in the dark, but we bring them to the light and speak them to another. Step Four. "Made a searching and fearless moral inventory of our-selves.". We all have instincts. Most fall into the areas of social instincts, secu-rity instincts, and sexual instincts. Again it seems no coincidence that our vows are in the areas of obedience, poverty, and chastity. In this step, we accept to look at our lives as the beginning of a lifetime prac-tice. We look in a searching way at fears, resentments, harms, and hurts we have done, and which have been done to us. We name the instincts which are threatened, and our responses to them. We come to see our not-so-good patterns, our character defects, and our gifts, our assets as well. We see how we have been growing, and how we have yet to grow. The word, "fearless" is very important~ If we find ourselves resist-ing this inventory, then there is nothing wrong with staying at steps one, The S.P.E.A.K. Model / 193 two, or three. When we have become tired of life's condition, when we can believe that we can change, when we have really taken step three, then step four will follow comfortably without fear. Step Five. "Admitted to God, to ourselves, and to another human be-ing the exact nature of our wrongs." In this step we invite another human being to be with us as we say out loud what we have learned in step four. There are many ways to do this, but as we come to name our patterns, our ways of responding, we gain insights, especially if the other person has taken this step, and truly loves us. To bring awareness before God is one thing, and it is beauti-ful. To bring awareness before God and another human being, to share it, to own it in the light is both beautiful and a blessing. This step helps us to stop isolating, to experience many profound les-sons in humility, to experience a whole new sense of kinship, of one-ness with others and with God. This kinship opens us to a connected-ness with whole new insights into the human condition, our place in the world, and a God consciousness which becomes a personal experience. Step Six. "Were entirely ready to have God remove all these defects of character. ' ' After the insights are gained in step five, more action is required. We do not only gain insight on this spiritual journey, but we use the in-sights. We made a decision in step three to turn our will and our lives over to the care of God as we understood him; now in this step we real-ize that we are still very resistant people. We have worked hard to de-velop the defects we have. We wonder, "Who am I if I let go of them?" We even let ourselves chuckle at how we are as self-centered little chil-dren, and pray to get ready to let go of those defects of our character which we have learned about. Sometimes we say, "Of course I want them taken away," and this step is easy, but if that is not our experience at any given time, we accept to admit this is the step we are taking. Step Seven. "Humbly asked him tO remove our shortcomings." When we feel we are in charge, we try to use willpower, or positive imaging instead of taking this step. This step calls for us again to admit our powerlessness, our need for God. It is ego puncturing because we admit we cannot do this of ourselves. As St. Paul says. "I do the things I do not want to do." This step frees us from the trap of pride and fear. Little by little after we take this step, we find ourselves thinking differ-ently, feeling differently, r.esponding differently. People and situations around us change, if we have prayed our own seventh step prayer out loud with another human being. 194 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 Step Eight. "Made a list of all persons we had harmed, and became will-ing to make amends to them all." In religious life many of us were trained to forgive., forgive. forgive. This is essential; however, the eighth step helps us to focus on the resentments, the fears, the harms, and the hurts of our lives by paying attention to our responses. We can forgive and fester externally or internally for a long, long time! As we shared our fifth step, we became aware of ways in which our responses might have "needed improvement," or perhaps we were out-and- out vindictive. This step is best taken with another person to help us be thorough, to help ourselves not to hide, to isolate, or to be too hard on ourselves. Again, if this becomes fearful, perhaps there is a need to look at how badly we want this growth, the quality of our surrender and trust, and the reality of our seventh step. But we can also remember we are only making a list in this step. Step Nine. "Made direct amends to such people wherever possible, ex-cept when to do so would injure them or others." This step is also best discerned with another person, both to keep us honest as well as to help us figure out the best way to go about this ac-tion. Sometimes a person has died. Sometimes the person has moved, or we moved away. A letter might be enough, or we might need to wait to see her or him again. Sometimes it is best to let it go, and our forma-tion companion can help us decide when this is really true. Regardless, the freedom which comes inside us as we become ready to take responsibility for the consequences of our behavior is very exhilarating. Step Ten. "Continued to take personal inventory and when we were wrong promptly admitted it." In order for the spiritual revolution to continue, we need to remain ready. Step ten is really a daily, weekly, monthly, and annual review of steps two through nine. There are many ways and resources available to us to use in this step. One way is to allow our dreams to happen, to write them down, to "mull over" their meaning with our formation compan-ion. Another is to be faithful to writing in a notebook of some sort a mini-fourth step, a summary of the good and the not-so-good of the day, to share it, then to do steps six through nine with what we learn. The more we do this, the easier and more comfortable it becomes. Step Eleven. "Sought through prayer and meditation to improve our con-scious contact with God as we understood him, praying only for knowl-edge of his will for us and the power to carry that out." The S.P.E.A.K. Model I 195 As we do the preliminary steps and work this step, we find that every-thing else is also "falling into place." We work this step as humble, empty vessels who know our need for God. We accept to be still, to lis-ten, to receive. Just as we could use the many resources available to us in the Church to take step one, we can also draw upon these resources to help us deepen in step eleven. There are three centers out of which we operate--the gut, the head, and the heart. Our predominant sin is located in there somewhere, and so is our growth. Perhaps centering prayer, the prayer of nothingness, is our vehicle. Perhaps more head-centered meditation on Scripture and spiritual teach-ings is our vehicle. Perhaps contemplation of images and affective re-sponse to them serve as our vehicle. Perhaps being with nature, or litur-gical celebrations, or devotions become our vehicles. The important thing is that we be as we are called to be. We have learned in these steps to let go and let God. If we share how we feel with our formation com-panion, this step becomes a profound and nourishing experience. In this step an awakening happens which leads us to hunger after holi-ness (wholeness) in all areas of our life. Our emotions become balanced. Our bodies seek proper rest, work and play rhythms, food and drink. We hunger for a sharing of peace and reconciliation in our relationships and in the world. We find ourselves led deeply to the roots of our religious lives, to a sense of meaning of sacrament and church, of our community's charism, and we become ready to witness this new sense in our relation-ships and in our ministry. Step Twelve. "Having had a spiritual awakening as the result of these steps, we tried to carry this message to others, and to practice these prin-ciples in all our affairs." We have received a free gift. We can work to keep it alive, but if we hold on to it exclusively, it becomes stagnant. That is the nature of the spiritual journey. As a result of these steps, we have known a spiri-tual awakening. We have known love, a God and Gospel consciousness at a personal level. The irony of this love is that we must let it go if we are to hold on to it. Anything we used to hold on to is constantly chal-lenged by the gift of our new God-relationship. We find ourselves driven to live right attitudes--to develop God attitudes, the be-attitudes, to do his Way in all of our life. Select a Formation Companion We have a long-standing precedent for having a spiritual compan- Review for Religious, March-April 1991 ion within the Church as well as within many of the Oriental religions. However, even though we have been encouraged to avail of spiritual direc-tors, many religious have not availed themselves of these opportunities. This was for a variety of reasons. Some wondered what there was to talk about. Some could not find someone who felt qualified. Some used a con-fessor, and kept the focus more sin-and problem-centered. Some used spiritual directors, but restricted the interactions to areas of the spiritual domain. Others have used a spiritual director as a formation companion without naming the person as such. This latter group knows the power and potential for having a formation companion. The qualification for being someone's companion is that we are also working these steps, and sharing honestly of ourselves with someone. No advanced degrees are required because it is humility found in a relationship with God that we seek. The formation companion could be male or female, priest, religious, or lay person. What is important for us is that our companion understand these steps, and be willing to walk with us as we journey them. The criterion we use to ask someone to serve as our formation com-panion is that we feel this person cares for us, has common sense,~,and is also working a "formation program." Our companion calls us to honesty and celebrates growth with us, but this person does not attempt to fill any need other than serving as the formation companion. As we grow, we may find ourselves broadening and using many others to share our journey. We may use physicians, psy-chologists, a spiritual support group, the people with whom we live, other friends, our superiors, our employers, a confessor. The Areas of the S.P.E.A.K. Model Spiritual The steps lead us completely in this area. As we grow in this spiri-tual revolution and in union through steps one through eleven, we de-velop insights that lead us to hunger for balance in the other areas. We find that as we deepen and grow in this area, if there has been careless-ness in the communal expression of our prayer, even this turns around. We soften. We find time where time was not to be found before. We hun-ger to be with each other in our religious expression as well as in the deeper leadings of the area of Koinonia. Physical The body is essential for us if we are to operate as feeling, relating The S.P.E.A.K. Model / 197 human beings. It is a vital source for information about our lives, and a key support for us to function in all areas. Our bodies can be scream-ing warnings to us if we will pay attention. For example, our bodies tell us if we are suppressing feelings or living relationships in ways that are dishonest to ourselves or to others. We can experience gastrointestinal problems, ulcers, high blood pressure, cancer, and back problems. If there is rigidity in the muscles, there is often rigidity in the emotions and spirit. The challenge of this area is to listen to the cues, to work the steps to learn what is happening, and to develop habits which are life-giving, respectful, and nurturing for the body as well as the other areas of our lives. If we listen to the input of others as well as observe our own lives, we may see that we are making body choices which are harmful to the other S.P.E.A.K. areas. For example, we might be choosing the use of substances such as nicotine, caffeine, alcohol, or sugar as substitutes for feeling, or to fill emotional, spiritual, or relational lack. In addition to life choices which affec( our continuing formation, there are those choices for fast food, for beef, for comfort and conven-ience which have implications for the rest of the world's famine and un-dernutrition. Part of the challenge of this area is the aspect of practicing the physi-cal and spiritual discipline of fasting to detoxify and rebalance the body, to reverse even degenerative illness, and to bring ourselves into a deeper harmony with others. Just as we need to keep working these steps in the other areas where physical inertia is seen, we have a cue that an imbalance is happening, and an opportunity to reflect upon the reason for this shutdown. Inertia is life denying. The body requires regular aerobic movement to increase the circulatory flow, the metabolic rate for heart, skeletal and muscular tone, for body conditioning, and to allow for oxygen to get to the brain. Emotional One of the promises of the awakening which we experience in step eleven is a sense that emotional balance and wholeness are happening. Before we experience this balance, however, we would have taken some serious steps to be ready for inner healing. These steps take time, and as we learn more about who we are, we can continue to share this with another, work with it, work these steps and deepen. Perhaps as we did our inventory, we saw patterns of overinflated or underinflated self-esteem, patterns of overe.ngagement in activity or serv-ice, perfectionism, depression, fear, resentments. Perhaps we saw that 198 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 we isolate from others, do not share our feelings. Perhaps we give our love and attention to pets, compare ourselves to others, blame others, feel jealous, judge people's motives, interpret others' motives to others, think rigidly either positively or negatively about others, isolate ourselves from others or hide our feelings or practice. Perhaps we use food or drink, work, sex to hide from feelings. The task of these steps is to bring the darkness to light, that the dark-ness may lose its power over us. In the S.P.E.A.K. model, we practice naming our feelings, reflecting upon what happens to trigger them, look-ing at our instincts which we perceive as being threatened and at our re-sponses to these threats. As we practice this and work steps two through nine, we find ourselves growing much stronger, more serene, more pow-erful, and more humble. Apostolic Today's society, the "world" of St. John's gospel, rewards us if we have power. We are encouraged to become specialists. This applies to the areas of medicine, psychology, sbcial work, education, spiritual direction, and pastoral ministry. It is easy for us to be sensitive to our congregational financial pressures, to time demands, and to be seduced by this world. For those walking the Gospel path, working the 12 steps, the value of our apostolic mission is in living out our spiritual awakening and ex-perience. This is why the spiritual, emotional, and koinonia areas are so important as prerequisites to ministry. Our mission is to be the charism of our congregations in deep solidarity with the anguish which is under-neath all the glitter of power and success. If we are not yet comfortable with our own anguish, and with sharing it with others, we cannot con-vey this experience to others. As Nouwen says, our leadership, our value lies in that we dare to claim our irrelevancy in the contemporary world. We are parts of insti-tutions, but our challenge is to be humble, to work these steps, to walk a spiritual path, to reflect the koinonia attitude in how we reflect the mer-ciful love and justice of God with others. Koinonia In the 12 steps, we come to let go of fears or pseudocommunity pre-tenses, self-seeking, and control. The 12 steps help us to relate more hon-estly, more compassionately to the people with whom we live and work, but there is anoiher dimension beyond this. Koinonia is a Greek word meaning "a deep sense of interconnectedness, of communion with oth- The S.P.E.A.K. Model ers at the faith level." Rollo May suggests that our entire culture is schizoid, out of touch, avoiding close relationships, unable to feel, unable to express aggressive feelings directly, seclusive and personally withdrawn. In this koinonia area we measure our lifestyles against the radical demands of the Gos-pel model of Jesus. We contrast it with the dominant values of society, the dependencies, the addictions, the fear, and the lack of touch. Koinonia challenges us to see the whole world as a community. Our new spiritual awakening leads us to hunger to create a new civilization in which war, violence, terrorism, and oppression are banished. We know from our own personal experience that another way is possible. No one of us can do this of ourselves, but just as the early Church persisted, and pervades the earth today, so can we, one small community at a time! For interrelatedness to happen in this world, people have to be in-terrelating; then God takes over and lets the miracles happen. We let go, and let him. The challenge of koinonia is for us to drop pretenses, to leave the door open for others to see us cry, to be with us as we grow, to hear our laughter, to let people see how we love each other. From this koinonia sense, we grow to be able to include others, to let them walk in and touch us so that even more of us are empowered to know and wit-ness to his Good News. Summary The power of the S.P.E.A.K. model lies in our openness to continue to let go, to let God be God in our lives. We use and continue to use the 12 steps and a formation companion so that we deepen in a personal relationship with him. We work and pray to be teachable spiritually, physi-cally, emotionally, relati0nally, and in our ministry, not for ourselves, but so that a troubled world may know what w.e see, and hear, and know. As a direct result of working this program, of walking these steps, we find that we no longer have to hold up masks of spiritual perfection since we are "professional," vowed religious. Instead, we have become free to share our struggle with others as equals in his love. We share our spiritual progress. We do not need to be self-protective anymore, but our arms are open to include others. There is nothing to fear because there is nothing to protect. If there is concern as to how to start with these twelve steps, there are often ready and available resources in each local parish and in many retreat houses and religious communities. Many parishes have good solid parish leaders who are recovering from some compulsive pattern or ad-diction. These people are more than ready to share the Good News with 200 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 us. Also, many religious communities and retreat houses have members in 12-step programs, or who have learned of these steps by exploring them in their own lives. These people are also usually more than gener-ous in sharing what they have seen and heard with their own eyes and ears. 'RESOURCES Alcoholics Anonymous.Twelve Steps and Twelve Traditions. New York: Alcohol-ics Anonymous World Services, Inc., 1981. Elgin, Duane. Voluntary Simplicity: Toward A Way of Life That Is Outwardly Sim-ple, Inwardly Rich. N.Y.: William Morrow & Co., 1981. Hart, Thomas N. The Art of Christian Listening. N.Y.: Paulist Press. 1980. Main, John, O.S.B. Death: The Inner Journey. Montreal: Benedictine Priory, 1983. Nouwen, Henri. With OutStretched Hands: Reflections on Christian Leadership in the Future. Unpublished paper, 1989. Palmer, Helen. Enneagram: Understanding Yourself and the Others in Your Life. San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988. Peck, M. Scott. The Different Drum: Community Making and Peace. New York: Si-mon & Shuster, 1987. Schaef, Anne W. Co-Dependence: Misunderstood--Mistreated. Minneapolis, MN: Winston Press, 1986. Sperry, Len. "Daily Decisions About Nutrition." Human Development 9 (Spring, 1988). Pp. 40-46. Subby, Robert, and Fried, John. "Co-Dependence: A Paradoxical Dependency," in Co-Dependency! An Emerging Issue, Pompano Beach, Florida: Hath Communi-cations, 1984. Trungpa, Chogyam. Cutting Through Spiritual Materialism. Boston: Shambala, 1973. In the Valley of Decision Marie Beha, O.S.C. Sister Marie Beha, O.S.C., continues to reside in the Monastery of St. Clare; 1916 N. Pleasantburg Drive; Greenville, South Carolina 29609. In the early days of my religious life, one Sunday a month was set aside as a day of recollection, a retreat day. Out of earshot of the novice di-rector, we called it "dead Sunday," because it featured extra time for a meditation on death. Even though we resisted some of the more mor-bid descriptions following that meditation's first prelude, "Place your-self on your deathbed," the practice did ensure that we were regularly confronted with the realization of personal mortality. Today there are plenty of other reminders: tragedy that shouts in the headlines and is pictured in all its starkness on television or in the news magazines, the alarming statistics of the rising number of adolescent sui-cides, the toll of AIDS, the senseless slaughter of innocent victims in bombing raids, and the torture of random hostages. To this litany we add our more personalized grief over the death of family and friends. We know dying in all of its unexpectedness, its violence, its tragedy, our grief compounded the closer we are to the individuals who have died. And in our world of instant communication death is never very far away. What we are less familiar with is the dying of our institutions, our communities. Not that this is a new phenomenon either. It is as much a fact of life as the death of individuals but less perceptible except with the long look of history. By the time that history notices, however, those with most reason to mourn have already passed th.rough death them-selves. Yet institutional dying is an ever present reality. On the global level we are threatened by almost certain extinction if nation against nation 201 202 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 ever turns to nuclear war. We face the unknown consequences of our wan-ton destruction of rain forests centuries in the growing. We worry about environmental pollution passing on to the next generation, an earth poi-soned beyond, control. We experience that our technology so outstrips our wisdom that we may be as likely to kill as to cure. On the local level, that of the communities where we live, we con-front death every time a neighborhood is ripped up to make way for prog-ress or a business closes because of obsolescence. Families come to the end of the generations, as they have always done, but now the very in-stitution of the family itself seems doomed to extinction. Divorce, child-less marriages, abortion, weaken it from within, while drugs and the value-system of a consumer society attack it from without. Churches are empty so parishes close, following the demise of the parochial school. Religious communities face not only financial crises of major proportions but also the slow starvation of fewer and fewer vocations. Already some congregations are opting for survival through merger; others have been "suppressed," as the death process is termed, grimly enough, in Church law. Within the foreshortened history of our individual lives, we can no longer deny the mortality of our institutions; we are being invited to en-ter consciously into what is happening all around us. We become aware that some communities simply expire, brought down by their own dis-eased condition or their inability to receive from, or give life to, the world around them. They starve to death. Others die honorably and natu-rally of old age. Some fade away forced by circumstances to accept their growing irrelevance; others are felled by revolution while still in their prime. The question is not "Do institutions die?" but "How do they? And how do we respond to their dying?" Are we aware or do we prefer the apparent safety of denial? When denial is no longer possible, what do we do then? Rage against the inevitable? Give up? Bargain for more time? Or do we face institutional death with courage, living the present to the full, admitting that life's precariousness is part of its preciousness? The choice of response is ours, not only as individuals, but as commu-nities. Instant communication provides information; it does not ensure adequate response nor delay death's inevitability. Institutions must die, but how they die is a matter of decision. Ours! Theological Reflections for a Dying Community On our way north we had stopped overnight, availing ourselves of the gracious hospitality that had suggested, "Come anytime." The build- In the Valley of Decision / 203 ing was 1950-modern, far too large for the eight or so sisters who pres-ently occupied it. The refectory seemed cavernous; it could easily have seated forty. Mercifully the community room was small and cozy, the superior.exp!aining that it had once been the priest's dining room. She also mentioned that the third floor was closed off to save heat, and it was obvious that the second floor was sparsely populated. The situation was depressingly familiar. What was remarkable was the sense of joy that made supper a re-freshment for body and spirit. The sisters welcoming us ranged in age from the superior in her late 40s, who had introduced herself as "the only young sister here," to an octogenarian busily can'ying in dishes from the kitchen. I was seated next to a sister in a wheel chair who had been brought in by another sister who seemed to be using the wheel chair as a substitute walker. Both smiled a sincere welcome, "We are so glad to have you with us." Others gathered and I guessed the average age somewhere in the 70s. The conversation soon revealed that most were active in one way or another. Some spoke of bringing Communion to the sick; others of tutoring kids from the nearby elementary school. One 85- year-old had tales to tell of the black children she helped in a Head Start program; her love for the children was obvious. Another drew her chair closer to mine, saying that she did not hear well anymore and did not want to miss a word; her attentiveness the rest 6f the meal made us all more articulate. Table conversation included convent trivia but it did not stay there. The sisters read widely and well. They ~ere critical of what the~ had heard on TV, exchanged evaluations of VCR programs. And peppered me with good questions in a way that told me why they were so well in-formed about what was happening in the contemporary Church. When they welcomed visitors, these sisters welcomed the wider world. Towards the end of the meal, I deliberately intoned the familiar list of religious-life woes: few recruits, shrinking apostolates, the "greying" of the congregation. The facts were acknowledged. The sisters' response was obviously the fruit of many shared reflections. They were happy with the community they had chosen and the life they shared; now they would see each other through to the end. God was with .them, still at work in his world. As one said to me with a smile that I will never for-get, "Our community may be dying but God is making something new. ' ' As I threaded my way back to the freeway next morning, I found my-self reflecting on what I had heard and seen. There was no denial of 91~4 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 death. The shrinking number of sisters and their physical limitations were accepted facts of life; they were not neurotic preoccupations. The sisters were too alive for that. Their acceptance was not tainted with hopeless-ness and its equivalent suicide. They were not actualizing their worst fears by giving in to bitterness or despair. Today their community is alive; some tomorrow it might not be. Progression toward an end time is inevitable, whether it is their owndeath, that of the their beloved con-gregation, or the final days of the world. "And after that the judg-ment"., a judgment that is in the making in their response now. Im-plicit in the faith of these few old sisters was a whole theology of the death and dying of institutions. Awareness precedes acceptance. So faith-response to death and dy-ing begins by breaking through denial. Like the middle-aged woman look-ing in the mirror and acknowledging that the first wrinkles are more than shadows caused by poor lighting, all need to admit "We are moving to-ward death." This world is passing away and the institutions that pres-ently shape it will not always do so. Even now all are dying. At times this process accelerates and we experience the diminish-ment. The grace of such periods is that of bringing us into contact with a truth we too easily ignore; its occasion of sin is confusion in our re-sponse. There are seasons when death's approach must be resisted strongly; in fact, this is always our first response. "Choose life." But there comes a time when resistance is useless; surrender is called for. The difference between may be difficult to recognize but it is critically im-portant. Faith's response balances "choose life" with "accept death." For the believer, for the community of believers, the ultimate answer is not biological, nor sociological, but Christological. "Am I alive in Christ? Is my dying a going to the Father in and with Christ Jesus?" If so, my death is a coming alive. "Or am I mortally, morally, and spiritually sick unto eternal death?" Then my living and my dying are both lost forever. Responding to this question that all death and dying puts before us forces freedom's choice. Our answer rises out of life; it is the last sylla-ble in the sentence we have been phrasing in all the pronouncements of life, all individual or institutional decision-making. Only in death will we become finally free to speak the word that is Self. Only in the act of dying will we, individuals and communities, be capable of that con-summation of freedom which is total, absolute, commitment. In dying, the mystery of living stands revealed; dying-rising are one whole mystery, one continuous process, one word, even though our ex- In the Valley of Decision / 205 perience, as well as our orthography, spells it with a hyphen. Dying is a breakthrough into life; at least, it can be. That is freedom's choice; we determine the meaning. Just as Jesus did. Dying: Christological Implications. How did Jesus die? The answer has been repeated so often that the cross has lost its power to say anything; it is decoration more than real-ity. Yet redemption, becoming free, growing into holiness, are only pos-sible when we as individuals, as communities, enter into the passion and death of Jesus. So again, how did Jesus die? As we do, moving through the process of realizing it, being angered by it, bargaining with it, feeling blackness of depression, and, finally, coming to an acceptance that transforms death into fuller life. Particularly in the gospel of Luke, we see the whole life of Jesus as a moving toward his death. We read, "He set his face toward Jerusa-lem" (Lk 9:51). This was where he was going, the call of his Father's .love, the motivation for his every redemptive act. Death and dying were important concerns he spoke about to those who were closest to him. Not that they understood or appreciated such reminders of mortality. They denied the facts, even protested. They were for kingdom building here, now, in their world. And Jesus rebuked them sharply, "Get behind me, satan" (Mk 8:33). Jesus acknowledged death's inevitability; he knew that his way of liv-ing would lead to the cross. What he chose was life, a life that would climax in death. He freely accepted the fatal consequences of choosing to live, to teach, to act as he did. Aware and able to choose, in the free-dom that rose from who he was before the Father, he embraced the dy-ing that went with the living. Knowing and accepting did not rule out protest. Jesus' response to the pharisees who were seeking to put him to death (Jn 8:40) was clear and unequivocal. They were doing the work of the devil, whose sons they were! Even at the end, Jesus protested the injustice of his being con-demned to death. He refused to cooperate with Herod's court of inquiry, remaining silent when lifesaving prudence might have dictated at least a minimum of cooperation. Before Pilate, his protest became vocal. "Do you ask this of your own accord. ? . My kingdom is not of this world" (Jn 18:35). Previous to this, the power of his self-assertion directed against the soldiers sent to arrest him had set them back on their heels. Jesus was angry; he did not deserve death. "If I have done good why do you seek 206 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 to kill me?" Why die? Why me? That is the protest life addresses to death. Ultimately it becomes a question addressed to the Lord of life. Why suffering? Why dying? The answer does not come easily. The healthier the person, the more wrench-ing the acceptance. Jesus sweat blood before his will could speak out its central commitment, "Not my will but yours be done" (Mk 14:37). The struggle, the bargaining, were finished. The passion continued. The dying of Jesus moved toward completion, each stage bringing him down, deeper into "the pit of death." Betrayal, abandonment, physi-cal and emotional abuse would take their terrible toll. Fastened to the cross Jesus would drink death's cup to the bitter dregs. He would express heartbreak in a cry of desolation, "My God, My God, why have you forsaken me?" (Mk 15:34). "He who did not know sin had been made sin" (2 Co 5:21) for our sake, and Jesus felt the oppression of slavery and alienation. He accepted, "It is accomplished" (Jn 19:30). His last word summed up his life's orientation. He would die as he had lived into the hands of his Father, his trust redeeming the horror of death by cruci-fixion, transforming passion's suffering into self-offering. The acceptance of Jesus' surrender opened out into the new life of resurrection. What he gave up, he received back; rather, his resurrection was a "making new." Through dying, he went beyond death. This is now clear to us with the evidence of something accomplished. But for Jesus, as for us, surrender into death was an act of faith, an experience of letting go with only trust to justify the risk. Death must come first, before new life is possible. Jesus had to lose his life. So must we. Mortality Denied The passion and death of Jesus is invitation, something we can freely enter into or can refuse and resist. Whatever our choice, the process ton-tinues but its effectiveness depends radically on our response to this fact of life, our mortality as individuals and as communities. We can opt to live through our dying or we can choose to deny death and so die to life. Denial is the first of our resistances. A community, for example, can refuse to face what is happening, as the number of new members de-creases and average age rises. Data are challenged; the credentials of the statistician questioned. Others are blamed for the crisis; "they" are no longer generous, interested, concerned. These are obvious forms of de-nial and they do nothing to stop the progress of decline. Less obvious is the denial that refuses to face, not only the symp-toms, but the cause of the illness as well, its seriousness, the rate of pro-gression, its effect on others. Why is community dying? Is it diseased, In the Valley of Decision / 207 brought down by "infection" from surrounding culture or by a lifestyle that is no longer functional? Or is it simply succumbing to old age, the inevitable decline that is the underside of history's progress? Is this pro-cess reversible, something that a group needs to pass through and then go on with life as before? Or does it require a change of direction, a new and different way of living? Is this illness terminal? If so, how much time is left? How rapid the progression of present rates of decline? Howare others affected by our dying as community? Are they suffering too, and what can be done to alleviate their pain? The questions are stark; no one asks them lightly. Unwillingness to even look at them is denial made possible through the use of those de-fense mechanisms with which we are all too familiar. We rationalize, pre-senting specious reasons to explain present experience: we are not dy-ing, just "indisposed." The whole problem is temporary; things will turn around soon. Besides we are not to blame. The reverse side of this stance.is: some-body must be. We blame other people, including God! Our dying is the will of God and so must be accepted. Perhaps. "God willing" may ex-press surrender but it may also attribute to God something that we have not yet faced. The very rightness of our reasoning is all the more dan-gerous because it cloaks denial with religious ritual, an especially safe form of repression. Paradoxically, community may also deny responsibility by giving too much credence to those who are predicting its demise; it lacks the inner freedom to reply, "The reports of our death are greatly exagger-ated!" While the prophets of doom may be correct, they may also be mis-taken. The accuracy of their prophecies will only be revealed when the future becomes present. All we know now is that attitude makes a dif-ference. While refusing to acknowledge the seriousness of the situation will not cure it, giving up hope will surely condemn us to death. Another inappropriate response attempts to ignore the whole ques-tion and continues, doggedly, to do what "we have always done." We may call this fidelity but it is not. Fidelity is creative response incorpo-rating past into present and moving on into the new of the future. Denial condemns to fruitless repetition that goes nowhere. Preoccupation with safety and security needs is a rather accurate index of a group's mori-bund condition. Overreliance on what has worked in the past may simu-late faith, but it really is presumption. "God will take care of us" may be just another attempt to manipulate God into doing what we neglect to do for ourselves. 2011 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 Denial is failed responsibility; it violates the delicate line of balance between doing all that we can but not more than we ought. So commu-nity that is experiencing some of the symptoms of approaching death errs either by ignoring the situation or by exaggerating solutions. It can, for example, refuse assistance, since accepting help involves admitting a need for it. It can also erupt in a flurry of poorly planned activity, lis-tening to every guru who promises gilt-edged salvation. Fund-raisers can be a preferred way for Americans to refuse responsibility while appear-ing to assume it. Community Anger The hidden blessing of denial is its inevitable failure. When facts can no longer be avoided, they must be faced. Anger follows. Unfortunately, it too can be denied, hidden, buried under heaps of inappropriate behav-ior, deflected in projections; or it can rage out of control, leaving devas-tation in its wake. Anger denied is dangerous; anger accepted and appropriately ex-pressed is powerful energy for good. It can move a community deeper into the paschal mystery; it can lead to life. The question is how? The first answer: by acknowledging what is happening. Are we as commu-nity angry? What are we angry about? Community anger, like that of individuals, is often misplaced. It looks for some convenient target; so we kick the dog because we cannot face its owner. Seeking some scapegoat we may even turn against our own. If our predecessors had only been wiser. If present membership were less selfish, recruitment more effective, formation better planned. What may have been only contributing factors are made to bear the whole weight of adequate causes. The same projection of anger can be vented on persons and groups outside community. The more helpless the victim, the safer the outrage. An angry community becomes increasingly critical. Its spirit grows sour; its activity strained and harsh. It asks too much of members and of others. Aggressivity swallows up joy, dissolves compassion. Dying is always pain-filled, difficult. Anger is a "messy" emotion. Commu-nity at this stage will be broken wide open, all its wounds and weak-nesses revealed. Members will leave, pursued by the fury of those who remain and feel abandoned. Those who stay may wallow in unattractive self-pity, becoming entrenched in the very symptoms of the dying. Underneath this storm of pain, community is most of all angry at it-self. We cannot live "on our own"; mortality strikes a vital blow at the myth of .self-sufficiency. The length of our days is not something we con- In the Valley of Decision / 209 trol. Our raging against this will not change its truth. Acceptance is the only way through and out. Grief Work But first community needs to mourn. We are losing our life. We may not know yet whether what we are facing is the final test of death and burial or only the call to pass through another cycle of dying. In either case we must enter into the pain. Grievir~g community needs both time and distance. Some members can let go of the.past more quickly than others, the rate being determined by such variables as temperament and degree of attachment. Mourning demands patience; it is not just linear but cyclic. Going through requires repetition, reexperiencing and reexpressing the grief. Things will not be the same . . . ever., this is an ending. Community needs to provide itself with space and time for the griev-ing. When members leave, for example, those who are left behind may have as much adjusting to do as those who face the transition into new beginnings. The anger of the community may even be increased by the fact---characteristic of all our dying--that it has been confronted with a decision not of its own choosing. Healthy grieving not only takes time; it has its own timing. How long it lasts and how often the cycle of anger., depression., anger. must be repeated cannot be determined from outside community. But, finally, a group, as well as the individuals who compose it, need to make a decision to move on. We will never be the same. The past cannot be reconstructed; nor those who have been part of us, returned. As much as we might like to remember past glory-days, they no longer offer the satisfaction of present reality. Now we have to live., or not live. in the present. Unhealthy grieving fails this reality test. It can be so prolonged that all one's life energy goes into it; dying is all that remains of life. That is not grief but defeat. Even in the pain the option remains to "choose life." So a community that is dying can continue to model attitudes of openness and concern for others. It can choose to serve as long and as much as it is able. In doing so it affirms the ultimate value of life even in the midst of death. Community can avoid the withdrawal, the turning in on self, that threatens to allow dying to become a form of being buried alive. De-pression risks just such introversion. Granted that the temptation to al-low pain to become preoccupation can be great, it is also self-defeating. It only intensifies and prolongs the suffering. Depression that is indulged 910 / Review for Religious, March-April 1991 in grows bitter and that is the worst kind of death; in the end, the natural aloneness of dying becomes enforced isolation. To avoid this, outside support is almost necessary to assist groups working through depression. Their greater objectivity enables com-munity not to get stuck in the process. Perhaps all that others do is to name what is going on and this already frees energies. While ac-knowledgment is one service others render, appreciation is still more thera-peutic. ApFreciation of what has been, yes, but also gratitude for the im-mediate gift that the dying community continues to offer, its participa-tion in the paschal mystery. Acceptance of Death Acceptance should not image supine submission to what can no longer be avoided. It is an attitude of strength that kno

Having reached the mark of 2,118 delegates, Barack Obama has gone from candidate in the closest head-to-head primary ever to presumptive nominee. Appropriately, he will accept the nomination at the August convention in Denver, on the 45th anniversary of Martin Luther King's "I have a dream" speech. This is political history in the making: he is the first African-American to be the head of the presidential ticket of a major party. After years of angst and self doubt, there is a renewed optimism on the street, and a whole new group of voters has been mobilized. However, Obama, who has run on a message of hope and change, faces an extremely difficult path ahead. His vulnerabilities have become apparent in the succession of events over the last few weeks of this long primary season.He lost nine of the last fourteen primaries, including South Dakota, where he was favored (55% to 45%), and Puerto Rico (68% to 42%); he has had to cut ties with his Church due to its radicalism and anti-establishment stance, and, one day after Obama claimed the nomination, one of his top fund-raisers was found guilty of wire fraud and money laundering in a federal court in Chicago. Now his campaign will have to overcome this dry patch and move forward to the greater challenge, that of defeating McCain. His next task at hand is to choose a vice-president, and this, too, poses a serious dilemma.In the first place, Hillary Rodham-Clinton took five days to acknowledge defeat, giving cause for some speculation that she is pressing for the vice-presidential spot with the implied threat that she will continue fighting all the way to the convention. She has the right to do so, if we consider the fact that she has won all of the big states and probably a larger number of the popular vote (around 18 million). And, as she not so humbly claims, she is the more experienced candidate who could better stand up to McCain. On the other hand, there is great concern that Barack's image as the unconventional, charismatic, post-modern Washington outsider will be damaged if he chooses her. So the decision will require reflection, pondering and a lot of vetting interviews of alternative candidates.Much ink will be spent in speculating why Hillary lost the primary. Here, I will just offer a few reflections, leaving the second guessing of the way her campaign was run to those who will manically analyze every decision taken, every tactic used, every gesture, every word, and will have their eureka moments when finding the flaw, the error, the underestimation that brought her down. And yet, quite often fate, luck and other imponderables irrevocably determine the outcome of a narrow race, regardless of the brilliant strategies of the campaign managers, advisers and other experts. It has already been said that Rodham Clinton started her campaign as the inevitable candidate, as the incumbent, and that her sense of entitlement turned many voters away. At the same time, her main message was one of change, of moving forward, of undoing the Bush legacy, but Obama co-opted that message, and he was much more convincing as an agent of change. Hillary began her campaign running not as a woman, but as the most hardened and experienced, candidate that would deliver both peace and prosperity to all Americans. Obama ran from the beginning as the post-racial candidate and this theme remained constant throughout his campaign. She was trying to woo independents and disaffected Republicans and had thus to prove that she was as tough as John McCain. Obama had no intention of treading down that path, which he derided as part of the Washington game. Instead, he stuck fearlessly to his convictions. It was this independent streak, his absolute confidence in the soundness of his cool, post-modern world vision that was irresistible to the young voters. This should not obfuscate the fact that both ran historic campaigns and have unremittingly shattered the barriers of gender and race in American politics at the highest level. Still, the promise of change was more credible when pledged by the young unknown than by the seasoned insider. With no substantial philosophical differences between the two, the richer contrast was all inspiration and charisma versus politics as usual.First of all, we need to consider a fundamental fact: even if the media and their respective campaigns have played up the differences between the two candidates, their basic policy choices and ideologies are one and the same. From health care to fiscal policy, from education to foreign policy, there may be some minimal disagreements but they both share the basic ideology of more equitable economic distribution, protection of civil rights and overall tolerance toward others that typify Democrats in the United States. Some observers may bring up Hillary's vote in favor of the Iraqi invasion of 2003 as evidence of an important disagreement, and also a cause of her loss of popularity in the early stages of the campaign. That certainly did her harm, which is ironic because, in academic and political circles alike, few believe it represents her real conviction. As a Senator for New York and a future presidential candidate, she carefully chose to vote in favor of a war that, in October 2002, had a high rate of approval among the population, who had clearly bought the Republican idea that the invasion "over there" would make us safer "over here". At the time, she hedged that gamble against the fact that "there was enough evidence" Saddam was piling up WMDs, which had little to do with 9-11 and Al Qaeda. But a scared populace is an easy target for deception and false reassurances. Intent on proving her masculine toughness on security issues, she fell into the Republican trap. Five years down the road, this carefully measured decision came back to haunt her, and the controversy over that vote generated an enormous surge of support for Obama that might have created the momentum that helped him win the early contests, namely, the Iowa caucuses and the wins of February 5th. This momentum, coupled with the televised debates, proved he was a worthy, viable candidate; it brought the media to his side and attracted new voters. He irradiated a cool self-assurance, a subdued charm, an understated intelligence that was indeed enchanting to young voters, to black voters and to hard core Democrats tired of the vitriol of Washington. The country, it seemed, was ready for Obama. His timing was impeccable and had the effect of making Rodham-Clinton look tired, strident and blasé. The media had found its golden boy and started treating Hillary as the intruder, who would do anything to prevent a new Camelot.After his initial sweep, Hillary slowly started to recover and as the campaign progressed, her message became more focused and she found her voice. She switched strategies and, from being the more experienced candidate that would deliver peace and prosperity to all Americans, she turned back to her traditional constituencies, namely, women and blue-collar workers. Speaking to her strengths, namely, her devotion to public service and her familiarity with the intricacies of policy-making, she became a great communicator that invariably connected with her audiences. And she started winning again.Even those that dislike her have to acknowledge her skills as a campaigner, her endurance and poise under tremendous pressure and, more importantly, her dramatic recovery of the popular vote towards the end of the campaign, which made her claim to bring this battle to the convention quite legitimate. Her wins in Pennsylvania, Ohio and West Virginia, as well as her immense support in the Hispanic community as shown by the Puerto Rican vote, cannot be discounted by the party when it looks ahead to the national election in November.One should bear in mind that these primaries were the closest contest in primary history, and in spite of having the whole media establishment against her from the beginning, Hillary did not at any time show signs of faltering or self-doubt and never allowed herself to make the road easier for Obama. She stayed on message, speaking to the issues, proving she was ready to become the first woman president. Both her competency and her warmth gained her a huge following. But once she lost the media she also started losing the super-delegates from inside the party. One after the other, the big names in the party started lining up behind Obama: Tom Daschle, Ted and Caroline Kennedy, Christopher Dodd, Bill Richardson, and towards the end, even John Edwards.This took many by surprise, and is related to another phenomenon that very few had perceived before: the animosity that the Clintons, especially Bill, provoke from within the party itself. Although Bill and Hillary are the most powerful brand name in the Democratic Party, there is a surprising amount of anger against them that had remained latent till now. Bill Clinton's harsh remarks in South Carolina primary astonished many and may have hurt her campaign, reinforcing the perception that the Clintons would do anything, even play the race card, in order to win the White House.Then there was the question of demographics and identity politics. Although Rodham-Clinton attempted to run as the candidate for all, after the first losses and as she increasingly won the vote of women and blue collar workers, she turned to her natural constituencies. She started running as a woman and as the champion of the working class. In her new more populist persona, she also won among Jews, Catholics and rural workers. Obama did best among college educated youth, intellectuals and black voters. In other words, they both win the identity vote. Identity has come up often during the campaign, and not in a positive way. Irate at the way the media were treating Hillary and indulging Obama especially in interviews (there was even a sketch in Saturday Night Live that parodied this noticeable difference), Geraldine Ferraro accused the media of sexism and went as far as saying that Obama would not be treated with so much deference if he was a white man. After disproportionate outcry by the media and the public, Clinton had to fire Ferraro as her advisor. Thus, bringing up sexism completely backfired for Hillary.The irony once again, is that Identity Politics is most likely the prism through which both Hillary and Obama, see America: as a society divided by categories of class, gender, race, ethnicity and sexual preference. His as well as her policies are informed by this view. But Obama skillfully downplays it and tries to portray himself as the candidate for all Americans who want change and are tired of Washington politics. He does not deny that race and gender play a role in politics but prefers not to bring it up since it is "not productive". His strategy has paid off so far, but this topic will certainly be revisited in the national election. Due to his background and life experience, McCain has a very different view based on patriotism and service to the country, on individual responsibility and a common civic culture. He will find a way to turn the notion of Identity Politics against Obama, who, in spite of his unifying message, often speaks about redressing balances and ending injustice.Finally, the closeness of the race and the resilience of these two formidable candidates were again in display towards its end, and led to a new critical stage. The momentum that had carried Obama through the early and middle stages started to weaken. As time went by, more scrutiny brought up the issue of his membership in a radical Black Liberation Theology Church, the (inane) fact that he did not wear a US flag pin on his lapel (a symbol of patriotism that became particularly important after 9-11, when even academics came under no small degree of peer pressure to wear one), and this past week, the conviction by a Chicago federal jury of former fund-raiser and friend, Antoin Retzko.As momentum weakened, and as Clinton seemed to resurrect and come closer to Obama in the delegate count, party rules regarding delegate selection became more important . Because in most primaries there has been an early front-runner, and because the last primary contest that had to be taken all the way to the convention without a presumptive nominee was in 1976, very few party leaders and even fewer journalists are aware of the rules. As they began to play out, we were all submitted to a crash course on these intra-party rules. The Democratic Party has a centralized structure, so all states play by the same rules, and its selection system is based on proportional representation, the most democratic form of representation: within each state, any candidate that reaches a threshold of 15% of votes is allocated delegates proportionally to the vote. This, while it is better for representation, tends to prolong the race and make it closer. While Clinton was recovering and making important gains, Obama still continued to pick up a few delegates here and there, and the media kept its constant drum roll in his favor. Super-delegates were swayed to his side, irrevocably. In contrast, Republicans have a decentralized structure so that each state establishes its own rules, and most choose a winner-take-all selection system. This system, while less democratic and representative, enabled them to have a clear winner by March, with all the advantages that that entails.This year a very peculiar situation arose out of Michigan and Florida, where the state governments scheduled the primaries too early, in breach of the Democratic Party rules, so the Democratic National Committee determined they would not seat their delegates. There were 313 delegates at stake. Obama withdrew his name from the ballot in Michigan, and did not campaign in Florida. Clinton won both. At that time nobody thought this issue would become decisive for the nomination, but in such a close race, it certainly did. Last weekend the DNC met with representative so both sides and settled on a formula that allocated delegates to both in a very non-scientific way. It gave each of those delegated half a vote at the convention. While the formula was accepted by both sides, it has been perceived as a bonus for Obama, whose name was not even on the ballot in Michigan and yet he still got delegates allocated. This may still come up again at the National Convention in August. Many factors have thus combined to make Obama the presumptive nominee of the Democratic Party. In addition to momentum and rules we should also consider the fortunate pairing of Obama to the spirit of the times. The timing for an unconventional candidate could not have been better, and he emerged as the prophetic leader the times demanded. His demeanor, his background, and his non-assuming attitude, all make for the perfect post-modern candidate. The public embraced him and the media anointed him. Now, the question still remains, is his "gift of grace" strong enough to unify America? Can he summon the support he needs to win a national election? Given the complex electoral system based on state votes and an electoral college, and not on the popular vote, can he win the major states and the swing states?Here is where the selection of a vice-president becomes crucial.There is a big movement both from the grassroots and from Clintonites inside the party (yes, there are still some left!) to pressure Obama to pick Hillary as running mate. There are of course, both huge advantages and dismal disadvantages for Obama to ponder in his selection. His first consideration must be to win the election, but he also needs to be able to govern, once he wins.Hillary would bring in those votes that have eluded Obama: mature women, blue collar, rural. Seventy-six of her supporters want her to be Vice-president. She energizes audiences and has won the hearts of all those groups above-mentioned. They feel very strongly about her place in History and demand respect for their candidate. Some may not even come out to vote if Obama's ticket does not include her. She would also help win the big states (she won them all, among them California, Texas and New York) and the swing states, noticeable among them, Ohio, that determined Bush's victory in 04. On the other hand, she does evoke the past in the minds of many voters, and she is now undoubtedly a Washington insider (in fact, her experience has been counted as both an asset and a liability in this sense). She would distort Obama's image as the unconventional candidate, and his message of change and hope may be, if not lost, at least diminished.Insofar as governing, their ideologies and policy positions are perfectly compatible, if not identical, so that would not constitute a problem. She has been studying the intricacies of policy and politics since she was a university student at Wellesley College. She is capable, efficient, convincing and tireless. She is experienced in navigating the meandering straits of policy making, and can muster bipartisan support with her well-reasoned arguments.Another often-mentioned handicap is Bill Clinton himself. With his larger than life personality, can he play prince consort? Or would he be the one that governs behind the scenes, and have his own shadow cabinet, Cheney-style? His reputation has suffered a lot lately, not any more because of that infamous blue dress but because he has not disclosed the list of donors to his library, among which there allegedly are several Middle Eastern governments. There is real vitriol against him, and that is directly transferred to Hillary.For now, both candidates seem to be catching their breaths.Hillary postponed her concession speech for as long as possible, some say to put pressure on Obama to include her in the ticket. Barack, on his part, has quietly named a vetting team for a vice-presidential search. Caroline Kennedy is among its members, as is Eric Holden, President Clinton's former attorney- general. It is headed by Jim Johnson, former Chairman of Fannie Mae, who vetted VPs for John Kerry and Walter Mondale. After exhaustive interviews and background checks, Obama will decide.In the last two months of the campaign, the pundits were prone to repeating that the "math" was against Hillary. This was a gross oversimplification of a race that was characterized by peculiar circumstances and surprises at every turn, and one which was less about math than about intangibles: momentum, media frenzy, rules, emotions, charisma and zeitgeist . In the end, however, it may all very well come down to the "math": if Barack can be convinced that he needs Hillary to win against McCain, then he will pick her as his VP and put the rest of his concerns aside. This will also heal party wounds and bring into the fold her loyal constituencies. But public opinion is fickle, politics is an inexact science and many times emotions can trump the best thought- out and scientifically devised plans. Like Sisyphus rolling the boulder up the mountain, Obama may find he has to prove himself all over again and then come out empty-handed in November.In the meantime, and just for good measure, Obama, the "transformative candidate" is now wearing a US flag pin on his lapel.Puerto Ricans do not have the right to vote in national elections due to the "associated state "status, but they can vote in primary elections.This dynamic in the relationship between momentum and rules has been pointed out in a recent article by Jason Bello and Robert Shapiro, published in the Political Science Quarterly, vol. 123 No.1 Spring 08.Super delegates are unpledged party leaders who do not have to declare their presidential preferences until balloting takes place at the ConventionSenior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

The WSU Stewart Library Annual UC-UI Symposium took place from 2001-2007. The collection consists of memorabilia from the symposium including a yearly keepsake, posters, and presentations through panel discussions or individual lectures. ; Audio Recording ; Thomas D. Dee: Founder, Builder, Public Servant a commemorative lecture presented at the 2007 Utah Construction/ Utah International Symposium The Beginning of an Era by Professor John Sillito Thursday, October 18, 2007 1 Well I'd like to thank Gene for that generous introduction. He read it exactly the way I wrote it for him. No thank you, I do appreciate it. Can you hear me okay? I've got more wires on me than the last time I had a test at McKay Dee Hospital let me tell you and if things start going off you'll know I'm in real trouble here today. Let me repeat something I said a little bit earlier, you don't know how pleased I am to be one of this years Utah International Fellows. It's been a marvelous experience for me to be involved in the research on a most interesting individual and I won't do that individual even remotely justice today, but will just touch the surface. As part of that process I have had the pleasure of having two fellows to assist me in research. Stan said earlier that we were both spoiled by this to have someone to actually find things, and keep us on track, and catch an error occasionally. I really appreciate those two fellows. Brett Peterson is one of my fellows. Brett has graduated from Weber and gone on to law school. My other fellow Marci Farr is with us today and Marci stand up. I appreciated everything Marci did to help and again keeping on track and it's been a great experience. My paper today is entitled Thomas D. Dee: Founder, Pioneer and Public Servant. In Ogden Utah on July 12th 1905 grocers and butchers closed their shops, school children lined city streets, public officials turned away from their duties and hundreds of prominent and ordinary citizens gathered at the Ogden Tabernacle. On the diocese were Utah Governor John C. Cutler and LDS Church President Joseph F. Smith who had traveled north to speak at the funeral of a man the Ogden Standard called, " The city's foremost citizen," Thomas 2 Duncombe Dee. As the paper reported that day, no other man in Ogden was identified with so many and diverse enterprises as he. Indeed in a career spanning fifty- five years, Dee lead in business, church, education, political and governmental affairs. During his life time Dee accomplished many things. He was a devoted husband and family man, the father of eight children. He was a friend, business partner and political ally of David Eccles and the two men along with several other created, organized and expanded a wide range of commercial ventures. Simultaneously, Dee pursued a career in politics as an office holder and judge. He chaired the Ogden Board of Education, served in a variety of capacities in his local ward. And as the twentieth century began Dee became the first president of the Utah Construction Company which sprouted from humble root and flowered into international prominence. Today it is my challenge and opportunity to address the many facets in the life of this important Ogden figure. While time will not permit an in depth examination of each aspect, I purpose to survey the breath of his career and hopefully down the line will be able to explore the many strands in detail. To begin let us examine Thomas D. Dee's roots and the series of event that in 1860 brought him to Ogden. Two important facts lead our inquiry. First the history of the Dee family is deeply rooted in the soil of Wales, and second, the family was part of what William Mulder has called " a unique element in the total stream on American migration," the relocation of thousands of Mormon converts to their Zion in western America's Great Basin. Thomas Duncombe Dee was born on November 10, 1844 in Llanelly South Wales, the second son and third 3 child of Thomas Hill and Elizabeth Reese Dee. We know very little of Thomas and Elizabeth's early lives, but they seemed typical of many citizens of nineteenth century Great Britain who faced a hard scrabble existence. We do know that the young couple, both age twenty- five married in 1837. Thomas Hill Dee sought work where ever he could find it practicing the trades of potter, gardener, plate maker and likely others. The couple moved frequently, no doubt in search of economic opportunity and their first two children Annie and James were born in Staffordshire England. At some point prior to young Tom's birth in 1844 the family returned to Wales where the couple's last child, Elizabeth, was born in 1851. Six years later in July 1857 the Dees made a decision which would alter and shape their lives and those of their decedents. When they joined the American based Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- day Saints and became part of that intense conversion period sweeping the British Isles between 1837 and 1870. Not long after their baptism Thomas and Elizabeth decided to come to America. Apparently Tom's parents and siblings were baptized into their new faith earlier than he. As church records indicate he was baptized and confirmed just a few days prior to leaving England. His daughter Maud records that family lore held that " young Tom would stay at home reading and studying while the other attended church services. In the end," Maud added, " he was a better Mormon than any of them, because he understood what he believed." Many English Latter- day Saints during that time drew upon the church's Perpetual Emigrating Fund, the PEF, to provide the necessary financial 4 assistance to make the trip. From 1850 to 1887 that fund brought some 30,000 converts to America in the eighteenth century, including the family of David Eccles. The system allowed them to repay their loan over time through their labor once they had settled here in Utah. While some sources indicate that the Dees came with the help of PEF British mission records housed at the LDS Church Archives do not support this claim. It is possible that they may have received some assistance from some local church members in Wales or that the PEF aided them later in their journey. The Dee family left Liverpool on March 30th 1860 aboard the Underrider. Carrying as many provisions as possible or required by law, and paying the fare of some twenty- four English pounds. The ships manifest lists Thomas Hill Dee as a potter, Elizabeth as his wife, James as a plasterer and Tom as a joiner. Annie just barely twenty is listed as a spinster, tough crowd. A local band serenaded the departing vessel as the 600 passengers from Wales, England and Switzerland left port. The group was under the leadership of James D. Ross who was returning from his second mission to England and his counselors James Taylor, who will marry into the family, and John Croft. The Underrider arrived in New York on May 1st. During the voyage according to the Mormon publication the Millennial Star, " there were four deaths and four marriages and upon their arrival the health of the saints was generally good." Two days later the Dees set out for their destination of Florence, Nebraska not far from Omaha. From there the saints prepared for the final leg of their journey to the Great Basin. The company of 240, including both British and Swiss 5 immigrants as well as some U. S. citizens, left Florence on June 17th 1860, again under the leadership of James D. Ross. According to Church records the Dees were among those traveling on a church wagon train as opposed to a hand cart which the church was discontinuing during that period of time. The Ross Train arrived in the Salt Lake Valley three months later on September 3rd 1860. Unfortunately fifteen year old Tom kept no journal describing his trip across the plains. We do have however the reminiscence of Charles W. Nibley an eleven year old member of the same party. Nibley would immerge as an important church leader and business man and in later years a very close friend and business associate of Tom Dee's. Nibley recalled, quoting from his reminiscences, " The journey across the plains was of the usual ox team kind. There was little of special note that transpired. We traveled about ninety miles a week, which was an average of fifteen miles a day for six days a week. No traveling was done on the Sabbath. Of course there are inconveniences and more or less hardships in that mode of travel but I was a child and do not remember the hardship, on the contrary," he said, " I rather enjoyed the whole trip." In his reminiscences which were complied while Nibley was in his mid- 80' s he still vividly recalled walking barefoot across the plains sighting herds of buffalo and feasting as he says on their sweet meat. He also remembered the circling of the wagons, unrolling and rolling the bed rolls, and the Indians who were plentiful and sometimes he said " a little troublesome although we never had any conflict whatever with them." 6 No doubt Tom Dee shared similar memories of that trip, including the journeys end. The party camped near Parley's Summit and were greeted by Apostles George A. Smith, Wilford Woodruff, Lorenzo Snow and other leading brethren. The next Nibley recalled, " We came out of the canyon and on to the bench near Fort Douglas, and I could very well remember with what joy and pleasure each one of our company looked upon the growing city in the wilderness. We felt that all of our troubles and trial were practically at an end when, as a matter of fact, they had only just begun. The immigrants camped near what is presently the Salt Lake City and County Building then prepared to either stay there in Salt Lake City or move to one of the other outposts along the Mormon corridor. The Nibley family like the Dees headed north past the Great Salt Lake, which he noted " was very low that year." The wagon road from Salt Lake City lay considerably west of any green fields, right out in the alkali lake bottoms, as dry as a bone. While Nibely admitted he had no recollection of Ogden the Dees stopped to make their home. Tom Dee would spend the rest of his life here. Another aspect of the journey westward bears noting. About the time the Ross train made its final preparations for its final trip to Utah, another English convert, John Taylor, arrived at winter quarters with his wife Ann Faulkner Taylor, their two children and John's two daughters nine year old Mary and seven year old Annie, born to his first deceased wife Ann Standard. It is not clear whether Tom Dee and Annie Taylor met at this time. Annie records however that her train discovered a bleached buffalo skull which read, " Captain Ross Train passed here 7 July 15th. All is well." As we will see the paths of these two young people will definitely cross in the future. After getting settled Tom worked as a carpenter at times along with his brother in law James Taylor. He had learned carpentry skills as an apprentice in Wales and as noted he was listed on the Underrider's manifest as a joiner. Over time Dee became a successful building contractor as well, constructing both residential and commercial structures. Hard working and ingenious the young man began to make a mark in his community, but Tom Dees mind was not only on work. Tom had lived in Utah for a decade or so before he seriously considered Annie Taylor as a possible spouse. The two had met from time to time and according to some accounts at one family gathering Tom told the young Annie he was " gonna wait for you to grow up and then I'm gonna marry you." The Dee and Taylor families were close in part because as noted not long after their arrival in Utah Tom's sister Annie Dee had married James Taylor, Annie Taylor's uncle. Now gets a little confusing here, okay. Annie Dee Taylor and Annie Taylor Dee, hang with me here. In any event their courtship evidentially became serious around 1868 or so. In her charming book Memories of a Pioneer, Annie wrote that as a young girl she went to a Washington's Birthday dance in Salt Lake City where the dashing officers from Fort Douglass and their ladies added to the beautiful atmosphere. Tom Dee escorted Annie to this memorable party clad in his territorial militia uniform. Annie also recalled another Salt Lake event in January of 1870 celebrating a branch of the railroad from Ogden Tom and his mother 8 were in attendance. Annie remembered " Thanks to complimentary tickets from the railroad." At the conclusion of the celebration Annie and her sister rode the train to Ogden stayed a few days with the Dees and then returned to their Salt Lake home. The railroad she said, " Made people nearer neighbors." Reading between the lines, perhaps the railroad also facilitated a budding romance for on January 15th Thomas D. Dee wrote Annie's father John Taylor to request Annie's hand in marriage. We have this delightful letter and the reply to it in our Dee family collection here in the library and it's displayed in the back just for today. It goes back into the archives after today, in that cabinet back there. Tom wrote, " It has been known to you that for some time your daughter Annie and myself have been corresponding with each other, and that I have made occasional visits to her; well such things generally lead to something more important, and the object of this letter is to ask your consent for us to get married." Tom said that he didn't need to add more but hoped your favorable consideration. Actually I think it was the uniform. A few days later the perspective bridegroom had his answer when John Taylor replied that he could " find no reason why I should not give my consent to her to becoming your wife." Taylor told his future son in law he wished Annie to have a husband of her own choice, a man she could honor and respect. Therefore he wrote, " You have my permission and are at liberty to make your own arrangements." The marriage was performed on April 10, 1871 in a ceremony in the Endowment House in Salt Lake City when Brigham Young's counselor Neil H. Wells united twenty- six year old Thomas D. Dee and eighteen 9 year old Annie Taylor in marriage. The young couple then traveled to and settled in a two room adobe house on 22nd street, their home for the next decade. Over time as the family grew they need more space and relocated in Annie's word, " Out in the country" in a home near today's 8th street and Washington Boulevard. Even though he was working hard to support his family Tom Dee also took an interest in Ogden's civic affairs. Between 1879 and 1893 he served as assessor, alderman, Justice of the Peace, constable, and city councilman sometimes simultaneously. He became a municipal judge and thus was often referred to as Judge Dee. As his good friend Warren L. Wattis observed, " Dee served as a judged in the early days when the position had perplexities then financial rewards. He first allied with the Mormon controlled People's Party, but when politics was Americanized in the 1890' s Dee became a democrat. His daughter Maud called him, " a good democrat who discussed the Democratic Party as though it were a religion;" long time ago. During his adult life Tom Dee was an active and faithful Latter- day Saint. He spent more then thirty years serving as superintendent of the Sunday school in two different wards, but his efforts were not limited to Sunday alone. In June 1881, for example, Superintendent Dee led the saints of Ogden's third ward on a pleasant excursion to Lake Shore. The Ogden Standard reported that on the breezy shore of the Great Salt Lake ward members quote, " spent a most agreeable day sporting in the saline billows and on the grounds which have been much improved and embellished. Dancing was indulged in with vim, Watkins' band furnishing the musical accompaniment. The sports were diversified; 10 bathing, boat sailing, rifle shooting, swinging, etc," must have had a different meaning then. " And the pleasant party returned home in excellent spirits." In November of 1881 the Dee family relocated to the Mount Fort ward. Where Tom continued his service the Sunday school and later as a councilor to his brother in law Bishop James Taylor. His removal from the third ward was a sad day for ward members as a result they issued an elaborate framed scroll headed conomorea, and it too it to is displayed right here and if you have a chance I encourage you to take a look at it. It's really amazing. Dee was also active as a Weber Stake home missionary and as a high priest. As one considers Dees commitment to the Mormon faith, two questions arise. First it is interesting that he never served as a full time missionary a common occurrence for faithful men of the time. More importantly at a time when Latter- day Saint men were encouraged to take additional wives, some say as a sign of solidarity, Tom remained monogamous. This seems more than happenstance for Annie's father had three wives, including sisters he'd married after his first died. Tom's good friend David Eccles had entered into the principle as did many other local men. But it never seemed to have been on Tom's agenda. In any event Dee's commitment to the faith was never in doubt. Over time this friend David Eccles became a central figure in Tom Dee's professional life. It is not exactly clear when the two men first met. An article in the Deseret News implies that they became business partners as early as 1876, but other sources differ on that date. It is possible that the two men met around 1882 as Tom was leaving Ogden's third ward and David was moving in. Ogden 11 wasn't a huge town in those days, with a population of some 6,000 or so they may have known each other from a number of activities. They clearly known to each other by 1885 however, as both had served as Ogden alderman, Dee representing the fourth ward, Eccles representing the third. Business easily trumps civic service however as the many Dee- Eccles partnerships took shape. As Bertha Eccles later recalled, " Judge Dee occupied the closest association with David Eccles, More so that any other one." Initially their partnership evolved around lumbering, a natural for Dee as a carpenter and contractor. Overtime their business association broadened. A couple of things should be taken into account considering Dee's role in these business activities. First as vice president of Ogden's First National Bank he played a central role in the financing of many of these ventures. Second as I've examined the scope of Dee's business involvements I concur with the observation again from his good friend Warren Wattis, " No detail was too trivial, no task was too large to receive his personal attention." While it would be impossible to even list the many Eccles- Dee partnerships, not to mention others that involved Dee alone or with other partners, let me highlight just a few. One of the most important involved the Utah Canning Company. Organized by Isaac M. Pierce in 1888, the company grew steadily for several years but then went into bankruptcy in the recession of the mid- 1890' s as I think Tom mentioned earlier today was probably the second most severe depression in American history. Lots of people lost everything as a result. Toward the end of the decade in 1897, a group led by Eccles and Dee bring in a capital outlay of 12 $ 12,000 purchased the property and equipment and built a better facility and operated the company under the same name. Dee served as president of the reorganized company until his death eight years later. The company marketed its products under a number of brand names. One of the most prominent was Peirce's with red, blue and gold striped cans containing tomatoes, and catsup, and juice, and vegetables. But Utah Canning was perhaps best known for Peirce's Pork and Beans, sometimes called the daddy of them all. The company was also known for its rolly polly peas and temple brand tomatoes. At the same time Dee and Eccles also consolidated their holding in sugar, along with several other church and business leaders they created the Ogden Sugar Company on December 6th 1897 at a meeting held at the Weber County Courthouse. Upon the motion of H. H. Spencer, Dee was elected to chair this organizing meeting and later became the company's vice president. Additionally these men along with other created Logan Sugar and Lewiston Sugar Companies between 1897 and 1901. In 1902 the various companies were combined into Amalgamated Sugar. At that point the company produced 60,000 100 pound bags annually, while returning attractive dividends to investors. In 1900 Eccles and Dee formed the Ogden Rapid Transit Company, purchasing the Ogden Electric Railway Company which had gone into receivership. Under their control the company pushed ahead with a program of repair and modernization. Over the years this successful company expanded and improved the city street railways and extended service beyond the city itself. 13 For most of us here today however, it is Dee's involvement in Utah Construction that is of particular interest. He was the company's first president, a major shareholder and as the minutes demonstrate actively involved in company affairs. Moreover as Gene Sessions and Sterling Sessions write the immergence of Utah Construction brought Dee and Eccles into direct partnership with the Wattis brothers and marked the beginning of a long and fruitful relationship that would stretch across generations. Company records and other sources also reveal Dee's important relationship with all three brothers that stretch well beyond business to real friendship as well. While pursuing a successful business and political career Dee was also interested in improving the educational climate of his home town. Even though his own formal education was limited ranging from six week to two years depending on which source you consult, his daughter Maud noted that, " he was really an educated man because he was dedicated to self improvement and study. He loved literature, especially the classics and devoured good books." Not surprisingly he took an active role in developing a public library system here in Ogden. More over Tom Dee became the father of public education in this town, serving as a member of Ogden's school boards for thirty- five years. In 1890 Ogden schools were consolidated by the Utah Legislature into one district. Dee became a member of that first board and served as president of the board at the time of his death. It is also clear that Tom Dee was very popular with Ogden residence because of his efforts to further education. In fact as the Ogden Herald noted, " As Dee faced reelection to the board in November 1904 14 though a democrat, he would have gained the endorsement of Ogden republicans if the call from their convention had not distinctly specified that a republican candidate must be nominated." He won. As the Utah State Journal observed, " Dee always took a deep interest in educational matters, giving freely of his time and means to promote the welfare of public schools and his unselfish devotion to this great cause is at the root of the high standard of excellence of Ogden's schools." But Thomas D. Dee's life was not all work. Despite his many business, civic, political, and church responsibilities along with an abiding commitment to family he also really enjoyed life. His daughter Maud often describes him as " often buoyantly happy and a wonderful mixture of down right practical and idealistic. Though he could be a stern disciplinarian he delighted in his children and encouraged them in their pursuits." " He was," Maud admitted, " Not much of a dancer, but he danced just the same. Not much of a singer, but he sang just the same." And Dee played and loved to watch baseball. What more needs to be said? Despite this zest for living, Dee's life was not free of sadness and pain. Both of his parents died reasonably young, and he out lived his three siblings including his Elizabeth who died at the age of fifteen and the loss of his oldest child and his name sake Thomas Reese Dee who died in his early twenty's was devastating. Perhaps these sorrows these personal sorrows not only redoubled his efforts to uplift his family, but to improve Ogden as well. But his commitment to all of these concerns came to an abrupt end in July of 1905. While we do not 15 have any documentation to support it, one suspects that Tom, Annie and the children joined with other residence to observe that years July 4th celebrations according to the Ogden Standard, " the day broke clear and fine with scarcely a cloud in the sky and early parties could be seen working their way toward the canyon or boarding the street cars for a trip to the country," that would be the Dee- Eccles street cars you understand. Perhaps the Dees joined the largely attended celebration of Lester Park, which featured patriotic speeches and songs. If Tom picked up the Standard he would have seen and likely been offended by accounts of a meeting of radical unionist in Chicago, they had drafted a document favoring the general strike as the only means by which the working class could displace the capitalist class. He may have seen an account in the standard reporting the Western Pacific was considering dropping making Salt Lake City the eastern terminus of the railroad they projected building from Oakland to Oroville California and then east across Nevada. Perhaps in favor of Ogden, at least the paper reported the prospect of Ogden securing the road seemed brighter. Ultimately the Feather River route that we've talked about today became a major project that put the Utah Construction Company on the map as builders of western railroads. We do know that on Wednesday July 5th Dee along with H. H. Spencer and Mathew S. Browning took the latter's car to South Fork Canyon near Huntsville to look for additional sources of water for the growing city. As historians F. Ross Peterson and Bob Parson write, " As Ogden grew it suffered numerous epidemics of contagious disease and often people blamed the water 16 supply." In late 1879 the city council located a small reservoir on the bench to collect water from the springs there. A year later they constructed a reservoir on 24th street to collect more spring water. Pipes conveyed these waters to businesses along Washington Boulevard. In 1881 the Ogden Water Company controlled by the city piped water from Ogden Canyon to the city. Ogden's council bought out the water company in 1884 and then bought water rights to the streams coming from Strong and Waterfall Canyons east of the city. The fact that Dee and his colleagues were searching for additional water sources is understandable. For Dee had been interested in the question for many years. As early as 1881 he was nominated by Mayor Lester J. Herrick as a capable person to sit on the board of the Ogden Water Company and the council concurred. In 1900 the Ogden City council again called upon him to serve with a number of prominent citizens to advise them in matter of purchasing or building water works in Ogden City. Ultimately in October of that year, Dee was part of a group headed by David Eccles that purchased the financially strapped Ogden Water Works Company for an amount that would be paid in bonds of a reorganized company and ultimately the water works would be sold by Eccles to the city in 1908. Unfortunately Dee's commitment to Ogden indirectly led to his untimely death. A decade later Warren L. Wattis remembered the circumstances, " while undertaking assignment made for him, by him for the up building of Ogden," he wrote, " Dee slipped into a stream and contracted a sever cold. Initially Dee's condition did not seem grave and in fact his illness was not generally know, by 17 Friday July 7th however, when it became obvious that he was to ill to attend a regularly scheduled meeting of the board of education people were concerned. And in fact Dee's condition became the sole topic of conversation amongst the cities businessmen." In the early morning hours of July 9th surrounded by his wife and children, his physicians Edward M. Conroy, and Dr. Chester E. Coulter and two long time business associates H. H. Rolapt and C. C. Richards, Thomas D. Dee in Warren Wattis' words in the home he had builded with pride passed into the silent shadows of the dreamless sleep." Once the news of Dee's death was made public Ogden's citizens mourned as one. The funeral was held on July12th, using the words of Warren Wattis, " The mourners were of all creeds and conditions. The rich and the poor, the young and the old, the learned and the unlearned, the high and the humble, all united to do him honor." As mentioned, eulogies were given by Utah's Governor Cutler and LDS Church President Joseph F. Smith and others. The pallbearers included several of Dee's business associates, David Eccles, H. H. Spencer, C. W. Nibley, W. H. Wattis, and Neil Flygare. For Eccles Dee's death closed an important era of friendship and business success. In his taciturn way Eccles recorded the death in his day book for July 9th, simply noting, " Judge Dee died 1: 15 a. m." But the depths of his feelings were revealed in a death notice sent out by the First National Bank, " In the death of Mr. Dee this community suffers and almost irreparable loss." Dee's unexpected death also shook the leadership of companies like the Utah Construction Company and Amalgamated Sugar. 18 A special meeting of Utah Construction's board of director was held on August 7th 1905 at request of vice president W. H. Wattis to make an official announcement of Dee's death and to elect a successor. Adam Patterson was unanimously elected a member of the board and David Eccles upon the motion of James Pingree was elect president and he would direct the company until his own sudden death in 1912. At the same meeting W. H. Wattis suggested that a committee be appointed to draw resolution to respect to the memory of the late Judge Dee. Composed of Eccles, Joseph Clark and Warren L. Wattis the committee drafted a resolution to be embodied as part of the meeting and transmitted to the Dee family. It said in part that the company directors deplored the untimely death of their late president and cherishes his worthy of constant emulation. His ideals of personal and business honor, his unswerving loyalty to every trust and business obligation imposed upon him as an officer. And that they recognized the splendid ability and loyalty which he brought to the affairs of Utah Construction Company as important elements in the company's success. The resolution was signed by Warren L. Wattis and W. H. Wattis as secretary and vice president respectively. A month later a sadden board now under the direction of David Eccles met to approve the minutes and resolution of respect and to move on with company business, particularly the construction of that Feather River Route. Similar sentiments are found in the minutes of Amalgamated Sugar. This time Joseph F. Smith announced that, " On the ninth day of July A. D. it pleased providence to remove from our midst the honorable Thomas D. Dee." Smith 19 noted that, " The board had learned to appreciate and respect Judge Dee because of his many attributes and his decisive methods. He was an excellent supervisor of corporate interest because of his clear, just and impartial judgment. He was a distinctive conservative mind, building successfully where others hesitated or failed. He was a desirable associate because of his loveable and cheerful disposition. He was an esteemed citizen because of his broad mindedness and his devotion to his fellows and the interest in developing the country's resources." Smith went on to say that, " Dee's devotion to his wife and children had become proverbial among all who knew him and as a Christian his love for his neighbor was limited only by the universe." A committee consisting of H. H. Rollap, Fred Keisel, Adam Patterson, Joseph Howell and H. H. Spencer was appointed to deliver the resolution to the family. Stockholders Mathew S. Browning and W. H. Wattis were appointed to the board of directors to replace Dee as well as his long time friend Charles W. Nibley, who had resigned his post previously. H. H. Spencer who had moved to elect Dee chair at the company's original organizing meeting that I mentioned and recommended that he be his first vice president was selected to replace Dee himself as vice president. These appointments constituted the only items of business conducted at the meeting. Thomas D. Dee's tragic and untimely death did not forever end his impact on the Ogden community. In the years since his family has expanded on his commitment through a wide range of civic and philanthropic activities. Here in the Stewart Library we are particularly proud of our Thomas Dee reading room which is behind you. The Dee Events center, the site of sports, cultural and civic 20 activities, is prominent and popular. Perhaps the best known however is the hospital that bears the family name. Since its founding in 1911 this hospital has served the health needs of the local community, responded to new medical realities and provided employment to Ogden citizens. While we do not have sufficient time today to examine the many ways the decedents of Thomas D. Dee have acted in this communities best interest, it is abundantly clear that they too have been founders, builder and public servants. Thank you. © 2007 WSU Stewart Library, All rights reserved.