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Rapid increases in international economic exchanges during the past four decades have made national economies very open to the world economy by historical standards. Much recent economic analysis has been devoted to exploring the effects of such internationalization on macroeconomic policy options, national competitiveness, and rewards to various factors of production. The central proposition of this volume is that we can no longer understand politics within countries without comprehending the nature of the linkages between national economies and the world economy, and changes in such linkages. The authors examine the effect of internationalization on the policy preferences of socio-economic and political agents within countries toward national policies and national policy-making institutions and on the national policies and policy institutions themselves

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Introduction -- Defining 'political party' -- The three faces of party organisations -- The structure of parties -- The role of parties in democratic states -- The crisis of parties -- Outline of the book -- 2 Party Systems -- The importance of understanding party systems -- Early approaches to party systems -- Party system typologies -- The effective number of parties -- Explaining party system variation -- Which party system is best? -- Conclusion -- 3 Theories of Party Development -- The 'internal' and 'external' origins of parties -- An alternative view of the emergence of political parties -- Understanding party types -- Cadre parties to mass parties -- Challenging the mass party model: the catch-all party -- Organisational consequences of the catch-all party: the electoral-professional party model -- The cartel party -- Conclusion: Beyond the cartel - beyond party types? -- 4 Ideology -- On ideology and party politics -- Political cleavages -- Party families -- Ideology in contemporary European party politics -- Party ideology beyond Europe -- United States -- India -- Africa -- Conclusion -- 5 Party Members, Activists and Supporters -- Defining party member, activist and supporter -- The rise (and fall?) of party members -- Why members? -- Party membership incentives: supply -- Leadership incentives: demand -- The costs of a membership organisation -- Explaining and reversing decline -- The effects of membership decline -- Conclusion -- 6 Candidate Selection -- The importance of candidate selection -- Selecting candidates -- The political system -- National legislation -- The candidate selection process: impact of different methods -- Territorial (de-) centralisation and in/exclusiveness of the selectorate.

Drawing on the Kuhnian model of scientific paradigms, this article suggests consensus politics should be conceptualised not as an agreement or a settlement but as a political framework that derives from an ideationally informed policy paradigm. Such a consensus constrains the autonomy of governing elites, encouraging them to conform to an established policy agenda that defines the 'mainstream' wherein 'the possible is the art of politics'. In Britain, as demonstrated by the replacement of a post-war social democratic paradigm by a contemporary neo-liberal successor, periods of policy continuity and incremental reform have been matched by occasions of dramatic political change. Any appreciation of consensus politics has therefore to explain change as well as account for stability, something considerably under emphasised in the existing literature. Consensus politics are therefore best defined as a constrained space within which politics is conducted and political actors differ, a paradigmatic framework from which political outcomes emerge, and never as an agreement freely entered into. Looking at consensus politics beyond the much commented upon post-war example, this article uses British politics since 1945 as an exemplar of consensus politics and an illustration of how a consensus can be forged, how it can endure and how it may change.

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in Open Access in 2021 for research or private study purposes.

First Published in 1984, Arab Petro-Politics argues that oil is important to Arab world both as an instrument for economic development and as an element of political influence. Oil has changed the political and economic structures and policies in the Middle East and dramatically influenced political alignments both within the region and between the region and the world's greatest powers. The book seeks to explain Arab oil policy both in economic terms and as political leverage to support Arab demands. Its main thesis is that the oil crisis is inextricably part of the Arab Israeli conflict despite the tendency amongst Western Middle East specialists to separate oil question from the Palestinian issue. This book is an important historical document for scholars and researchers of international oil economics, Middle East politics, and Middle East history.

"Experimental Research in African Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Voting in European Union Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.

Current research finds the label "translation" an apt characterization of diverse communicative practices. This review argues that the term points to a whole family of semiotic processes. Writings on translation share a key insight: Different social worlds—including those of scholars—emerge through forms of communication in which practices, objects, genres, and texts are citable, recontextualizable. This generative process mediates among the domains of knowledge and action that the communications themselves play a role in separating. The connections and differentiations, as framed by metadiscourses, construct relations of power and politics. I seek to highlight a widening, productive conversation about translational practices among studies of science, in medical, legal, and linguistic anthropology, in research on Christianities, and in advocacy. The translation rubric gathers together practices of transduction, (in)commensuration, circulation, enactment of reference, standardizations, and various forms of boundary making. Recent work on semiotics clarifies how such practices achieve their effects.

IT HAS BEEN SUGGESTED THAT DEMOCRATIC STATES RARELY, IF EVER, WAGE WAR AGAINST OTHER DEMOCRATIC STATES. THIS PAPER EXAMINES BOTH THE LOGIC AND THE EMPIRICAL BASIS OF THE CLAIM CENTRAL TO THE DEMOCRATIC PEACE LITERATURE. IT FINDS THAT THERE IS NO STATISTICALLY SIGNIFICANT RELATIONSHIP BETWEN DEMOCRACY AND WAR BEFORE 1914. IT SUGGESTS THAT WHETHER OR NOT DEMOCRATIC POLITICS BECOME MORE COMMON MAY NOT AFFECT U.S. SECURITY INTERSTS STRONGLY.

America's domination on the world oil market was behind its rapid development & its Great Power status for that matter. The oil domination factor that emerged late in the 19th century was gaining momentum throughout the 20th century. This means that any attempt at assessing America's present & answering the question whether its claims at the Great Power status are justified should involve at least a cursory glance at the past. Adapted from the source document.