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Defense and security are serious business, as they represent the integrity and dignity of a nation. It is understandable to assess military power and facilities as crucial to a nation's defense, shown in the use of fighter airplanes. A fighter airplane serves as a window to represent nation's values, philosophy and ideology; appeared through its design form and defense ability. The presented paper explores and compares 2 (two) types of fighter airplane, F-16 of US and SU-27 of Russia, in order to observe and characterize their design forms. Having acknowledged the characteristic of their design forms as tangible aspect of analysis, it is identified that this characteristic can be split into form design and numerical design. Comparative assessment of both fighter airplanes indicates that F-16 fighter airplane of US appears smaller than the SU-27 of Russia. The smaller size of F-16 form was meant to have superior maneuver-ability for air-to-air combat, while the size of SU-27 was meant to accommodate multi-tasking aspects of fighter airplane (air-to-air combat and interceptive act). As results, both airplane forms express different views and ideological perspectives. The F-16 of US shows great and superior ability to carry special task of becoming combat airplane (thrive to perfection), coming with a hefty price and catered for great quality. On the other hand, SU-27 of Russia shows a wider purpose and not necessarily has superior ability in order to carry diverse tasks of an airplane (multi-tasking), coming with a cheaper price and catered in a great quantity. Thus, it can be deduced that the American designer of fighter airplane tends to acknowledge specialization of military purpose compare to the Russian's generalization of military purpose.

While the regional incentive programmes attract high attention in the regional policy debate, less attention is devoted towards the municipal transfer systems. Nevertheless, these systems will in many countries redistribute more financial resources between regions than the more narrowly defined regional policy programmes. The municipal transfer programmes are described briefly for the 5 Nordic countries. Focus is made on the volume of the programmes (relatively to the size of the local government activity level) as well as on the principles adopted for shaping the transfer programmes. The material shows a great variation between the countries, both in philosophy as well as in practical implementation. The systems are normally based on two pillars, one intending to equalise differences in local income potentials, and one to compensate for differences in the needs for public services. The last pillar will be based on models giving credit to social and demographic factors generating the need structure. The analyses focus on differences between the countries in how demographic and social factors are weighted when the need structure is calculated, and how these differences lead to different regional effects of the transfer programmes. The paper also focus on how differences in the equalising of the income potentials lead to different regional effects. The paper end up in a description on the total "un-intended" regional distribution effect of the programmes. The un-intended aspect refer to the fact that regional policy is not (at least formally) an argument in the programmes, they are designed from a welfare and income distribution perspective. However, some aspects are included for some of the countries with a declared regional policy aim. Also, regional policy strategies are often referred to in the debate on the programmes, even when they are not formally included. The mix between implicit and explicit regional policy elements is discussed on a comparative perspective.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Luton ; This thesis examines the important and topical issue of food safety among member states of the European Union. After tracing the development of related legislation, a review of the literature focuses on its management within the European hotel industry. In attempting to account for differences in attitudes and practice towards food safety, the study explores the respective application oftwo opposing theoretical positions. The first, known as divergence theory, which tends to equate culture with nationality, maintains that variation is attributable to inter-country differences in norms and values. The second, convergence theory, argues that culture is more appropriately understood in the organisational sense as functioning at the corporate level of the hotel. Hence, under the latter perspective, an explanation of variance is more likely to be derived from differences in type or ethos of hotel (whether chain or independent) and the ways that they are structured according to mode ofoperation, size and hierarchy. After outlining the methodological difficulties of carrying out a comparative study capable of resolving the foregoing dilemma, the empirical section takes place in two major stages: (1 ) a canvassing of expert opinion, with a view to filling gaps in knowledge of the legislation and its implementation; and (2) the conducting of a sample survey among hotel personnel in a number of EU member states (this stage being preceded by a small, two-phase pilot investigation). In order to contrast the rival theories statistically, the data from the survey are analysed by a series of relevant independent variables and tested for significance. Although there are acknowledged limitations on the degree of generalisation that can be claimed, by and large the convergence theory is upheld. A summary of the findings is provided and a number of implications for the future of food safety legislation in the EU are highlighted.

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Luton ; The past decade has seen an upsurge ofacademic and popular interest in the political activity undertaken by citizens. This thesis presents a predominantly qualitative analysis ofthe nature of voluntary political participation, and subsequently addresses a number of key concerns about the current state of democracy in Britain. It is argued that existing analysis of political participation tends to focus on quantitative questions such as the levels and socio-demographic composition of political activity, with little attention being given to the experiences of those citizens who engage with political organisations. The analysis utilises the theoretical work of JUrgen Habermas in order to consider the potential role of both state mechanisms of participation and structures of civil society within the development of rational and deliberative democracy. The primary research draws upon sixty interviews conducted within the British Labour Party, the British section of Amnesty International, two Tenants' Associations, one Residents' Association and an alternative lifestyle collective known as Exodus. Three main themes are addressed in the form of a comparative study. Firstly, the thesis considers the nature of the various organisations and their membership policies. Secondly, a typology ofpolitical participation and activism is presented. Finally, analysis is provided of the experiences ofthe respondents of the actual process ofparticipation. Addressing these themes enables the thesis to explore the nature of the discourse that occurs within spheres ofvoluntary political participation, and to provide some insight into the dialectical relationship that exists between structures of participation and the activity that develops within such contexts. It is concluded that a range of conflicting tensions currently inform voluntary political participation. These factors raise a number of serious questions about the role of civil society within processes of democratisation.

This dissertation attempts to investigate the intricate mechanisms whereby power relations infiltrate everyday practices and construct us as subjects. Our analy sis starts with a critique of the economism inherent in mainstream conceptualiza tions of power, by relying on Michel Foucault's analysis of power. Then, we set out to answer the following questions: How does the process of subjectification take place? How does one willingly obey, acquiesce to and participate in the dif ferent structures of one's own domination? How does power permeate daily social practices so as to induce an attitude of subjugation that not only renders struc tures of power rational but also submission to them an irreversible fact of natu re? This work attempts to lay the foundations for a general theory of power that would uncover characteristics that hold both for pre-modern as well as modern s ocieties. The focus is not on the institutional or coercive side of power but on the representational side: the realm of significations through which people act and express themselves. Continuous and persistent features such as the intimate link between power and the sacred, the inevitable dwelling of power relations i n collective representations and the social imaginary with its symbolic forms, r itualistic practices and dramatic performances are examined subsequently. Collec tive representations are part of the sacred of respect of every society: the sph ere of beliefs that have binding authority and integrative power over the commun ity. Opposed to the sacred of respect, we will also examine the sacred of transg ression, i.e. the multiplicity of struggles and resistances that foster beneath and alongside the normalizing features of every society. The work is comparative and interdisciplinary in nature as it relies heavily on political anthropology, sociology and philosophy to distill these general features of power

Статья посвящена актуальным проблемам теоретического анализа революционного тер- роризма эпохи модерна. Характеризуются специфические особенности революционного терроризма в плане сравнения исторического опыта Великой французской и Октябрьской революций. Критически оцениваются результаты интерпретации этого опыта в общесо- циологических теориях М. Манна, Б. Мура и И. Валлерстайна, а также в политической философии неомарксизма (М. Хардт, А. Негри, Р. М. Унгер, Т. Иглтон, Ф. Джеймисон). В статье отмечается, что большинство объяснительных макросоциологических моделей ограничиваются лишь «подведением итогов» террористической политики партий и госу- дарств в XVIII–XX вв. Различные аспекты дискуссии вокруг самого феномена террориз- ма и роли государства в его сдерживании или, наоборот, распространении затрагиваются в них лишь косвенно, поскольку террор как таковой нивелирован до уровня сегмента (более или менее существенного) макропроцессов и структур, определяющих эволюцию к индустриальному и постиндустриальному типу общества. При этом историческая ли- ния преемственности между различными этапами эволюции самой политической тра- диции террора трактуется в макромоделях весьма абстрактно и нередко становится едва различимой. Аналитические идеи философии современного левого радикализма также свидетельствуют о том, что неомарксистские идеологи в своем анализе современного терроризма, в определенном плане, остаются столь же приверженными абстрактным фи- лософским конструкциям, как и ученые, ориентирующиеся на макро-теоретические па- радигмы современной социологии и академического марксизма со всеми свойственными им несомненными преимуществами и неизбежными аберрациями. ; The article is devoted to actual problems of the theoretical analysis of the revolutionary terrorism of the modern era. The paper considers the specific features of revolutionary terrorism in frames of a comparison of the historical experience of the French and Russian October Revolutions. In the course of a comparative analysis the authors assess critically the results of the interpretation of this experience in the general sociological theories of Michael Mann, Barrington Moore and Immanuel Wallerstein and political philosophy of Neo-Marxism (Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, Roberto Mangabeira Unger, Terry Eagleton, Fredric Jameson). The article notes that the majority of explanatory macro-sociological models are limited to the «summing up» of the terrorist policy of the parties and States in the XVIII–XX centuries. The various aspects of the discussion around the very phenomenon of terrorism and the role of the state in its containment or, on the contrary, distribution are affected only indirectly, as the terror itself is reduced to the segment level of macro-processes and structures (more or less significant) that determine the evolution to an industrial and post-industrial type of society. The historical line of continuity between the different stages of the evolution of the political tradition of terror is treated in the macro-models very abstractly and often becomes barely visible. Analytical ideas of the philosophy of modern left-wing radicalism also suggest that the neo-Marxist ideologues in their analysis of modern terrorism are equally committed, in a certain respect, to the abstract philosophical constructs, as well as the scientists oriented to macro-theoretical paradigms of modern sociology and academic Marxism with all their characteristic undoubted advantages and unavoidable aberrations.

Cairns, Alan C. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian
State.
By Joyce Green 623Flanagan, Tom. First Nations? Second
Thoughts. Par Jean-François
Savard 625Manfredi,
Christopher P. Judicial Power and the Charter: Canada and
the Paradox
of Liberal Constitutionalism. By Miriam Smith 627Corbo, Claude,
sous la direction de. Repenser l'École : une anthologie
des
débats sur l'éducation au Québec de 1945 au
rapport Parent. Par
Annie Mercure 629Howe, R. Brian and David
Johnson. Restraining Equality. By Paul
Groarke 632Stewart,
David K. and Keith Archer. Quasi-Democracy? Parties and
Leadership
Selection in Alberta. By Harold J. Jansen 634Adkin, Laurie E.
Politics of Sustainable Development: Citizens, Unions and
the
Corporations. By Milton Fisk 635Gibson, Robert B., ed.
Voluntary Initiatives. The New Politics of Corporate
Greening. By Jean
Mercier 637Vosko, Leah F. Temporary Work: The Gendered Rise of
a Precarious
Employment Relationship. By David Camfield 639Amar, Akhil Reed. The Bill of Rights: Creation and Reconstruction. By
Matthew DeBell 640Kagan, Robert A. and Lee Axelrad, eds. Regulatory Encounters: Multinational
Corporations and American Adversarial Legalism. By Susan
Summers Raines 641Barbier, Maurice. La modernité politique. Par Jean-François Lessard
643Badie, Bertrand. The Imported State: The Westernization of the Political
Order. By Geoff Martin 645Gill, Graeme. The Dynamics of Democratization: Elites, Civil Society and
the Transition Process. By Daniel M. Brinks 646Gunther, Richard and Anthony Mughan, eds. Democracy and the
Media: A Comparative Perspective. By Bartholomew Sparrow 648Klieman, Aharon. Compromising Palestine: A Guide to Final Status Negotiations.
By Julie Trottier 650Huang, Jing. Factionalism in Chinese Communist Politics. By Chih-Yu
Shih 652Kim, Samuel S., ed. Korea's Globalization. By Hoon Jaung Chung-Ang
654Powell, Jr., G. Bingham. Elections as Instruments of Democracy: Majoritarian
and Proportional Visions. By Richard Johnston 655Tesh, Sylvia Noble. Uncertain Hazards: Environmental Activists and Scientific Proof. By William Chaloupka 657Watts, Ronald L. Comparing Federal Systems. By Michael Stein 658Eisenstadt, S. N. Paradoxes of Democracy; Fragility, Continuity, and
Change. By Brian Donohue 660Castles, Stephen and Alastair Davidson. Citizenship and Migration: Globalization
and the Politics of Belonging. By Triadafilos Triadafilopoulos
661Sidjanski, Dusan. The Federal Future of Europe: From European Community
to the European Union. By Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly 663DeWiel, Boris. Democracy: A History of Ideas. By Florian Bail 664Newell, Waller R. Ruling Passion: The Erotics of Statecraft in Platonic
Political Philosophy. By Andrew Hertzoff 666Hueglin, Thomas O. Early Modern Concepts for a Late Modern World:
Althusius on Community and Federalism. By Phillip Hansen 668Slomp, Gabriella. Thomas Hobbes and the Political Philosophy of Glory.
By Don Carmichael 670Thompson, Norma, ed. Instilling Ethics. By Gary K. Browning 671Boutwell, Jeffrey and Michael T. Klare, eds. Light Weapons and Civil
Conflict: Controlling the Tools of Violence. By Kirsten E. Schulze
672Falk, Richard. Predatory Globalization: A Critique. By Stella Ladi 674Meyer, Mary K. and Elisabeth Prügl. Gender Politics in Global Governance.
By Naomi Black 675

In recent years, sustainable economic development has been an increasingly higher priority for all, both well and less developed, states. The global economic crisis that broke out in 2008 showed that the steadily high growth rates demonstrated by many countries throughout the pre-crisis years, even giving some of them the honorary titles like, for instance, "Celtic tiger," in actual fact do not always testify to sustainable development. There are economic and social "diseases" that can disrupt, or at least slow down, growth no matter how sustainable it previously seemed. Whereby these diseases can be both internal, that is, determined by trends governing the country's development, and external, that is, brought in from the outside world, making sustainable economic development not at all what it seemed to be before the crisis. Economic development can be considered fully sustainable if it meets the following three conditions: (a) the economy increases at a stable rate that is sufficiently high for its size and for the given time; (b) it is able to efficiently resist external negative impacts; and (c) it is not oriented toward exclusively current tasks, but leaves sufficiently broad opportunities for the future-including with respect to resource distribution. In other words, economic development is sustainable if it is stable, tenable, and long-term. Practical achievement of this sustainability is complicated by the fact that it depends not only on economic factors as such, but also on other components of social development. Conceptually, balanced and harmonious development of the different components of social progress is a mandatory condition of its sustainability as a whole, on the one hand, and of each of these components separately, on the other, whereby in terms of all three parameters of sustainability. We should proceed from the fact that the development curves of different spheres of public life, including the economy, politics, religion, science, education, public health, and culture, wind around the common trunk of social development that forms as their integral result. Should one of these curves ultimately break away from the main trunk (over the span of a hundred years, say), it will be unable to survive independently. Each sphere of social life draws other spheres toward it and tries to bring them to its level of development (higher or lower), which is what causes all the curves to gravitate toward the common trunk. Which curve proves the strongest and is able to attract the others to it depends on a multitude of factors, including its "weight and strength" at a particular historical stage in social development and on how socially important the functions it performs are in public life. The development of the world's countries and regions abounds in examples that confirm this governing law. We know that in Western Europe, the capitalist economy that came to life in the womb of feudalism eventually gave rise to so-called bourgeois revolutions that raised the political system to the economic level. In the U.S., on the contrary, constitutionally enforced political rights opened the way to economic and then cultural development. A splendid illustration, although of an entirely different nature, is the experience of the Arab world. In the pre-Islamic period, Arab tribes were disunited and extremely backward communities.Girls were killed at birth, burying them alive in the desert sand. Along with polygamy, about which much has been said, there was also polyandry, when several (up to ten) men pooled their money to pay for an "extremely expensive" bride and then went into her tent in turn, leaving their staffs propped up outside the door to let the other husbands know that their common wife was currently occupied. The forms of government had only some remote resemblance to statehood. The new religion that emerged proved to be an immeasurably more progressive component of public life than all the rest and drew them along behind it. State- and nation-building essentially began under the auspices of Islam. In historically short time spans, an army (along the lines of a war ministry), integrated financial system (a prototype of the ministry of finance), communication service, and navy were created, while the newly conquered territories were divided into regions (administrative-territorial reform), and so on. Then the Golden Age of the Muslim East, related primarily with the Seljuk Turks, dawned. Along with intensive development of the economy, it was marked by tempestuous scientific progress in mathematics, geography, mineralogy, philosophy, comparative theology and ethics, astronomy, physics and chemistry, psychology, and even political science. Medicine (particularly physiology and pharmacology), practical engineering, and art (poetry, music, architecture, and painting) underwent unprecedented development, not only in the East, but also throughout the world. These and many other achievements of the Golden Age are described in detail in a magnificent article by Professor S. Frederick Starr. In the contemporary world, the different spheres of public life interact somewhat differently, possibly less directly and in more complex ways, although this in no way disaffirms the general patterns that govern them. There is a special case when for some reason, particularly if there is a surplus of resources, the economic prosperity of a state and the wellbeing of society as such race far ahead of other spheres. This is precisely what is happening at present, as we shall see, in Azerbaijan.

Religion and democracy are not only social institutions but also objects of attitudes. This article focuses on conspiracy thinking and its links with attitudes toward religion and democracy. Due to its contextual character, the study is limited to Poland and the article intends to report the data on the subject from surveys conducted in this country. In terms of conspiracy thinking and attitudes toward religion, the literature review of existing Polish survey data (Study 1) led to the conclusion that not all types of religious life are correlated with conspiracy thinking. Individual spirituality (the centrality of religiosity and the quest orientation of religiosity) matters less in terms of conspiracy thinking than religion understood as a specific element of ideology (Polish Catholic nationalism, religious fundamentalism, or collective narcissism). In terms of attitudes toward democracy (Study 2), the original dataset is coded in a new way (as categorial variables) and then presented. It suggests that, contrary to earlier research, conspiracy thinking does not necessarily lead to the support of anti-democratic attitudes. Alienation as much as radicalization might be a consequence of conspiracy thinking. There is no significant difference in terms of conspiracy thinking between adherents of authoritarian rules and conditional democrats, indifferent democrats, or people with ambivalent opinions on democracy, described in comparative research on political culture as dissatisfied democrats or critical citizens. The lower level of conspiracy thinking has been identified only among consistent democrats.

International audience ; Dans les pages qui suivent, nous voulons examiner du point de vue de la théorie politique les caractères de l'idée de fraternité. Appréhendée demanière générique, cette idée renvoie à la communauté familiale, elle évoque formellement la condition de parité dans une fratrie et signifie affectivement le partage d'un patrimoine commun et de sentiments intenses; elle possède également une importante signification religieuse, car les deux religions monothéistes les plus pratiquées au monde (le christianisme et l'Islam) la revendiquent comme une valeur fondamentale, en affirmant que tous les hommes sont frères dans le cadre de leur communauté de foi. Dans notre développement, c'est la signification politique de l'idée de fraternité que nous allons considérer : nous envisageons la fraternité civique à partir des relations qu'elle entretient avec le type de doctrine qui l'a accueillie à la fois comme une pièce centrale pour son programme politique et comme un idéal moral, à savoir la pensée républicaine. Dans la modernité, le cadre républicain, avec ses ambiguïtés, représente en quelque sorte le terreau de l'idée politique de fraternité. Or, la pensée républicaine constitue également une des parties les plus importantes du patrimoine de la théorie politique moderne, et dans unecertaine mesure elle peut encore faire office de paradigme pour le présent des sociétés démocratiques. Notre entreprise se comprend ainsi en fonction de la volonté de dresser un profil conceptuel de l'idée de fraternité au sein du cadre dans lequel elle s'est traditionnellement déployée, et également en regard de l'horizon qui vaut actuellement pour le républicanisme. C'est en effet dans l'histoire vivante du républicanisme que les caractères de la fraternité prennent leur sens.Après avoir restitué les éléments constitutifs de la pensée républicaine, nous entreprendrons de motiver thématiquement le lien entre république etfraternité, avant de le mettre en question : le républicanisme, comme doctrine politique, doit-il ...

The purpose of this investigation is to resolve an almost half a century old debate about the ethics in music and the extent of freedom of artistic expression. This debate originates in a few thousand year-old discourse which held the interests of a social group higher than the music preference of an individual, which has now completely reversed. The arguments for censorship of emotional expression in music that prevailed during Antiquity and Christianity, up until the 19th century, became ideologically tainted by what was perceived as communist propaganda, and was therefore downplayed in the middle of the 20th century. Today, the argument for individual freedom in music preference for production and consumption, has evolved into the status quo of Western music industry. However, unrestrained usage of music is found to lead to substantial increase in aggressive content in music which today constitutes about a fifth of the music products consumed in the U.S. This paper implements a number of approaches to draw a perspective view on the connection between violence in music and violence in society. It provides an insight into the causes for why violent music is cultivated, as well as the causes for persistent denial of ties between violent music and violent behavior that characterizes public consensus and opinion of music scholars.

The book centers on the Austrian reception of French existentialism, a philosophical-literary movement that had an international impact after the Second World War. It examines how the writing, thinking, and lifestyle of the Parisian circle around Jean-Paul Sartre spread in Austria, be it as a subcultural fashion among young people and artists, as an inspiration for writers and intellectuals, or as a provocation in the eyes of various critics. The material reviewed includes coverage of existentialism in newspapers and magazines, theater performances, and academic research and teaching. - Die Studie erforscht, wie das Freiheitsdenken und -schreiben des Pariser Kreises um Jean-Paul Sartre nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in Österreich aufgenommen wurde. Im Zentrum der Untersuchung steht die Präsenz des Existentialismus in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften, in Theaterspielplänen, in der akademischen Lehre und Forschung, als Mode und Subkultur unter Jugendlichen und KünstlerInnen sowie als ein bis in die Gegenwart reichender Impuls für österreichische SchriftstellerInnen.

When students contest an education system they experience as oppressive, what do they imagine could exist instead? This dissertation explores the intersection of politics, education, and the imagination amongst students who mobilised in Brazil and South Africa during the 2015-2016 protest waves. The study focuses on how students learnt from their activism, reimagining both education and society more widely. In Brazil, it focuses on the activity of high school students in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro during the $\textit{Primavera Secundarista}$ (Student Spring). Here, primarily through school occupations, students fought to keep their schools open, supported their striking teachers, and called attention to a crumbling public school system. Simultaneously, they challenged various forms of oppression and questioned the purpose of schooling in an unequal, exploitative society. In South Africa, it focuses on university students in Johannesburg and Cape Town during $\textit{#FeesMustFall}$ and affiliated campaigns. These students exposed problems of university access and funding, decolonising education, and exploitative labour practices in universities, particularly outsourcing workers. They questioned the 'post-Apartheid' social order, continued racism and racialised capitalism, and how universities reproduce these conditions. The dissertation draws on 9 months of fieldwork across four cities, primarily encompassing interviews with student participants and staff working in solidarity, documents and statements produced by participants, and both journalistic and academic articles that have reflected on these processes. It tracks the precursors to and eruption of the mobilisations, how the students involved reconfigured existing coalitions and groups, ran their own educational projects, and in the process challenged ideas and practices of education, thereby shaping their own perspectives. Drawing on literature about the imagination and social movement learning, I argue that students reimagined education conceptually and practically. They challenged the existing education systems, while addressing their experiences of alienation, marginalisation, and exclusion. In doing so, they constructed dialogical, thoughtful spaces of teaching and learning, interrogating the educational system in which they were embedded. Students who took part in politicised collective action over 2015-16 were thus shaped by their experiences, emerging with different perspectives on education and society. ; Mary Gray Studentship, St. John's College

Nach dem 11. September 2001 war der Name der für die Anschläge verantwortlichen Organisation in aller Munde: al-Qāʿida. Der Eingang des Namens in den Sprachgebrauch konnte jedoch für die Experten der Geheimdienste in aller Welt ein Problem nicht überdecken: Was bedeutete der Name der Organisation? Dass sich hinter der formalen Begriffsoberfläche, die sich sicherlich einfach mit "Basis" übersetzen lässt, eine tiefere Bedeutung steckte, konnten die Experten den 2002 veröffentlichten Erinnerungen ʻAbdullāh Anas´ entnehmen. Anas befand sich in den 80er Jahren in der unmittelbaren Umgebung der sich konstituierenden Organisation al-Qāʿida in Peshawar und Miranshah (Pakistan). Er betonte, wie "überrascht [er] vom Namen ´al-Qāʿida´" gewesen war, als er das erste Mal von ihm hörte. Dabei ging es ihm nicht nur um die formale Ebene, sondern auch um die inhaltliche Tiefe dieser Begrifflichkeit, denn schließlich beinhaltet, wie der bekannte Geldgeber der Organisation al-Qāʿidas, Usāma bin Lādin, in Bezug auf den Namen seiner Organisation betonte, "der Name einer Sache […] seine Botschaft und repräsentiert es". Der Grund für diese Überraschung lässt sich erahnen, wenn man sich die Schriften des Mentors von Anas und zugleich sein Schwiegervater, ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām, vergegenwärtigt. In einem Artikel für seine eigene Zeitschrift "AL-JIHAD", die in den 80er Jahren in Peshawar erschien, forderte ʿAzzām, die arabischen Kämpfer gegen die Sowjets in Afghanistan und Pakistan benötigten zunächst eine "solide Basis" (arab. "al-qāʿida al-ṣulba"), auf der sich dann ein "islamischer Staat" errichten ließe. ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām war nun im Peshawar der 80er Jahre kein Unbekannter, sondern er galt nicht nur als "Vater des arabischen Kampfes" gegen die Sowjetunion in Afghanistan, sondern nach 9/11 auch als "geistiger Vater al-Qāʿidas". Ausgangspunkt unserer Untersuchung bildet die Frage, ob diese Begriffskomposition ("al-qāʿida al-ṣulba") tatsächlich von ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām mehr oder weniger "erfunden" wurde, um kurze Zeit darauf von seinem Schüler und vermeintlichen Erben Usāma bin Lādin in Form der Organisation al-Qāʿida umgesetzt zu werden. Die Argumentation, die "solide Basis" bilde eine Art ideologischer Blaupause für die Organisation bin Lādins, hängt zentral von der zeitlichen Nähe zwischen dem erstmaligen Erscheinen der Begriffskomposition im Zeitschriftenartikel ʿAzzāms (angeblich im April 1988) und der vermeintlichen Gründung der Organisation al-Qāʿida im August 1988 ab. Rücken die formale Erfindung der Begriffskomposition und die Gründung der Organisation zeitlich weiter auseinander, steht die These einer "geistigen Vaterschaft" ʿAzzāms und seiner angeblichen "Erfindung" auf dem Spiel. Die Vermutung, auf ältere Belege der "soliden Basis" nicht nur bei ʿAzzām zu treffen, ergibt sich aus einem Hinweis Thomas Hegghammers. In einer wegweisenden biographischen Skizze zu ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām hielt er fest, dass die Begriffskomposition wohl schon von einigen islamisch orientierten Denkern vor ʿAzzām verwendet wurde. Hegghammer blieb leider eine genaue Ausführung zu dieser Vermutung schuldig. Zudem rettete er die "geistige Vaterschaft" ʿAzzāms mit dem Hinweis, auch wenn die Begrifflichkeit schon vorher eine gewisse Verwendung fand, definierte jedoch ʿAzzām in dem erwähnten Zeitschriftenartikel von 1988 die zentralen semantischen Richtlinien für die Begrifflichkeit, die auf die Organisation al-Qāʿida vorauswiesen. Gegen Hegghammers These einer zentralen Bedeutung von ʿAzzāms Definition der Begrifflichkeit im Jahr 1988 spricht ein Hinweis Abū Muṣʿab al-Sūrīs, dem großen "Theoretiker des Ǧihād". In seiner opulenten Schrift, "(Auf-)Ruf des globalen Islamischen Widerstandes", sah er die "solide Basis" als den zentralen Kern einer der vier Schulen des "islamischen Erwachens" in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts an. Leider führte auch Abū Muṣʿab al-Sūrī den Hinweis nur relativ knapp aus. Mit dieser Andeutung haben wir jedoch einen Beleg dafür, erstens, dass es sich lohnt, den Begriff zu untersuchen, zweitens, dass sich ʿAzzām im Kontext einer "Schule" bewegte und drittens, dass der Begriff an sich innerhalb dieser "Schule" eine große Rolle spielte. Die von Hegghammer und Abū Muṣʿab al-Sūrī offen gelassene Ausführung zur "soliden Basis" wollen wir in dieser Arbeit nachholen. Zentrale These der Arbeit ist es, nicht die Begrifflichkeit der "soliden Basis" bildete die Grundlage für die Gründung der Organisation al-Qāʿida, vielmehr grenzten sich das Dioskurenpaar Abū Ḥafṣ und vor allem Abū ʿUbaida (in den 90er Jahren die Nummern zwei und drei innerhalb der Organisation al-Qāʿida) mit ihrem Projekt einer "militärischen Basis" (arab. "al-qāʿida al-ʿaskarīya") machtpolitisch und ideologisch von ʿAzzām und dessen "solider Basis" ab.

I argue that the same factors (strategic and principled) that motivated Catholicism to champion liberal democracy are the same that motivate 21st Century Islam to do the same. I defend this claim by linking political liberalism to democratic secularism. Distinguishing institutional, political, and epistemic dimensions of democratic secularism, I show that moderate forms of political and epistemic secularism are most conducive to fostering the kind of public reasoning essential to democratic legitimacy. This demonstration draws upon the ambivalent impact of Indonesia's Islamic parties in advancing universal social justice aims as against more sectarian policies.