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Critically examines theories of cosmopolitan justice grounded in the major traditions of moral philosophy. Drawing upon the international ethics tradition, this book presents an argument for the validity of obligations of social justice between countries

Cover -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgements -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Is Peace Escaping Us? -- 1 The Fading of the Post-Cold War Peace Order -- 1.1 The Emergence of a Post-Cold War Peace Order -- 1.2 The Unraveling of Western Global Dominance -- 1.3 The Delusion of a Just Peace -- 2 The Failing of the Nation-State -- 2.1 The Surge in Intrastate Armed Conflicts -- 2.2 The Rise of Belligerent Nonstate Actors -- 2.3 The Neglected Dual Character of Nation-States -- 3 The Marginalization of the United Nations -- 3.1 The Eroded International Law of the United Nations -- 3.2 The Inherent Limitations of the United Nations -- 3.3 The Loss of Innocence of the United Nations -- 4 Rescuing the Nation-State -- 4.1 The Nation-State and Peacebuilding -- 4.2 The Nation-State and Belligerent Nonstate Actors -- 4.3 The Nation-State and Peace Agreements -- 5 Building Peace on Collective Security -- 5.1 Restoring the Primacy of the UN Charter -- 5.2 Expanding the Mandate of the UN Charter -- 5.3 Broadening Collective UN Decision-Making Processes -- 6 Striking a New Grand Bargain for Global Peace and Security -- 6.1 Fears of a Global Power Vacuum -- 6.2 Prospect of Preserving Democratic Values -- 6.3 Risks of Fighting the Last Wars -- 7 Must Future Peace Be Different? -- Annex I - UN Peace Missions: When Peacekeepers Turn into a Conflict Party -- Annex II - UN Reforms: Two Reviews Are One Too Many -- Annex III - A New Diplomacy for Intrastate Relations -- Annex IV - Glossary of Terms Used -- Bibliography -- Text Boxes by Chapters -- Introduction - The Syrian Conflict and the End of the Post-Cold War Peace Order -- Box 1.1 - Promises of Paradise -- Box 1.2 - Wars Shape Peace -- Box 1.3 - Will We Be Able to Manage This? -- Box 2.1 - Do Intrastate Conflicts Come in Waves? -- Box 2.2 - Afghanistan's Unsuccessful Liberators.

Tourism is a vital tool for political and economic change. With international contributions from experienced individuals, this book cover general themes and issues, with three thematic sections with original chapters, and a concluding section. It covers a variety of international political changes at different scales and their resulting effects

This book discussing in detail the Social Life Cycle Assessment (SLCA) of the global economy using the comprehensive Multi-Regional Input-Output (MRIO) technique. The content is presented in two parts, the first of which offers an introduction to social accounting and how it has been developed over the past few years with details on the methodologies and databases used. The second part of the book describes the footprints of the social accounts that have the highest impact on people's well-being (employment, income, working conditions, and inequality) and how they are linked to international trade. The need for reporting on such indicators falls within the purview of corporate/national social responsibility (part of the Triple Bottom Line). The book offers a valuable contribution to the literature for researchers and students engaged in the social sciences, human rights, and the implications of international trade on labour in developing countries.iv>.

A charismatic and controversial figure, Lacan is one of the most important thinkers of the twentieth century and his work has revolutionized a range of fields. The volume aims to introduce Lacan's vast opus to the field of international politics in a coherent and approachable manner. The volume is split into three distinct sections:0Psychoanalysis and Politics: this section will frame the discussion by providing general background of Lacan's engagement with politics and the political / Lacan and the Political: each chapter will focus on different key ideas and concepts in Lacan's thought including ethics, justice, discourse, object a, symptom, jouissance / Political Encounters: seeks to represent different ways of engaging with Lacanian thought and ways of adopting it to explain and comment on global political phenomena. 0Bringing together internationally recognised scholars in the field, this volume will be an invaluable resource to students and scholars in areas including critical theory, international relations, political theory and political philosophy.

Conditionality has long been used by the IMF, and more recently by World Bank and bilateral donors, as an instrument for improving the effectiveness of international finance. This collection of essays, by representatives of donors and recipients as well as independent observers, suggests that because of recipients' increased bargaining power, such an improvement has seldom resulted.

The Iran-United States Claims Tribunal in Action examines and evaluates the scope of the Tribunal's jurisdiction, its practice and awards in order to discover whether and to what extent it has been successful in settling inter-state, primarily commercial, but also politically charged disputes and whether, as a process, it offers a workable solution for future difficult circumstances of a similar nature. Because of its unique features, such as a private and public law nature, the magnitude of its case-load (ca. 3800 cases) and the diversity of matters brought before it, the Iran-US Claims Tribunal will certainly leave its mark on the international legal community

"For power transition theory (PTT) Germany offers a crucial case. Three wars initiated by Germany/
Prussia (the War of 1870/71, World War I and World War II) are among the chief vindications of PTTs central insight, that power transitions are prone to great power wars. In all three instances, Germany/Prussia was not only a rising power but also dissatisfied with the prevalent international
order just as PTT expects. However, between 1870 and 1939 there are two further periods in which
Germany reached parity with the dominant power in the 1920s. Peace prevailed according to PTT
because Germany was satisfied with the status quo of the international order at the time. In this
working paper, I will inquire into the Weimar Republics satisfaction status and show that PTT's
standard argument claiming that Germany was satisfied is problematic. I argue that to bring the
Weimar case in line with PTT it is necessary to adjust PTT in two ways: a) to discard the notion of
satisfaction as a dichotomous variable and b) to correct PTT's tendency to approach complex power
relations as if they were simple bilateral stand-offs. This finding has important ramifications for the interpretations of the current global power shifts and a possible future power transition." (author's abstract)

This fully revised and expanded edition of Diplomacy, written by an internationally respected researcher and teacher of the subject, is richly illustrated with examples from the worlds of health and commerce as well as high politics. The instances included are mostly contemporary, but considerable historical background to the diplomatic methods themselves is always provided. Among other features, new to this edition is a list of topics for seminar discussion or essays, as well as annotated further reading at the end of each chapter. Following a chapter on the foreign ministry, Part I of this book deals with the art of negotiation (prenegotiations, around-the-table negotiations, diplomatic momentum, packaging agreements, and following up); Part II covers conventional modes of diplomacy (embassies, telecommunications, consulates, secret intelligence by 'legals', conferences, summits, and public diplomacy); and Part III examines diplomacy in hostile circumstances (embassy substitutes such as representative offices and interests sections, special missions, and mediation). Students and educators of diplomacy will find much of value in the latest edition of this highly regarded and much-cited textbook. G. R. Berridge is Emeritus Professor of International Politics at the University of Leicester, UK, sometime Occasional Teacher at the London School of Economics & Political Science, and a Senior Fellow of DiploFoundation. He was Associate Editor for diplomatists of the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.

The European Commission is actively promoting the precautionary principle as a "key tenet" of Community policy, as well as a general principle of international law. This article explains why this promotional effort is likely to fail or to produce unanticipated & undesirable consequences. The principle has a legitimate but limited role to play in risk management, eg, whenever there is an imminent danger of irreversible damage. As a general approach to risk regulation, however, it suffers from a number of shortcomings: it lacks a sound logical foundation; it may distort regulatory priorities; it can be misused to justify protectionist measures; it undermines international regulatory cooperation; & it may have undesirable distributive consequences. What is perhaps an even greater cause for concern is that the principle, as interpreted by the Commission, tends to favor a double standard for what is permissible internationally & in intra-Community relations. 2 Tables, 16 References. Adapted from the source document.

The sea turtle has become an icon of environmentalist opposition to the World Trade Organization. Two decisions by the WTO in 1998 against a US law intended to force other countries to adopt more turtle-friendly rules attracted widespread attention. A third decision in 2001 that supported the US law, however, went almost entirely unnoticed. A closer examination of the three decisions suggests that the WTO willingly accepts the idea of environmental restrictions to international trade applied unilaterally by countries. But it requires that the restrictions be fairly applied & nondiscriminatory, show signs of being effective, & be accompanied by efforts to deal with the environmental issue cooperatively. These are all requirements that environmentalists should find unobjectionable. As such, the cause of more effective international environmental management might better be served if environmental activists & NGOs worked with the WTO rather than reacting automatically against it. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

Die gespaltene Stimme Afrikas hinsichtlich Russlands Krieg gegen die Ukraine hat überrascht. Diese Analyse beleuchtet die Rolle der Afrikanischen Union (AU). Sie hebt zwei Hauptquellen der Spaltung innerhalb dieser Kontinentalorganisation hervor: Unterschiede in konkreten Positionen zu internationalen Fragen und die Delegation von Befugnissen an die AU-Kommission. Afrikas "aktive Blockfreiheit" im Verlauf von Russlands Krieg gegen die Ukraine, historisch informiert durch die politische Prägung Afrikas im Kalten Krieg, führte zu einem Versuch der Äquidistanz zu Russland und dem Westen. Diese komplexe Politik hat Auswirkungen auf die Diplomatie der AU während des Krieges und beeinflusst auch die Diplomatie der Ukraine im Globalen Süden.