Suchergebnisse

The black race has suffered indignation across the globe through the machinations of oppressive, discriminatory and racist tendencies of developed nations. In United States and Europe, the black man in history had been consistently dehumanized and faced by social injustice. In this article I intend to articulate and examine the possible ways of how the black race could resolve conflicts and attain peace in Africa and across the globe. This would be done through the paradigm of non-violence philosophy of Martin Luther King Jr. Cognizance is accorded to the fact that, the non-violence paradigm had been successfully utilized by Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States to conquer racial discrimination and social injustice. I conclude in this paper that the reliance and efficacy of non-violence in conflict resolution and peace in Africa is a possibility.

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to unearth the genealogy of M. K. Gandhi's "non-violence," the cardinal principle ofsatyāgraha. Previous works considered that Gandhi's concept of non-violence was essentially derived from the "ancient" Hindu–Jain precept ofahiṃsā(non-killing) common in the subcontinent. On the contrary, I will, by examining Gandhi's primary texts in Gujarati, Hindi, and English, demonstrate the following: (1) during Gandhi's sojourn in South Africa (1893–1914) where he led his firstsatyāgrahacampaign, he never associated the termahiṃsāwithsatyāgraha; (2) his satyāgraha campaign was initially explained with the trans-religious and cosmopolitan concepts of Tolstoy and thenirguṇ bhaktas; (3) Gandhi first began to use the termahiṃsāas a nationalist slogan linked withsatyāgrahaimmediately after his return to India in 1915; (4) the English translation ofahiṃsāas "non-violence" was eventually coined by Gandhi after 1919 during his all-Indiasatyāgrahacampaign.

Cet essai fait suite à un premier essai, "Le symbolique est politique". Il se propose de reccueilir les savoirs et les outils d'analyse qui découlent de la violence relationnelle structurelle afin de proposer un projet politique destiné à contrer ces violences.

Purpose– This paper is one of the first attempts to explain the local dynamics of the 2010 ethnic riots in Kyrgyzstan. No scholarly work has attempted to systematically analyze the 2010 ethnic violence and its local dynamics on the neighborhood scale. The purpose of this paper is to shed light on this gap by analyzing neighborhoods' responses to the emerging violence in the city of Osh. In order to do this, the author compares two typical neighborhoods in Osh, one violent and the other non-violent, with different spatial structures and built environments that demonstrate/represent similar dynamics of riots in many other neighborhoods.Design/methodology/approach– The empirical findings of this paper are based on the ethnographic fieldwork the author carried out in 2010 and between 2012 and 2014. During nine months (in total) of the author's ethnographic fieldwork, the author conducted around 60 semi-structured interviews in Osh city mainly with community leaders. In the author's interview sampling, the author used two approaches: the snowball method and geographically/territorially representative sampling.Findings– The author argues that among other factors, a particular type of public space provides favorable conditions for riot occurrence or non-occurrence. For example, in Osh, such places as areas around the central bazaar and densely populated multi-story building complexes were especially riot-prone. By contrast, residential areas with individual-unit houses and low residential mobility represented communally private spaces with more easy riot-control. In addition, some residential areas implemented strategies such as physical self-isolation to avoid violence. By restricting freedom of movement and erecting improvised barricades, the residents of such neighborhoods created a temporally new space with its own rules and interethnic cooperation.Originality/value– This paper suggests new insights in the analysis of riots by connecting theoretical categories and concepts of space provided by scholars of contentious politics and applying them to the case of the 2010 ethnic riots in Osh city. By analyzing riot dynamics on the neighborhood scale, this research contributes to the understanding of the spatial dynamics of ethnic riots.

Vietnamese Buddhist monk and peace activist Thích Nhất Hạnh has been a leading figure in the promotion of nonviolent practice throughout the world. We examine his concept of engaged Buddhism, theories of nonviolence, and intersections with rhetorical and communication studies. His approach takes nonviolence beyond the realm of refusing to use physical violence to the recognition that language itself can be violent. In order to understand this approach we detail the concepts of interbeing, loving speech, and deep listening. We examine the role of love in Nhất Hạnh's theory of nonviolence, comparing it with approaches taken by Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Examples are given from many of Nhất Hạnh's speeches and writings with particular attention paid to a love letter he wrote to US President George W. Bush during the Iraq War. Thích Nhất Hạnh offers the practice of writing a love letter to one's perceived enemy as a means to persuade for a turn to nonviolence.

Liberal peacebuilding has had its fair share of critiques. Along with highlighting its neo-liberal and Western-centric foundations, scholars have also drawn attention to its disregard for Indigenous peace frameworks. Peacebuilding in Palestine is no exception. Based on ethnographic research in the West Bank, this paper examines Orientalist narratives of Palestinian men embedded within the liberal peacebuilding framework and highlights the way that men engaged in unarmed resistance have navigated this terrain through the adoption of public transcripts which (re)narrate the Palestinian story/experience. I argue that this adoption can be interpreted as an act of critical agency where the silencing of their own beliefs is turned on its head to empower and further their agenda and goals. In this way, representation, knowledge, and silence can be understood as not only tools of colonial control, but also tools for Indigenous resistance to Western discourses, narratives, and representations.